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REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS

OF THE

DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION

THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, LITERATURE,
AND ART.

EXETER, JULY, 1912.
[JUBILEE MEETING.]

VOL. XLIV.

[VOL. IV, THIRD SERIES.]

PLYMOUTH :
W. BRENDON AND SON, Ltd., PRINTERS.

1912. , . ,

^ - A a _ u_ L

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[ 4 ]

The Council and the Editor desire it to be understood that
they are not answerable for any statements, observations, or
opinions appearing in any paper printed by the Society ; the
authors only are responsible.

The Transactions of the Society are not published, nor
are they on sale. They are printed for Members only.

[ 5 ]

CONTENTS. ,

Page

List of Plates . . . ... 7

List of Officers . . ... . . . 9

Places of Meeting . . ..... 10

Rales . . . . \ 11

Bye-laws and Standing Orders . . ... 16

Balance Sheet . . . . 20, 21

Report of the Council . . . . 22

Proceedings at the Fifty-first Annual Meeting . . 24

Selected Minutes of Council appointing Committees . 33

Obituary Notices . . . . ... 35

President's Address . . . ... 44

Twenty-fifth Report of the Committee on Verbal Provincialisms . . 69

Thirty-first Report of the Committee on Barrows in Devonshire . . 83

Fourth Report of the Church Plate Committee . . 86

Fourth Report of the Botany Committee . . . 126
Thirtieth Report [3rd Ser.] of the Committee on the Climate of

L>evon . . . . ... 136

A Short Account of the Origin of the Association. Rev. W. Harpley,

M.A., F.C.P.S. . . . . ... 154

William Pengelly, f.r.s., f.g.s., "Father of the Devonshire Association."

Mrs. H. Forbes Julian . . . ... 157

Records of St. Nicholas' Priory, Exeter. Miss Kate M. Clarke . . 192
Illustrations of Municipal History from the Act Book of the Chamber

of the City of Exeter. Prof. Walter J. Harte, m.a. . . . 206

The Fourteenth-century Stained Glass of Exeter Cathedral. F. Morris

*>rake . . ... 231

The Fight at Clystin 1455. Mrs. G. H. Radford . . 252
The Exeter Bond of Association : with some Notes on the Signatures.

Miss Beatrix F. Cresswell . . . 266
The Hundreds of Devon, XIII. The Domesday Hundred of Wenford or

Wonford. Rev. 0. J. Reichel, b.c.l. and m.a., f.s.a. . . 278
Early Descents of the Manors in the Wonford Hundred. Rev. O. J.

Reichel, b.c.l. and m.a., f.s.a. . . ... 312

The Hundreds of Devon, XIV. The Hundred of South Tawton in Early

Times. Rev. 0. J. Reichel, b.c.l. and m.a., f.s.a. . . . 343

Devon Coixnty Members of Parliament. Part I. : The Early Plantagenet

Period (1213-1327). J. J. Alexander, m.a. . . . . 366

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6 CONTENTS.

Page

Plymouth China. Mrs. G. H. Radford . ... 382

Tithe Commutation in Exbourne in the Seventeenth Century. Sir Roper

Lethbridge, k.c.i.e., d.l., j.p., m.a. . . . .394

The Kalenders and the Exeter Trade-Gilds before the Reformation. Mrs.

Frances Rose-Troup . . . ... 406

Corporation of Exeter Estate in Ireland, 1654-6. Rev. J. B. Pearson, d.d. 431
The Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild- Rev. J. F. Chanter, m.a. . . . 438

An Account of the Hospitium de le Egle, Exeter, some Ancient Chapels

in the Close, and some Persons connected therewith. Miss Ethel

Lega-Weekes . . . . ... 480

Drake's Treasure. Colonel E. T. Clifford, v.d. . . . 512

The Maritime Trade of Exeter in Mediaeval Times. H. Michell Whitley,

MEM. INST. C. E. . . . ... 530

Rectors of St. Leonard's, Exeter, since the Commonwealth. Thomas

Cann Hughes, m.a., f.s.a. . . . . . 547

William Wykes, "First Recorder of Exeter"; and Wykes, Sheriff of

Devon. Miss Ethel Lega-Weekes . . . . 561

The Aulnager in Devon. R. Pearse Chope, b.a. . . . . 568

The Exeter and Dartmouth Road. T. J. Joce . . . 597

Twelve Months' Notes on Birds in the South Hams District. E. A. S.

Elliot, M.R.C.S., m.b.o.u. . . ... 605

A Little Bit of Great Torrington Church History in the Time of Queen

Elizabeth. George M. Doe . . . . 611

"The Advancement of Science." Some General Reflections. Arthur R.

Hunt, f.l.s., f.g.s. . . . ... 616

The Borough of Clifton-Dartmouth-Hardness and its Mayors and

Mayoralties. Part II. Edward Windeatt . . \ . . 649

The Petrography of Dartmoor and its Borders. Part III. R. Hansford

Worth, MEM. INST. C.E., f.g.s. . . . . 677

Some of the Rotifera of Devon. J. Stevens, f.r. m.s. . . . 681

Sand Formation against the Saunton Down Cliffs, North Devon. H.

Montagu Evans . . . . . 692

A Survey of Old Burrow Camp, Exmoor. With Notes on the Excava-
tions conducted there in 1911. H. St. George Gray . . .703
{Communicated by the General Secretary.)

The Making of Torbay. A. J. Jukes-Browne, F.R.S., f.g.s. . . 718
{Communicated by R. Hansford Worth.)

Life of Joanna Southcott. Charles Lane . ... 732

{Communicated by R. Pearse Chope.)

Bibliography of Joanna Southcott. Charles Lane . . . 757

{Communicated by R. Pearse Chope.)

List of Members . . . . ... 810

Index .... . . . 827

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PLATES.

Barrow Report —

Plate I. Kistvaen, Tor South of Blackabrook . . . Between pp. 84 and 85
„ IL Blackabrook, South ....,,„

tt III. Blackabrook Group . . . . „ „
„ IV. Blackabrook, Bast ....„„

„ V. „ Roundhill „

„ VI. „ Roundhill, Bast of Summit „ „

„ VII. Roundhill, near 8ummit „ „

Church Plate Report —

Altar Candlesticks at Cathedral . . . . To face p. 98

Elizabethan Chalice and Cover at St. Mary Arches ... „ 111

Early Seventeenth-century Chalice at 8t. Pancras ... „ 116

Elizabethan Chalice and Cover at St. Petrock's .... ,,118

William Penoelly, f.r.s., f.g.s.—

William Pengelly, f.r.s., f.g.s., Father of the Devonshire Association . „ 157

FOURTEENTH-CKSTCRY STAINED GLASS OF EXETER CATHEDRAL—

North Choir Clearstorey, Exeter. Window facing Bishop's Throne . ,, 234

East Window, Bxeter Cathedral ...... ,,237

Bast Window, Bxeter Cathedral. Heads of Lights ante 1389 . . „ 243
East Window, Exeter Cathedral. Heads of Side Lights after Enlarge-
ment of Window . ....... ,,243

The Two Saint Catherines of the East Window, Exeter Cathedral . „ 250

Plymouth China —

Jug "made by the great William Cookworthy of Plymouth " . . ,,889

The White Sphinx ,,892

Cup in the British Museum . . . . . . ,,392

Teapot in the possession of Mr. Doel of Plymouth . . ,,398

As Account of the Hospitium de le Egle—

Plan of Supposed Historic Remains ..... Page 485

Drake's Treasure —

Names of the Survivors of the First Expedition which sailed round

the world with Drake in the Pelican . . . . To face p. 524

The Maritime Trade of Exeter is Medieval Times—

Devonshire Merchants* Marks • „ 53ft

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PLATES.

The Exeter and Dartmouth Road—

Map of the Exeter and Dartmouth Road . ... To face p. 597

Sand Formation against the Saunton Down Cliffs—

Map of Shore of Barnstaple Bay
Overhanging Cliff of Stratified Sand Rock .
Cemented Sand found on Slate Ridges

A Survey of Old Burrow Camp, Bxmoor—

Plate I. Plan of Old Burrow Camp . . . . ,,703

„ II. Sectional Diagrams of Old Burrow Camp . ,, 706

„ III. View of the Ancient Entrance-Causeway . . „ 708

„ IV. Cuttings across the Fosse of the Outer Earthwork . ,, 710

Iron Axe-adze found at Old Burrow Camp ..... Page 711
Plate V. Western Half of the Camp . . . To face p. 712

„ South- west Corner of the "Square" . . . ,,712

The Making of Torbay—

Map of the Torbay Area in Early Pleistocene Time . ,,723

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OFFICERS

1912-13.

THE VISCOUNT ST. CYRES, j.p., m.a.

THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL THE MAYOR OF EXETER
(C. J. VLIELAND, Esq., m.d.).
THE SHERIFF OF EXETER (T. C. PRING, Esq.).
THE RIGHT REV. THE LORD BISHOP OF EXETER.
THE RT. REV. THE LORD BISHOP OF MARLBOROUGH, DEAN OF EXETER.
ROBERT BURNARD, Esq., f.s.a., j.p. | A. T. LORAM, Esq., j.p.

H. CAMPION, Esq.
Principal A. W. CLAYDEN, m.a.,

F.O.S.

J. G. COMMIN, Esq., j.p.
Sir ALFRED CROFT, k.c.i.e., j.p.,
m.a.

H. E. DUKE, Esq., k.c, m.p.

A. H. DYMOND, Esq.

The Rev.Chan cello r EDMONDS, b. d.

The Very Rev. Monsignor GANDY.

G. F. GRATWICKE, Esq.

TheRev. W. HARPLEY, m.a., f.c.p.s.

W. B. HEBERDEN, Esq., c.b., j.p.

Sir HENRY HEPBURN, j.p.

Sir ROPER LET H BRIDGE, k.o.i.e.,

Sir ROBERT NEWMAN, Bart., d.l.,
j.p.

J. G. OWEN, Esq.

H. LLOYD PARRY, Esq., b.a., b.sc,

LL.B.

The Rev. Canon PRYKE, m.a.
C. T. K. ROBERTS, Esq.
R. H. ST. MAUR, Esq., d.l., j.p.
The Ven. Archdeacon SANDERS,

The Right Hon. Sir E. M. SATOW,

pc o c m G
H. B." VARWELL, Esq., j.p.
Sir E. CHANING WILLS, Bart.,

M.A., F.CS.

The Rev. DAVID YOUNG.

D.L., J.P., M.A.

7&on. 0rnrral ^rrasurrr.
J. S. AMERY, Esq., Druid, Ashburton.

3&.on. i9tneral Snretarp.
MAXWELL ADAMS, Esq., c/o Messrs. W. Brendon&Son, Ltd., Printers, Plymouth.

Ifcon. local ftrfasum.
THOMAS SNOW, Esq., j.p., Union of London and Smith's Bank, Exeter.

ffcon. local Smmrp.
SIDNEY ANDREW, Esq., 10, Bedford Circles, Exeter.
$on. auoitor.

ROBERT C. TUCKER, Esq., j.p., c.a., The Hall, Ashburton.

ADAMS, MAXWELL.
♦ADAMS, S. P.
ALEXANDER, J. J.
AMERY, J. S.
ANDREW, SIDNEY.
♦BARING-GOULD, Rev. S.
BLACKLER, T. A.

BODY, MARTIN.

BR1DSON, Miss M. F. C.
*BURNARD, R.

CHALK, Rkt. E. S.

CHANTER, Rev. J. F.
♦CHAPMAN, Rev. C.

CHAPPLE, W. E. PITFIELD.

CHOPE, R. PEARSE.

CLARKE, Miss K. M.

CLAYDEN, A. W.
♦CLIFFORD, Lord.

CLIFFORD, Colokel E. T.
•COLERIDGE, Lord.

CRESSWELL, Miss B. F.
•CROFT, Sir A. W.

DA VIES, W.

DOE, G. M.

DRAKE, F. MORRIS.

DUNCAN. A. G.

Council.

♦EDMONDS, Rev.Chancellor.

ELLIOT, E. A. S.
♦ENYS, J. D.

EVANS, H. M.

♦EXETER, The Lord Bishop
of (Dr. ROBERTSON).

FOSTER, M. T.
♦HALSBURY, Lord.
♦HARPLEY, Rev. W.

HARTE, W. J.

H1ERN, W. P.
*HINE, JAMES.

HODGSON, T. V.

HUGHES, T. CANN.

HUNT, A. R.

JOCE, T. J.

JORDAN, W. F. C

JULIAN, Mrs. FORBES.

LARTER, Miss C. E.

LAYCOCK, C. H.
*LETHBRIDGE, Sir ROPER.

LOWE, HARFORD J.

MARTIN, J. M.
' MORSHEAD, J. Y. A.

NECK, J. S.
I PEARSON, Rev. J. B.

Permanent Members of the Council.

♦POLLOCK, Sir F.
PR1CKMAN, J. 1).
PROWSE, ARTHUR B.
RADFORD, Mrs. G. H.
REED, HARBOTTLE.
REICHEL, Rev. O. J.
SAUNDERS, Miss H.
SKINNER, Misf? E.
SNOW. THOMAS.
*ST. CYRES, Viscount.
*STEBBING, Rev. T. R. R.
STEVENS, J.
THORNTON, Rev. W. H.
TROUP, Mks. ROSE-.
TUCKER, R. C.
WARD, Rkv. J. H.
WATK1N, H. R.
WATTS, H. V. I.
WEEKES, Miss LEGA-.
WHITLEY, H. MICHELL.
WINDEATT, E.
W1NDEATT, G. E.
WOODHOUSB, H. B. S.
WOOLLCOMBB, G. D.
WORTH, R. HANSFORD.

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[ 10 ]

PLACES OF MEETING

THE DEVONSHIEE ASSOCIATION.

Place of Meeting.

100Z.

Exeter .

100a.

Plymouth

1004.

Torquay

1000.

Tiverton

lOOO.

Tavistock

100/ .

DAUNSTArLJS .

1000.

HONITON

iooy.

Dartmouth .

l £7n

10/ v.

Devonport

10/ 1.

BlDEFORD

1 879
10/ L.

Exeter

1 «73
10/ O.

SlDMOUTH

1 874.

1 KIGNMOU 111 .

10/ 0.

TORRINGTON .

10/ 0.

ASHBURTON

1 ft77
10/ /.

Kingsbridge .

1 878
10/ 0.

Paignton

1 87Q
10/ v.

Ilfracombe .

lOOU.

TOTNKS

1001.

Dawlish

100^.

Crediton

100t>.

EXMOUTH

loo4.

Newton Abbot

1 QQC

looO.

Seaton

1000.

St. Marychuroh

Joo/.

Plympton

1 8QQ

lOoo.

Exeter

iooy.

Tavistock

ioyu.

Barnstaple .

1 801

ioy i.

Tiverton

1 QOO

loyz.

Plymouth

1893.

1894!

South Molton

1895.

Okehampton .

1896.

Ashburton .

1897.

Kingsbridge .

1898.

Honiton

1899.

Torrington .

1900.

TOTNES

1901.

Exeter

1902.

BlDEFORD

1903.

SlDMOUTH

1904.

Teignmouth .

1905.

Princetown .

1906.

Lynton

1907.

AXMINSTER .

1908.

Newton Abbot

1909.

Launceston .

1910.

CULLOMPTON .

1911.

Dartmouth .

1912.

Exeter

President.
Sir John Bowring, ll.d., f.r.s.
C. Spence Bate, Esq., f.r.s., f.l.s.

E. Vivian, Esq., m.a.

C. G. B. Daubeny, m.d., ll.d., f.r.s.
Earl Russell, k.g., k.g.c, f.r.s., etc.
W. Pengelly, Esq., f.r.s., f.g.s.
J. D. Coleridge, Esq., q.c, m.a., m.p.

G. P. Bidder, Esq., c.E.
J. A. Froude, Esq., m.a.

Rev. Canon C. Kingsley, m.a., f.l.s., f.g.s.

The Lord Bishop of Exeter (Dr. Temple).

Right Hon. S. Cave, m.a., m.p.

The Earl of Devon.

R. J. King, Esq^, m.a.

Rev. Treasurer Hawker, m.a.

Ven. Archdeacon Earle, m.a.

Sir Samuel White Baker, m.a., f.r.s., f.r.g.s.

Sir R. P. Collier, m.a.

H. W. Dyke Acland, m.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.s.
Rev. Professor Chapman, m.a.

J. Brooking- Rowe, Esq., f.s.a., f.l.s.

Very Rev. C. Merivale, d.d., d.c.l.

Rev. T. R. R. Stebbing, m.a.

R. F. Weymouth. Esq., m.a., d.lit.

Sir J. B. Phear, M.A., f.g.s.

Rev. W. H. Dal linger, ll.d., f.r.s., f.l.s., etc.

Very Rev. Dean Cowie, d.d.

W. H. Hudleston, Esq., m.a., f.r.s., f.g.s , etc.

Lord Clinton, m.a.

R. N. Worth, Esq., f.g.s.

A. H. A. Hamilton, Esq., m.a., j.p.

T. N. Brushfield, m.d., f.s.a.

Sir Fred. Pollock, Bart., m.a.

The Right Hon. Earl of Halsbury.

Rev. S. Baring-Gould, m.a.

J. Hine, Esq., F.R.I.B.A.

Lord Coleridge, m.a.

Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, b.d.

Lord Clifford, m.a.

Sir Roper Lethbridge, k.c.i.e., m.a., d.l., j.p.

Rev. W. Harpley, M.A., f.c.P.s.

Sir Edgar Vincent, K.C.M.G., m.p.

Sir Alfred W. Croft, k.c.i.e., m.a., j.p.

Basil H. Thomson, Esq.

F. T. Elworthy, Esq., f.s.a.

The Lord Bishop of Exeter (Dr. Robertson).

Lord Monkswell, j.p., d.l., ll.b.

The Lord Bishop of Truro (Dr. Stubbs).

John D. Enys, Esq., J. p., f.g.s.

Robert Burnard, Esq., f.s.a., J.r.

Xhe Viscount St. Cyres, j.p., m.a.

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I 11 ]

EULES.

1. The Association shall be called the Devonshire Association
for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art.

2. The objects of the Association are — To give a systematic
direction to scientific inquiry in Devonshire ; and to promote
the intercourse of those who cultivate Science, Literature or Art,
in different parts of the county.

3. The Association shall consist of Members and Honorary
Members.

4. Every candidate for membership, on being nominated by a
member to whom he is personally known, shall be admitted by
the General Secretary, subject to the confirmation of the General
Meeting of the Members.

5. Every person, admitted to membership under Eule 4, shall
forthwith receive intimation that he has been admitted a Member,
subject to confirmation at the next General Meeting of Members ;
and the fact of the newly admitted Member's name appearing in
the next issue of the printed List of Members, will be a sufficient
intimation to him that his election has been confirmed. Pending
the issue of the volume of Transactions containing the Eules of
the Association, the newly admitted Member shall be furnished by
the General Secretary with such extracts from the Eules as he
shall deem necessary.

6. Persons of eminence in Science, Literature, or Art, or those
who have rendered any special service to the Association, may,
at a General Meeting of the Members, be elected Honorary Members
of the Association: but such Honorary Members shall not be
entitled to take any part in the management of the Association.

7. Every Member shall pay an Annual Subscription of Half a
Guinea or a Life Composition Fee of Seven and a Half Guineas.
But Members of not less than Ten Years' standing, whose Sub-
scriptions are not in arrear, may compound by a single payment of
Five Guineas.

8. Annual Subscriptions shall be payable in advance, and shall

RULES.

be due in each year on the first day of January ; and no person
shall have the privileges of a Member until the Subscription for
the current year or a Life Composition has been paid.

9. Any Member who does not, on or before the first day of
January, give notice, in writing, to the General Secretary of his
intention to withdraw from the Association, shall be regarded
as a Member for the ensuing year.

10. Whenever a Member is in arrear in the payment of his
Annual Subscription, the Treasurer shall apply to him for the
same.

11. Whenever, at an Annual Meeting, a Member shall be two
years in arrear in the payment of his Annual Subscriptions, the
Council may, at its discretion, erase his name from the List of
Members.

12. Every Member, whose Subscriptions are not in arrear,
shall be entitled "to a copy of the volume of the Transactions
for the year.

13. Every Member shall be entitled to a lady's ticket for the
Annual Meeting.

14. Only ladies shall be eligible for admission as Associates to
an Annual Meeting, on payment of the sum of Five Shillings each.

15. The Association shall meet annually, at such a time in July
or August and at such place as shall be decided at a previous
Annual Meeting.

16. One month at least before the Annual Meeting each Mem-
ber shall be informed by the General Secretary, by circular, of the
place and date of the Meeting.

17. The affairs of the Association shall be managed by a Council,
which shall consist exclusively of the following Members of the
Association : —

(a) Those who fill, or have filled, or are elected to fill, the offices
of President, General and Local Treasurers, General and Local
Secretaries, and Secretaries of Committees appointed by the
Council.

(b) Authors of papers which have been printed in exlenso in
the Transactions of the Association.

The Council so constituted shall have power to make, amend,
or cancel the Bye-laws and Standing Orders.

18. With the exception of the ex-Presidents, every Councillor
who has not attended any Meeting of the Council for twenty-four
calendar months, shall forfeit his place as a Councillor, but it
shall be competent for him to recover it by a fresh qualification.

RULES.

19. The Council shall hold a meeting at Exeter in the month
of February in eacli year, on such day as the General Secretary
shall appoint, for the due management of the affairs of the Asso-
ciation.

20. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, all Meetings of
the Council shall he held at Exeter, unless some other place shall
have been decided, on at a previous Council Meeting.

21. Every Meeting of the Council shall be convened by circular,
sent by the General Secretary to each Member of the Council not
less than ten days hef ore the Meeting is held.

22. The General Secretary, or any four Members of the Council,
may call extraordinary Meetings of their body for any purpose
requiring their present determination, by notice under his or
their hand or hands, addressed to every other Member of
the Council, at least ten clear days previously, specifying the
purpose for which such extraordinary Meeting is convened. No
matter not so specified, and not incident thereto, shall be deter-
mined at any extraordinary Meeting.

23. The officers of the Association shall be a President, two or
more Vice-Presidents, a General Treasurer, one or more General
Secretaries, one or more Auditors, a Local Treasurer, and one or
more Xiocal Secretaries.

24. A Committee shall be appointed annually by the Council
to consider at what place the Association shall hold its Annual
Meeting, and who shall be invited to fill any official vacancies
which may from time to time occur, as follows : —

(a) The President subject to confirmation by the Council.

(b) All other officers (except Vice-Presidents, the Local Treasurer,
and Local Secretary or Secretaries) subject to confirmation at a
General Meeting of the Members of the Association.

25. The Vice-Presidents, Local Treasurer, and Local Secretary
or Secretaries shall be elected by the local Reception Committee
appointed by the Authorities of the city or town issuing the in-
vitation to the Association, subject to confirmation by the Council
of the Association ; and the Council shall have power to add to
the number of Vice-Presidents elected by the Local Authorities
from among the Members of the Association.

26. The President shall enter on his duties at the Annual Meeting
for which he has accepted office : the General Treasurer, General
Secretary or Secretaries, the Vice-Presidents and Local Officers shall
enter on their duties as soon as convenient after their election.

27. The Council shall have power to fill any official vacancy
which may occur in the intervals of the Annual Meetings, on the
recommendation of the Committee appointed under Rule 24.

Digitized by

RULES.

28. The President shall be eligible for re-election, provided that
the same person does not hold office in two consecutive years.

29. The General Treasurer shall receive all sums of money due to
the Association ; he shall pay all accounts due by the Association
after they shall have been examined and approved ; and he shall
report to each Meeting of the Council the balance he has in hand,
and the names of such Members as shall be in arrear, with the
sums due respectively by each.

30. The Accounts of the Association shall be audited annually,
by one or more Auditors appointed at each Annual Meeting, but
who shall not be ex- officio Members of the Council.

31. All investments of the funds of the Association shall be
made in the names of three trustees to be elected by the Council,
in securities authorized by law for the investment of Trust
Funds.

32. The Association shall have the right at its discretion of
printing in extenso in its volume of Transactions all papers read at
the Annual Meeting. The copyright of a paper read before any
Meeting of the Association, and the illustrations of the same which
have been provided at his expense, shall remain the property of
the Author ; but he shall not be at liberty to print it, or allow it
to be printed elsewhere, either in extenso or in abstract amounting
to as much as one-half of the length of the paper, until after
the issue of the volume of Transactions in which the paper is
printed.

33. The Association shall, within a period not exceeding six
months after each Annual Meeting, issue to each Member and
Honorary Member its volume of Transactions, which shall in-
clude the Rules, a Financial Statement, a List of the Members,
the Report of the Council and of the Proceedings, the President's
Address, and such Papers, in abstract or in extenso, read at the
Annual Meeting, as the Council shall decide to print, together
with, if time allows, an Index to the volume.

34. Should the extra charges for small type, and types other
than those known as Roman or Italic, and for the author's correc-
tions of the press, in any paper published in the Transactions,
amount to a greater sum than in the proportion of ten shillings
per sheet, such excess shall be borne by the author himself, and not
by the Association ; and should any paper exceed three sheets,
the cost beyond the cost of the three sheets shall be borne by the
author of the paper.

35. If proofs of papers to be published in the Transactions are
sent to authors for correction, and are retained by them beyond
four days for each sheet of proof, to be reckoned from the day

Digitized by

RULES.

marked thereon by the printers, but not including the time need-
ful for transmission "by post, such proofs shall be assumed to require
no further correction.

36. The authors of papers printed in the Transactions shall,
within seven days after the Transactions are issued, receive
twenty-five private copies free of expense, and shall be allowed to
have any further number printed at their own expense. All
arrangements as to such extra copies shall be made by the authors
with the printers of the Association. The Honorary Secretaries of
Committees for special service for the Association, may, on appli-
cation, be supplied with fifteen additional copies, free of expense,
should they be required, of the Reports of their Committees printed
in the Transactions.

37. No Rule shall be altered, amended, or new Rule added, except
at an Annual General Meeting of Members, and then only pro-
vided that notice of the proposed change has been given to the
General Secretary, and by him communicated to all the Members
at least one month before the Annual General Meeting.

38. Throughout the Rules, Bye-laws, and Standing Orders
where the singular number is used, it shall, when circumstances
require, be taken to include the plural number, and the masculine
gender shall include the feminine.

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[ 16 ]

BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.

1. It is desirable that a copy of the President's Address shall
be in the hands of the General Secretary not later than the twenty-
fourth day of June in each year, in order that it may be printed
and distributed to the Press in time for publication in newspapers
issued on the day after its delivery. The President's Address
shall be considered a confidential document until after its delivery.

2. Papers to be read at the Annual Meetings must strictly relate
to Devonshire, and the procedure for the submission, selection
and reading of papers shall be as follows : —

(a) Papers and Reports of Committees to be read at any Meeting,
together with all drawings, photographs, maps, etc., to illustrate
the same, must be submitted to the General Secretary, so as to
reach him not later than the twenty-fourth day of June in each
year.

(6) All Papers and illustrations considered unsuitable shall be
returned to the authors as soon as possible.

(c) The General Secretary will obtain from the printers of the
Association for presentation to the Council a statement showing
the number of pages each Paper and Report will occupy when
printed, the estimated extra cost of printing tables, of the use of
special type or change of type, and of all other extra charges, if
any, in each Paper and Report, as well as the estimated cost of
all charges connected with the preparation, binding and issue of
the volume of Transactions.

(d) The General Secretary will communicate the printers' report
and estimates to the Council, at the Meeting of that body on the
first day of the Annual Meeting. The Council will then select the
Papers and Reports to be read on the two following days.

3. Papers which have already been printed in extenso cannot be
accepted unless they form part of the literature of a question on
which the Council has requested a Member or Committee to
prepare a Report.

4. The reading of any Report or Paper shall not exceed twenty
minutes, or such part of twenty minutes as shall be decided by the

BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.

Council as soon as tlie Programme of Reports and Papers shall
have been settled, and in any discussion which may arise no speaker
shall be allowed to speak more than five minutes.

5. The Council will arrange Papers for reading to meet the con-
venience of the authors, as far as possible. Papers shall be read
in the order appointed by the Council, but in the event of the author
of any Paper not being present to read his Paper, and in the absence
of any arrangement by the author of a Paper for its reading by
some Member present at the meeting, such Paper or Papers, if
more than one, shall be held over till the conclusion of the reading
of the Papers, when it shall be put to the vote of the Meeting
whether such Paper or Papers shall be read by substitute or not.

6. Papers which have been accepted by the Council cannot be
withdrawn without the consent of the Council.

7. Papers communicated by Members for Non-Members, and
accepted by the Council, shall be placed in the List of Papers for
reading below those furnished by Members themselves.

8. In the event of there being at an Annual Meeting more
Papers than can be disposed of in one day, the reading of the
residue shall be continued on the day following.

9. At the close of the Annual Meeting in every year there
shall be a Meeting of the Council, and the Council shall then
decide what Reports and how many of the Papers accepted for
reading the funds of the Association, as reported by the Treasurer,
will permit of being printed in the volume of Transactions.

10. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall
decide to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be sent to the
printers, together with all drawings required for illustrating them,
as soon as possible after the close of the Annual Meeting at which
they were read.

11. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall
decide not to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be returned
to the authors as soon as possible after the close of the Annual
Meeting at which they were read ; and abstracts of such Papers
to be printed in the Transactions shall not exceed such length
as the General Secretary shall suggest in each case, and must be
sent to him within seven days after such Paper has been returned
to the author.

12. The printers shall print the Papers in the volume of Trans-
actions in the order in which they were read, unless there is any
special reason for the contrary, and shajl return every Manuscript
to the author as soon as it is in type, but not before. They shall be
returned intact, provided they are written on one side of the paper

only and each sheet numbered.

VOL,. XLXV. B

BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.

13. Excepting mere verbal alterations, no Paper which has been
read to the Association shall be added to without the written
approval and consent of the General Secretary, or in the event of
there being two Secretaries of the one acting as Editor ; and no
additions shall be made except in the form of footnotes or brief
postscripts, or both.

14. The author of every Paper which the Council at any Annual
Meeting shall decide to print in the Transactions shall pay for the
preparation of all such illustrations as in his judgment and that of
the Council the said Paper may require. That is to say, he shall
pay for the preparation of all necessary drawings, blocks, litho-
graphic transfers or drawings on stone ; but the Association will
bear the cost of printing (by the Association's printers), paper and
binding ; provided that should any such illustrations be in colours
or of a size larger than can be inserted in the volume with a single
fold, or be desired to be executed in any other process than printing
from the block or lithography, then in each and either of these
cases the author shall himself bear the whole cost of production
and printing, and should the Council so decide shall also pay any
additional charge that may properly be made for binding.

15. The pagination of the Transactions shall be in Arabic
numerals exclusively, and carried on consecutively, from the
beginning to the end of each volume ; and the Transactions of
each year shall form a distinct and separate volume.

16. The Council shall from time to time, when deemed advisable,
revise the prices fixed for each volume of 'the Transactions and all
other publications of the Association.

17. The General Secretary shall report to each Annual Meeting
of the Members the number of copies in stock of each volume of
the Transactions, and other publications of the Association, with
the price per copy of each volume ; and such Report shall be printed
in the Transactions.

18. The General Secretary shall prepare brief Obituary Notices
of Members deceased during the previous year, and such notices
shall be printed in the Transactions.

19. All Resolutions appointing Committees for special service for
the Association shall be printed in the Transactions.

20. The following are the Rules for reprinting Reports of
Committees other than the reprints supplied to authors under
Rule 36 :—

(a) The printers of the Association alone are permitted to reprint
any Report.

(b) The written permission of the General Secretary is required

Digitized by

BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.

before any Report may be reprinted, the copyright of all Reports
printed in the Transactions being vested in the Association.

(c) The printers shall pay to the General Secretary on behalf of
the Association, as royalty, a sum of sixpence per fifty copies for
each half-sheet of eight pages, any number of copies less than fifty
or between two exact multiples of fifty being regarded as fifty,
and any numher of pages less than eight or between two exact
multiples of eight, being regarded as eight.

(d) Each copy of the reprint shall have printed on the first page
the words, " Reprinted from the Transactions of the Devonshire
Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art,

for — by permission of the Council of the Association/ '

the year in which the Report was originally printed being indicated.

(e) The reprint shall be an exact copy of the Report as originally
printed in the Transactions, without addition, abridgment or
modification, the necessary corrections for printer's errors and
changes in pagination alone excepted.

21. An amount not less than eighty per cent, of all Compositions
received from Life Members of the Association shall be invested.

22. At each of its Ordinary Meetings the Council shall deposit at
interest, in such bank as they shall decide on, and in the names of
the General Treasurer and General Secretary of the Association,
all uninvested Compositions received from Life Members, all
uninvested prepaid Annual Subscriptions, and any part, or the
whole of the balance derived from other sources which may be in
the Treasurer's hands after providing for all accounts passed for
payment at the said Meeting.

23. The General Secretary is authorized to spend any sum not
exceeding Twenty Pounds per annum in employing a clerk for
such work as may he found necessary, and any sum not exceeding
Two Guineas for the preparation of an Index to each annual volume
of the Transactions.

24. Only Members and Ladies holding Ladies' tickets are
admitted to the Association Dinner, when one is held. Members
and Ladies intending to dine must send in their names to the
Honorary Local Secretary not less than two clear days before the
date of the Dinner.

Digitized by

C 20 ]

Treasurer's Report of Receipts and Expenditure

•Receipts.

By Subscriptions : —

1910 (7) ...

1911 (412)

Lady Associates (4)

,, Life Compositions^
3 at £5 5s.
1 at £7 17s. 6d. .
1 at £10

„ Dividends —

£400 India 3 per cent
£300 Consols 2\ per cent
Bank Interest

Authors' Excess under Rule 29
„ The Rev. O. J. Reichel
,, Miss Cresswell
„ Mr. W. P. Hiern .

Mr. J. J. Alexander

Discount from Messrs. Brendon and Son, Ltd.
Sale of Transactions

,, Balance from 1910 Account

£ s. d.

3 13 6

216 6

220 19 6

15 15
7 17 6
10

10 4 6
7 1 4
2 10

4 9 7

2 3

1 13 10

1 17 4

9 2 3
1 17 6

33 12 6

19 6 8

10 3 9

- 10 19 9

295 2 2

. 85 18 6

£381 8

,, Balance brought down . ... £14215 2

JOHN S. AMERY, Hon. General Treasurer.

Digitized by

[ 21 ]

for the Year ending 31st December, 1911.

d. £

To Messrs. Brendon and Son, Ltd., printing Notices,

£ s.

etc. . . . .

10 8

„ Messrs. Dent and Pearse ditto

1 7

— 11

,, Secretary's Expenditure

14 14

and Assistant ....

24 14

Treasurer's Expenditure

3 10

,, Wright, Illustrating Lecture

. 1

,, Record Society, Devon Wills, Part XI .

. 14

Messrs. Brendon and Son, Ltd. : —

Printing Vol. XLIII, 575 copies, 438 pp.

145 19

Authors' Reprints, 25 copies each

11 5

Addressing, packing, and postage

15 17

173

Insurance of Stock to 31st December, 1912

. 1

,, Legal expenses, re appointment of new Trustees

. 7

238

Balance . • . . .

. 142

£381

,, Purchase of £50 Stock India 3 per cent and

Brokerage (Life Compositions, 1911)

. 40

Balance •

. 102

£142

Examined toith Vouchers, and found to be correct, with a balance of
£142 155. 2d. in, favour of the Association, this Wth day of July, 1912.

{Signed) ROBERT C. TUCKER, Auditor.

Digitized by

[ 22 ]

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.

Presented to the General Meeting held at Exeter, tSrd July, 1912.

Meetings of the Council were held at Dartmouth on
25 and 27 July, 1911, at which the business transacted
was of a purely routine character.

The Winter Meeting of the Council was held at Exeter
on 29 February, 1912, at which, in addition to the transac-
tion of the ordinary routine business, it was decided to
accept a cordial invitation proffered to the Association
by the Urban District Council of Buckfastleigh to hold
its Annual Meeting in 1913 in that town ; a Committee
was appointed (p. 34) to prepare a list of "Ancient
Monuments" in the County of Devon which it is con-
sidered desirable should be handed over to the custody
of the First Commissioner of Works, under the provisions
of the Acts of 1882 and 1900, with the view to their preser-
vation and protection, and the Somersetshire Archaeological
and Natural History Society and the Dorset Natural
History and Antiquarian Field Club were added to the
list of Societies receiving complimentary copies of the
Transactions of this Association. Also, the Bye-Laws
as revised by the Committee appointed for the purpose,
after amendments by the Council, were adopted and put
into force, and the Rules as revised by the same Com-
mittee were approved and ordered to be submitted to a
General Meeting of the Members for sanction.

A copy of Vol. XLIII of the Transactions and of Part XI
of the Wills has been sent to every Member not in arrear
with his subscription, and to the following Societies,
namely — the Royal Society, the Society of Antiquaries,
the Linnean Society, the Royal Institution, the Royal
Anthropological Institute, the Geological Society, the
Library of the British Museum, the British Museum
Natural History Society, the Bodleian Library, the Uni-
versity Library, Cambridge, the Devon and Exeter Insti-
tution, the Plymouth Institution, the Natural History

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL. 23

Society, Torquay, the North Devon Athenaeum, Barnstaple,
the Royal Institution of Cornwall, Truro, the Somerset-
shire Archaeological and Natural History Society, the
Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club (c/o
Rev. Herbert Pen tin, m.a., Hon. Secretary, Milton Abbey
Vicarage, Blandford, Dorset), and Yale University Library,
U.S. A. (c/o Wm. Wesley and Son, 28 Essex Street, Strand,
London, W.C.).

The stock of Transactions , Witts, etc., now in hand is as
follows : —

Transactions, Vol. XXXIV 59 copies
Wills, Part IV . . . 64 „
Index to Vol. XXXIV. . 82 „
Transactions, Vol. XXXV . 26
Wills, Part V . . . 26 „
Transactions, Vol. XXXVI . 42
Wills, Part VI . . . 42 „
Transactions, Vol. XXXVII. 59 „
Wills, Part VII . . . 60 „
Transactions, Vol. XXXVIII 22 „
Wills, Part VIII . . 25 „
Transactions, Vol. XXXIX . 61 „
(No Wills issued.)
Transactions, Vol. XL . 69 „
Wills, Part IX . . . 68 ,
Transactions, Vol. XLI . 63 „
(No Wills issued.)

Transactions, Vol. XLII . 47 „
Wills, Part X . . . 70 „
Transactions, Vol. XLIII . 54 „
Wills, Part XI . . . 76 „

Maxwell Adams,

Hon. General Secretary.

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[ 24 ]

PROCEEDINGS AT THE MEETING HELD AT
EXETER ON THE 23rd TO 26th JULY, 1912,
IN CELEBRATION OF THE FIFTIETH ANNI-
VERSARY OF THH ASSOCIATION.

Fifty years ago, on the 14th August, 1862, the then
newly founded Devonshire Association held its first
meeting in the City of Exeter, The Rev. William Harpley,
its first Secretary, and one who wielded its destinies for
thirty-eight years, tells, in this volume (p. 154), the story
of how the idea of a County Association was conceived
in Plymouth and bore fruit by the holding of that meeting
in Exeter. It was therefore with no little gratification that
the members, in July, 1909, received from the Town
Council of Exeter an invitation couched in most kindly
terms to celebrate . the fiftieth anniversary of the first
meeting in the City of its birth, and the graceful compli-
ment implied by this invitation was so highly appreciated
that it was gratefully accepted. Though the Association
has visited Exeter on three occasions since that first
meeting, on each of which it has been most cordially re-
ceived and welcomed, it was left for its fifth visit in 1912
for the citizens to excel themselves in the warmth and
kindliness of their reception and in the hospitality ex-
tended to the members. The Jubilee Meeting of 1912 will
therefore be a memorable one in the annals of the Associa-
tion, not only on account of the cordiality of its recep-
tion, but also for the number and merit of the papers
submitted for reading and publication in the Transactions,
and the large attendance at all the meetings.

A Meeting of the Council was held at 2 p.m. on 23rd
July, followed by the General Meeting at 3.30 p.m., at
which, among other matters, the Rules as revised by the
Committee appointed for the purpose were adopted, and
on the suggestion of Mr. Charles Fox it was agreed that
the names of the two surviving original members, the
Rev. William Harpley and Mr. James Hine, who were
both present, should in future head the List of Members.

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING. 25

At 4.30 p.m. a large number of members attended the
public reception of the Association by the Mayor of Exeter
in the Guildhall. His Worship, who wore his robes and
chain of office and was accompanied on the Bench by the
Mayoress, the Sheriff and Mrs. T. C. Pring, Sir Roper
Lethbridge, Mr. Maxwell Adams, and Mr. Lloyd Parry
(Town Clerk), in offering the visitors a hearty welcome to
the City, said the main object of their visit was to add to
the already very valuable records of the science, art, and
literature of their beloved county. One might have
thought that in fifty years they would have plumbed the
depths of all that was to be learnt on those subjects, but
those who knew best would, he was sure, agree with him
that the work of the Association grew with the years, and
that the depths could never be plumbed, and that our
descendants, when they were celebrating the 500th
anniversary, would still find that the work of learning
to know Devon in her manifold aspects would be even
then in its infancy. Amidst their labours, they would
require recreation, which the City had done its best to pro-
vide, and he hoped they would find it to their liking. If
it did not meet their requirements, they must blame their
Secretary, who, it seemed, had cut down the hours that
might have been spent in recreation and in exploring
the interest and charm of the City. His Worship said the
citizens were delighted to see the members in their midst.

Sir Roper Lethbridge, as the senior ex-President present,
thanked the Mayor for the warmth of his reception. He
said it was his pleasant duty to return thanks to his
Worship for his kindly remarks on this momentous occa-
sion in the Association's history, namely, their Jubilee
Meeting. It was indeed fitting that for this occasion the
Association should have been allowed to visit the Capital
of the County, and the Mayor had added to their obliga-
tion by the kindness and particular warmth of his reception.
He (Sir Roper) spoke for every true-born Devon man and
woman when he said that Exeter, the Ever Faithful, the
Queen of Cities, and the Star of the West, was a star which
drew out their hearts towards it wherever they might
be, whether beneath the torrid suns of India or amid the
snows of Canada. In quasi-aUiance with this Association
there were Societies of Devonshire men and women in
almost every centre of the globe where the British flag was
flown. He had, himself, belonged to one at Calcutta, and

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.

these Societies existed as wide apart as Durban, Toronto,
and Sydney. Exeter was the epitome of the history not
only of this county, but of the whole of the race ; it had
always stood for the right cause, and always, please God,
would do so.

The members were then entertained at tea in the
Mayor's Parlour, and a party of them were taken by;
Miss B. F. Cresswell to the City police-station, where they
were shown the Roman tessellated pavement, and to
St. Pajicras Church, while Mr. Harbottle Reed conducted
a party to Exe Bridge, St. Edmund's Church, the Chantry,
the site of Westgate, Stepcote Hill, Tucker's Hall, and
St. Nicholas' Priory. Mr. Harbottle Reed also conferred
a boon on the members by printing a booklet containing
short notes on the places visited with him, which was
much appreciated. The Town Clerk displayed the civic
regalia and some of the City's ancient charters, giving a
short account of the history of the Guildhall and of the
exhibits to many interested members.

At 9 p.m. the President, the Viscount St. Cyres, de-
livered his Presidential Address in the Royal Albert
Memorial (see p. 44). Colonel E. T. Clifford, v.d., who,
in the unavoidable absence of the retiring President, Mr.
R. Burnard, introduced Lord St. Cyres, said he accepted
the honour of presiding as a compliment to the Association,
of which he had the honour to be chairman — the London
Devonian Association. He accepted it as a mark of their
approval of the Society's existence — for they had had a
struggle to exist — approval of their objects at home and
abroad, objects which were worth while, and which they
believed that all the shires in the kingdom would be glad
to copy in due time, and which in the days to come would
help to forge that link which would bind together the
English-speaking race. Lord St. Cyres had been very
good and very discreet in the selection of his father and
grandfather. He knew Lord Iddesleigh's father well, and
he was one of the dearest men that ever lived — a soul of
honour and a pillar of the empire. Viscount St. Cyres was
a member of a family which had long been intimately
and happily associated with the City of Exeter.

The Mayor (Dr. C. J. Vlieland) proposed a vote of
thanks to the President for his address, which had, he said,
been from first to last of surpassing interest — in fact, one
could only wonder and admire at the mine of biography

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING. 27

ol those Devonshire worthies which had been concentrated
into the time and space. His Worship congratulated Vis-
count and Lady St. Cyres on their recent marriage, and
said he did so with the very greatest pleasure, not only
on behalf of the Association, but also on behalf of the City
of Exeter. They had always looked on Viscount St. Cyres*
house as citizens of Exeter ; they wished to do so, and
were proud of it. They could not forget the many benefits
which his house had conferred on their City. The very
building in which they were at that moment owed its
foundation really to the first Lord Iddesleigh, who saw
further ahead than almost any Devonian of his time. He
saw the educational possibilities of Exeter, situated as she
was in the very heart of the county. He looked at the
Royal Albert Memorial in the threefold aspect of Library,
Museum, and Higher Learning. It was a coincidence that
it was in 1862 that the Albert Memorial took its birth — the
same year as the birth of the Devonshire Association, so
that they were really celebrating a double jubilee.

The Sheriff, seconding, remarked that, fortunate as the
Association had always been in its President, it had never
made a more fortunate choice than it did in this jubilee
year in electing Viscount St. Cyres as its President. Vis-
count St. Cyres was bound to Exeter by very many ties,
and no one appreciated better the family to which he
belonged than the City of Exeter, who knew them so well.
They did not forget the services which the first Lord
Iddesleigh rendered to the County and to the City, nor
did they forget the services which the present Earl had
rendered.

The vote was carried with acclamation, and Viscount
St. Cyres briefly returned thanks.

On Wednesday, 24th July, in the large Lecture Room of
University College, the reading of the Reports and Papers
was commenced at 10 a.m., with Mr. J. D. Enys in the
chair. Not the least interesting of the many papers read
on this day was Mr. Harpley's account of the origin of the
Association, which will stand for all time as the authentic
history of its genesis, and the author was congratulated
by the Chairman on having placed on record facts which
could not have been given by anyone else now living,
Adding that the members ought to be especially grateful
to him. This pager was fittingly followed by a memoir
of the " Father of the Association " — Mr. William Pengelly

28 PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.

— by his daughter, Mrs. Forbes Julian, on which the Rev.
T. Flavell voiced the appreciation of the members, and
assured Mrs. Julian how deeply they venerated the memory
of the man who did Devonshire such great service. The
interest of Mrs. G. H. Radford's paper on " Plymouth
China," also read on this day, was greatly added to by
the fine loan collection of Plymouth china exhibited in
the Museum during the meeting, the principal piece being
a lovely sphinx, by William Cookworthy, dated 1770, and
owned by Mrs. Radford, which was given a prominent
place in the Plymouth china case.

At 4 p.m. Lord and Lady St. Cyres, who had very con-
siderately curtailed their wedding tour, in order that they
might be present at the meetings and entertain the Asso-
tion, received a large number of members and private
guests who had been invited to meet them, in the Palace
Grounds, lent to them for the occasion by the Lord Bishop
of Exeter. Tea was served in marquees and in the old-world
gardens of the Palace, while the Royal Naval Band from
Devonport and the Cathedral Quartette " discoursed sweet
music." The weather was beautifully fine, and in a
setting suggestive of an " abode of ancient peace " the
scene was picturesque in the extreme and the party a
delightful success. At intervals during the afternoon
parties collected at the Postern Gate within the Palace
Grounds and were taken over the Cathedral by the Rev;
Canon Pryke and its story told, a courtesy gratefully
appreciated by those privileged to hear it.

In the evening, the Mayor and Mayoress received a
large number of guests, who had been invited to meet the
members of the Association, in the Royal Albert Memorial.
The Queen Street front of the building was gaily il-
luminated, while halberdiers lined the main staircase and
corridors. Concerts were given at intervals by the band
of the Royal First Devon Yeomanry, and vocal music, ren-
dered by Miss May Bartlett, Miss Louise Sims, Mr. and
Mrs. Woodbridge, Mr. J. S. Perry, and Mr. W. J. Belgrove,
delighted appreciative audiences. In the Fisher Library the
City Archives, Seals, and Regalia were exhibited, and Mr.
Tapley-Soper, the City Librarian, displayed his treasures
from the City, Fisher, and Brooking-Rowe collections,
comprising Devonshire books, manuscripts, and the re-
cently acquired Ralegh collection from the library of the
late Dr. Brushfield. Miss Beatrix Cresswell also specially

Digitized by

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING. 29

lent for this exhibition her valuable collections for the
history of the fabrics and features of interest of all the
churches of Devonshire, contained in twenty-three manu-
script volumes. The Exeter Pictorial Record Society
exhibited, in another part of the building, photographs of
buildings, courts, and. terraces of Exeter which have dis-
appeared or are about to be demolished, Church Plate, etc.
In the Museum and. Picture Gallery, Mr. F. R. Rowley,
the Curator, was assiduous in explaining to the guests the
many and various objects of interest in his charge. The
reception was a brilliant and most interesting gathering,
and the courtesy of the Mayor and Mayoress much appre-
ciated.

On Thursday, 25th July, the reading of the papers was
resumed at 10 a.m., with Mr. J. D. Enys in the chair until
the arrival of the President. At the General Meeting,
which followed, votes of thanks for the excellent arrange-
ments made for the reception of the Association and for the
hospitality received were cordially passed. At the Council
Meeting held subsequently, it was decided to print in
extenso all the Reports and Papers read at this meeting
in the volume of Transactions for 1912.

At 4 p.m. a party went down the canal to Topsham —
said to be the oldest canal in England — in a flotilla of
launches, under the command of Mr. C. J. Ross in the
Otranto. A picnic tea was provided en route, and a most
enjoyable afternoon was spent. Another party drove to
the Waterworks at Cowley Bridge, where the lovely
gardens of Mr. Kneel, bright with a prbfusion of blooms,
proved more attractive than the tea provided in his
picturesque summer-house. A third party, under the
guidance of Mr. Harbottle Reed, visited St. Petrock's
Church, the Law Library, a courtyard in the Close,
Mallock's House, St. Catherine's Almshouses, Bampfylde;
House, and other places of interest, as also the Sub-
terranean Passages of Exeter.

In the evening, the Sheriff and Mrs. T. C. Pring enter-
tained the members and their private friends at a most
delightful cU fresco party in the lovely grounds of Rouge-
mont House, recently acquired by the City. It is impossible
to describe the enchanting, fairy-like scene into which
the grounds of the mansion had been transformed.
The house was outlined with innumerable electric
lamps — ruby, green, and gold being the predominating

Digitized by

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.

colours. The flower-beds were bejewelled with tiny
lamps ; Chinese lanterns hung from the noble trees ;
grottos and rockeries were illuminated with a soft green
glow — suggestive of moonlight — such was the scene which
burst on the guests on entering the gates. One felt trans-
ported to a scene in the Arabian Nights. The balmy air
of a summer night, coupled with the soft strains of music
from the Royal Naval Band floating across the lawns and
glades, was seductive in the extreme, and the guests
seemed reluctant to tear themselves away from the
delights of so entrancing a scene. Hearty thanks were
given to the host and hostess for affording their guests such
unaccustomed pleasure, and congratulations offered on the
success of their party.

On Friday, 26th July, a party of over two hundred started
at 11 a.m. for the grand stand on Haldon race-course.
The drive, was most enjoyable, passing through typical
Devonshire lanes, with lovely views at every turn in the
road. On arrival at their destination the party was most
kindly and hospitably entertained at lunch in a large
marquee, erected for the occasion, by Sir E. Chaning and
Lady Wills, of Harcombe. Lunch ended, the Mayor of
Exeter (Dr. C. J. Vlieland) said they could not separate
without first expressing their thanks to Sir Chaning and
Lady Wills for their kindness in arranging for their comfort
in so enjoyable a way. It made them feel that all was right
with the world. Sir Chaning Wills had not very long been
such a near neighbour of Exeter, but they rejoiced that
he had settled at Harcombe, and the operations that were
going on there led them to feel that he had settled in the
district for good. When the troublous times of house-
building were over he was sure, with his scientific tastes,
he would be a most valued and valuable member of the
Devonshire Association. Sir Chaning, as soon as he knew
that there was an excursion to Haldon in view, was anxious
to minister to the comfort of the members, and after the
way he had done it he (the Mayor) was sure they would
join with him in expressing their heartiest thanks.

Sir Chaning Wills thanked the Mayor for his kind re-
marks, and expressed the pleasure it gave Lady Wills and
himself to meet the members that day. He hoped they
would enjoy their visit to Haldon, for which they were
fortunate to have a fine day. He took the opportunity
of drinking to the toast of the Devonshire Association,

PROCEEDINGS AT the annual meeting.

coupled with that of the City and County of the City of
Exeter.

Mr. Maxwell Adams responded briefly on behalf of the
Association, and Mr. Sidney Andrew acknowledged the
toast on behalf x>f the City.

The guests then wandered over the race-course, enjoying
the lovely views, rendered more beautiful by a softening
mist which pervaded the landscape, and exhilarated by
the moorland air of Great Haldon till it was time to
resume their seats in the brakes for their journey to Oxton,
where they had been invited to tea by Mr. and Mrs. E. F.
Studd. The drive through the heather-lined lanes was
most enjoyable, and the view of the Exe Valley just before
reaching the higher lodge at Oxton much admired. Im-
mediately inside the lodge gates an ancient camp was in-
spected. Thence the party walked through the woods
to the house, from the terrace of which Powderham Bel-
videre and Woodbury Camp are seen. Mr. and Mrs. Studd
and their sons and daughters welcomed their guests on the
terrace, where tea was partaken of, and by the courtesy
of theLr host and hostess several of the members were
privileged to see the house and some of its interesting
contents — the pictures, the collection of coins (particu-
larly the gold coin of Edward the Confessor, of which this
is one of two examples extant), and a silver cup said to
have been used by Napoleon I on all his campaigns being
inspected with great interest. After thanking their hosts
for their great kindness, the party returned to Exeter, via
Kenton and Exminster.

Thus ended a memorable meeting, which was car-
ried out without a single hitch, and was an unquali-
fied success from beginning to end. The programme
arranged for the reception of the Association was
so complete and ample and the hospitality so spon-
taneous and unforced that tfye members cannot but be
gratified and deeply grateful for all that was done to
make the Jubilee of the Association so remarkable a
success. It is a proof that Exeter, the capital of the
county, appreciates the work of the Devonshire Associa-
tion and the endeavours of its members to do honour to
the County of Devon. The hearty thanks of each officer
and member of the Association are sincerely tendered
to the citizens of Exeter, from the Rt. Worshipful the
Mayor, Dr. C. J- Vlieland, downwards, for the kindliness

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ANNUAL MEETING.

and heartiness of the welcome they received during their
visit, and for the provision made for their convenience and
entertainment. To Mr. Sidney Andrew, the Honorary
Local Secretary, their thanks are especially due and are
offered for the excellent programme arranged for the
Meeting and for the admirable manner in which he carried
it out, and also for his unfailing help and courtesy when-
ever appealed to for information or assistance.

The Association has done fifty years of useful work
in all departments of science, literature, and art, as is
evidenced by the forty-three volumes of its Transactions,
and the steady progress and success of the Association
recorded therein must be a source of gratification to the
survivors of that little band that launched the Society
on its career in 1862. At that date the membership
was sixty-nine, and at the first meeting six papers were
read. Contrast this with the meeting held in 1912 — fifty
years after — when the membership was over 600, and
the number of papers read was thirty-nine.

It cannot be said, then, that the Association has lost its
vigour or that it is suffering from senile decay. But the fields
for investigation are by no means exhausted, and should
Exeter again at some future date honour the Association
with another invitation to visit the city of its birth, it is
hoped that it will be found as full of vigour as it is to-day,
and be able to look back with as much satisfaction at the
work accomplished in the interval as it does at the present
moment at the results obtained during the first half-
century of its existence. And in saying this it should not
be forgotten how much the Association owes to its past
members — many of whom, alas ! are now no longer with
us — for their labours in the years gone by, and for the
success it has attained. All honour be to them.

Maxwell Adams,

Hon. General Secretary.

[ 33 ]

SELECTED MINUTES OF COUNCIL APPOINTING

COMMITTEES.

♦

Passed, at the Meeting at Exeter, 28rd July, 1912.

That Mr. Maxwell Adams, Mr. Kobert Burnard, Sir A. Croft,
Rey. W. Harpley, and. Sir Koper Lethbridge be a Committee for
the purpose of considering at what place the Association shall
hold its Annual Meetings, and who shall be invited to fill any
official vacancy or vacancies which may occur ; and that Mr.
Maxwell Adams "be the Secretary.

That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. Kobert Burnard, Mr. G. M. Doe,
Mr. E. A. S. Elliot, Mr. H. Montagu Evans, Rev. W. Harpley,
and Mr. H. B. S. "VVoodhouse be a Committee for the purpose
of noting the discovery or occurrence of such facts in any
department of scientific inquiry, and connected with Devonshire,
as it may be desirable to place on permanent record, but which
may not be of sufficient importance in themselves to form the sub-
jects of separate papers ; and that Mr. G. M. Doe be the Secretary.

That Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Mr. R. Pearse Chope, Mr. G. M.
Doe, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. J. S. Neck, Mrs. G. H. Radford,
Mrs. Rose-Troup, and Mr. H. B. S. Woodhouse be a Committee for
the purpose of collecting notes on Devonshire Folk-lore ; and that
Mrs. G. H. Radford be the Secretary.

That Mr. J. S. Amery, Rev. J. F. Chanter, Mr. R. Pearse Chope,
Miss C. E. Larter, Mr. C. H. Laycock, Rev. G. D. Melhuish,
Mr. J. D. Prickman, Rev. 0. J. Reichel, Miss Helen Saunders, and
Mrs. Rose-Troup be a Committee for the purpose of noting and
recording the existing use of any Verbal Provincialisms in Devon-
shire, in either written or spoken language ; and that Mr. C. H.
Laycock and the Rev. 0. J. Reichel be the Secretaries.

That Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Mr. R. Burnard, Rev. J. F. Chanter,
and Mr. R. Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect and record
facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and to take steps, where
possible, for their investigation ; and that Mr. R. Hansford Worth
be the Secretary.

That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. A. H. Dymond, Rev. W.
Harpley, and Mr. R. C. Tucker be a Committee for the pur-
pose of making arrangements for an Association Dinner or any
other form of evening entertainment as they may think best in
consultation with the local Committee; and that Mr. R. C. Tucker
be the Secretary.

That Mr. J. S. Amery, Sir Alfred W. Croft, Mr. Thomas
Wainwright, and Mr. R. Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect
and tabulate trustworthy and comparable observations on the
Climate of Devon ; and that Mr. R. Hansford Worth be the
Secretary.

VOL. XLIV.

34 RESOLUTIONS APPOINTING COMMITTEES.

That Sir Roper Lethbridge, Mr. R. Pearse Chope, Mr. William
Davies, Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, and Mr. E. Windeatt be a
Committee for the. purpose of investigating and reporting on any
Manuscripts, Records, or Ancient Documents existing in, or relating
to, Devonshire, with the nature of their contents, their locality,
and whether in public or private hands ; and that Mr. E. Windeatt
be the Secretary.

That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. R. Barnard, Rev. S. Baring-
Gould, Mr. J. D. Pode, and Mr. R. Hansford Worth be a Com-
mittee for the purpose of exploring Dartmoor and the Camps in
Devon ; and that the Rev. S. Baring-Gould be the Secretary.

That Mr. Maxwell Adams, Mr. J. S. Amery, Rev. Professor
Chapman, Sir Alfred W. Croft, Mr. C. H. Laycock, Rev. O. J.
Reichel, Mrs. Rose-Troup, Dr. Arthur B. Prowse, Mr. William
Davies, Miss H. Saunders, and Mr. W. A. Francken be a Com-
mittee, with power to add to their number, for compiling complete
Indexes to the First and Second Series of the Transactions; and
that the Rev. J. F. Chanter be the Secretary.

That Mr. Maxwell Adams, Mr. J. S. Amery, Rev. G.
Goldney Baker, Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, Mr. T. Cann Hughes,
Sir Roper Lethbridge, Rev. 0. J. Reichel, Mr. A. J. V. Radford,
Mr. Harbottle Reed, Mr. George E. Windeatt, and Rev. J. F.
Chanter be a Committee, with power to add to their number, to
prepare a detailed account of the Church Plate of the Diocese of
Exeter ; and that Mr. Harbottle Reed and the Rev. J. F. Chanter
be the joint Secretaries.

That Miss Rose E. Carr-Smith, the Honble. Mrs. Colborne, Sir
Alfred Croft, Mr. W. P. Hiern, Miss C. E. Larter, Mr. C. H.
Laycock, Dr. H. G. Peacock, Miss C. Peck, Dr. A. B. Prowse,
Mr. A. Sharland, Miss Helen Saunders, and Mr. T. Wainwright be
a Committee, with power to add to their number, for the purpose
of investigating matters connected with the Flora and Botany of
Devonshire ; and that Mr. W. P. Hiern be the Secretary.

That Mr. Maxwell Adams, Mr. J. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-
Gould, Mr. Robert Burnard, Rev. J. F. Chanter, Mr. W. E. P.
Chappie, Mr. R. Pearse Chope, Mr. A. W. Clayden, Miss B. F.
Cresswell, Mr. W. Davies, Mr. G. M. Doe, Mr. M. T. Foster, Mr.
J. T. Fouracre, Mr. James Hine, Mr. T. V. Hodgson, Sir Roper
Lethbridge, Rev. S. M. Nourse, Mr. H. Lloyd Parry, Dr. A. B.
Prowse, Mr. A. L. Radford, Mrs. G. H. Radford, Mr. Harbottle
Reed, Mr. F. R. Rowley, Mr. H. Tapley-Soper, Mr. H. R. Watkin,
Mr. E. Windeatt, Mr. G. D. Woollcombe, and Mr. R. Hansford
Worth be a Committee for preparing a list of "Ancient Monuments '
in the county of Devon, which it is considered desirable should be
handed over, with the consent of their owners, to the custody of
the First Commissioner of Works, under the provisions of the Acts
of 1882 and 1900, with the view to their preservation and protec-
tion ; and that Mr. Maxwell Adams be the Secretary.

[ 35 ]

Henry Cranstoto Adams. Colonel H. C. Adams,
who was born at Ashprington House, Totnes, on 26 Novem-
ber, 1826, was the youngest son of General Sir George
Pownall Adams, k.c.h., of Bowden, near Totnes, by
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir William Elford, Bart., some-
time MJP. for Plymouth, and was educated at Blundell's
School and King's College, London. He became a Solicitor
in 1849, in which, year he came to Exmouth and married
Matilda Winsloe, daughter of Commander Palton, r.n.,
and resided there until his death on 29 September, 1911.

He became a Cornet in the West Somerset Yeomanry
Cavalry in 1845, and in 1874 left that regiment with the
rank of Captain, having been selected to command the
1st Devonshire Artillery Volunteers, in which he had
served since 1859, and remained in command until 1896,
shortly afterwards becoming Honorary Colonel of the
corps, and holding that appointment until the Territorial
Army came into existence. For his services he received the
Volunteer Decoration.

He was Clerk to the Exmouth Local Board of Health
and the Urban District Council for about sixty years, and
Clerk to the Woodbury Division of Justices for about
fifty years.

He joined the Devonshire Association in 1881. He was
a strong Conservative, a Churchman, and a Freemason.
His widow, two sons, and a daughter survive him.

The Rev. Daniel Prinq Alford. Mr. Alford, who
was Vicar of Tavistock for some years, died at Taunton
on 3 August, 1911, in his seventy-third year. The Alford
family came from the North of England, and are mentioned
in the Cheshire Domesday Book ; but branches have
spread over several counties, including Devon, Dorset,
and Somerset. Two members of the family were loyal
Mayors of Lyme Regis for several years during the Civil

OBITUARY NOTICES.

War and the Monmouth Rebellion. Another acted as
Treasurer to the royalist garrison of Exeter during the
siege of 1646. Members of the Devonshire branch were
well known at Ottery, Tallaton, Farway, and other
parishes in the county, as local landowners or as professional
men.

The Rev. D; P. Alford was a member of the Somerset
branch of the family, which had been established in that
county several centuries. They have been referred to as
" a veritable family of the priesthood " ; six successive
generations having taken holy orders. Amongst these
were Henry Alford, d.d., the well-known Dean of Canter-
bury, and the Right Rev. Charles Richard Alford, Bishop
of Victoria.

The Rev. D. P. Alford was the second son of Mr. Henry
Alford, f.r.c.s., of Taunton, in which town he was born on
28 November, 1838. He was educated at Taunton and
Crewkerne, and matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford,
in 1857, graduating B.A. with honours in 1861, and M.A.
in 1864. He was ordained deacon in 1862 and priest in
1863 by the Bishop of Bath and Wells. After holding
curacies at Taunton and Clayhidon, he became Chaplain
of the Scilly Isles, 1865-9, and Vicar of St. Paul's, Tavi-
stock, 1869-78. Then he removed to Bedfordshire for a
few years ; but returned to Devon as Vicar of Tavistock
in 1883, and remained there until 1895, when he retired
in consequence of the failure of his voice.

This is not the place in which to refer in detail to the
numerous contributions, in prose and verse, which Mr.
Alford sent to various magazines, although some of them
were of a local character. His principal work was The
Abbots of Tavistock, the greater part of which was written,
in the first place, as a series of articles for his parish maga-
zine. His contributions to the Transactions of the Associa-
tion were : Four Tavistock Worthies of the Seventeenth
Century — John Maynard, Thomas Larkham, William
Browne, Richard Peake (1889) ; The Inscribed Stones in
the Vicarage Gardens, Tavistock (1890) ; and Dick of
Devonshire (1892). Mr. Alford's Short History of Tavistock
Public Library was also a useful contribution to the history
of local institutions.

After he left Devon he did much good and useful work
as President of the Taunton Reading Society, and in con-
nection with the Taunton Literary and Philosophic

OBITUARY NOTICES.

Society. He also wrote an outline of the history of Taun-
ton Castle, which, was published as a handbook for the
Somerset Archaeological and Natural History Society ;
and contributed a, number of most interesting historical
and biographical papers to sundry volumes relating to
Devon and Somerset. Mr. Alford was also President of
the Taunton Field Club. He married a daughter of the
Rev. 0. J. Tancock, d.c.l., a former Vicar of Tavistock,
who survives him, as also do several of their children.

William Henry Alger. Mr. Alger was born in Plymouth,
and for many years was a conspicuous figure in the public
life of his native town. For a long period he was an active
member of the firm of Burnard, Lack, and Alger, manu-
facturers of chemicals and fertilizers at Cattedown, of
which firm his father was one of the founders. Mr. Alger
was Mayor of Plymouth for the two years 1885-6 and
1886-7, and during his mayoralty many useful works for
the benefit of the town were inaugurated, the King of
Portugal visited Plymouth and Queen Victoria's Jubilee
was celebrated. Mr. Alger ungrudgingly placed his time,
energy, and money at the service of the town to uphold
its high traditions. He was also an earnest philanthropist
and an ardent Volunteer. He joined the Association in
1887. His wife was a daughter of Alderman Wills, of
Plymouth, who, with two sons and two daughters, survive
him.

Mr. Alger died at Plymouth, in his seventy-sixth year,
on 21 February, 1912.

LlEXJT.-COLONEL WlLLIAM GEORGE ToMLIN BlCKFORD.

Lieut.-Colonel Bickford was the son of Captain William
Bickford, h.b.i.c.s., commanding the Worcester, and of
Newport House, Stonehouse, Devon, a descendant of
the Arscott Bickfords of Dunsland, N. Devon. He was
born in 1842 and obtained his first commission as Second
Lieutenant in the Royal Marine Artillery on 18 June,
1859 ; was promoted to Lieutenant, 24 October, 1864 ;
and to Captain, 24 January, 1874. In 1873-4 he served
in the Ashantee War, for which he received the medal and
clasp. In 1878, he passed the Staff College and was for
seven years Military Instructor to the Royal Marines,
becoming Brevet-Major in 1881, Major in 1883, and Lieut.-
Colonel in 1887. On his retirement, on 25 January, 1888,

.OBITUARY NOTICES.

he took up the appointment of Barrack-master at Eastney
Barracks, Portsmouth. For some time after his retirement
from the service he resided at Dunsland, N. Devon,
moving afterwards to Newquay, Cornwall, where he died
on 19 September, 1907.

He took a great interest in all matters connected with
antiquities, genealogy, and heraldry, and became a life
member of the Association in 1895.

In 1867 he married Mary Elizabeth, daughter of T. K.
Shaw, Esq., of Saddleworth, Yorkshire, by whom he had
issue nine children. His wife, two sons, and three daughters
survive him.

William Risdon Hall Jordan. Mr. Jordan was
born at Teignmouth, his family having settled there as
far back as 1650. His grandfather, in the early part of the
last century, founded, with the late Mr. Langmead, the
South Devon Bank, which was subsequently merged into
that of Messrs. Watts, Whidborne, and Co., and later in
the Capital and Counties Banking Company. Mr. Jordan
was educated at Dr. Edwards' School, at Teignmouth, and
served his articles with his father. He was admitted a
Solicitor in 1844, and for some years acted successively
as managing clerk to Messrs. Paine and Hatherly, of
London, and to Messrs. Tozer and Whidborne, of Teign-
mouth. In 1848 Mr. Jordan practised on his own account,
and on the retirement of the late Mr. John Chapell Tozer
from the clerkship to the Teignmouth Improvement Com-
missioners in 1852, he became Clerk to that body. Mr.
Jordan subsequently held the appointment of Clerk to the
Teignmouth Local Board, under the Local Government
Act of 1856, and the Public Health Act of 1875, and was
the first Clerk to the Teignmouth Urban District Council.
This post he resigned in 1900, but he retained the position
of Clerk to the Burial Board, which he had held since the
inauguration of that body in 1853. Mr. Jordan also took
a great interest in educational work, and acted as Clerk
to the Teignmouth School Board from its inception in
1875. He in later years continued as correspondent to the
school managers, from which post he retired in 1910,
being succeeded by his son, Mr. W. F. C. Jordan. To the
Bread and Coal Society and the Soup Kitchen in Teign-
mouth he acted as Hon. Secretary.

He became a member of the Association in 1871, serving

OBITTJABY NOTICES.

on the Council for many years, and contributed the follow-
ing papers to its Transactions : Notes on the Natural
History of Teignmovih and its Vicinity (1874) ; Migration
of Insects (1885); Teignmouth Gleanings (1904). Mr.
Jordan was also a member of the Teign Naturalists' Field

In his earlier days his recreations were shooting and
rowing, and he had a great predilection for Natural History.
He died at Teignmouth on 17 August, 1911, aged ninety
years.

Henry Forbes Julian. Mr. Julian, one of the noble
band of heroes who sacrificed their lives in the Titanic
disaster on 14 April, 1912, so that the women and children
might be saved, was the son of Mr. Henry Julian, of
Cork and Bolton, and belonged to a mixed Irish and
Scottish family — the Julians being of French Huguenot
descent settled in Ireland since the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, and the Forbes the well-known Aberdeen-
shire family celebrated in Scottish history. Mr. Julian's
grandfather was a distinguished officer who served in
the Peninsular War, and was in General Picton's brigade
at the siege of Badajoz in 1812, whilst his great-grandfather
was Government Inspector of the forts in the south of
Ireland and Governor of Spike Island.

Mr. Julian was educated in Cork and Bolton and at
Owens College, Manchester, and was a pupil of Sir Henry
Roscoe, ultimately becoming one of the leading metal-
lurgical engineers of the world. From 1886 to 1893 he was
consulting engineer for mines at Barberton, Johannesburg,
and Kimberley. From 1893 he was technical adviser on
mining and metallurgy to the Deutsche Gold and Silver
Scheide Anstalt, of Frankfort. He there conducted exten-
sive metallurgical researches, which formulated the basis
of far-reaching improvements in the recovery of precious
metals from ores. He was the joint author of Cyaniding
Gold and Silver Ores.

He was one of the founders of the Royal Automobile
Club, a member of the Institution of Mining and Metal-
lurgy, and a member of the Committee of the British
Association, and a contributor to the work of its Chemical
Section. He was also on the Committee of the Torquay
Natural History Society and a member of the Devonshire
Association, which he joined in 1903, both of which were

Club.

OBITUABY NOTICES.

founded by his father-in-law, the late Mr. William Pengelly,
f.r.s., F.Q.s., the eminent geologist.

Mr. Julian was a great traveller. He had crossed the
Atlantic no less than thirteen times, and had visited Mexico,
the Zambesi, and many other parts of the globe, and,
accompanied by his wife, had undertaken extensive tours
in South Africa, Canada, the United States, the West
Indies, etc.

Mr. Julian, after residing at The Ness, Shaldon, for
many years, married, in 1902, Hester, youngest daughter
of the late Mr. William Pengelly, and removed to Tor-
quay. Mrs. Julian, who has been a member of this Asso-
ciation since 1899, is herself well known in scientific and
literary circles, being a member of the Geologists' Associa-
tion, of the Society of Authors, and of the Dante Society,
and is one of the few ladies who have been elected Fellows
of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain,
and is the author of the Biography of her distinguished
father, published by John Murray in 1897. The numerous
sympathetic letters and cables received by her after the
catastrophe from all parts of the world, including
those from Their Majesties the King and Queen, and Queen
Alexandra, and from the Bishop of Exeter, Bishops Ryle
(Dean of Westminster), Boyd-Carpenter, and Welldon,
and many other distinguished persons, testify to the
esteem in which Mr. Julian was held.

John Kitson. Mr. Kitson was the second son of Mr.
William Kitson, and belonged to an old well-known
Torquay family whose members have done much to
advance the welfare and prosperity of the town. Mr. John
Kitson was formerly a member of the firm of Vivian,
Kitson, and Co., Bankers, and of W. and C. Kitson, Solici-
tors, and was the last Chairman of the old Local Board of
Torquay. In recognition of his services to the town, he
was presented, in 1893, with a portrait of himself, which
hangs in the Council Chamber of the Townhall, and on
26 July, 1909, had the honour conferred on him of being
made the first freeman of the borough. He was a County
Magistrate and an enthusiastic student of Forestry, and
his wide and varied knowledge of that subject was exem-
plified by the plantations at Heatree, his moorland resi-
dence near Manaton.

He became a member of this Association in 1893, and

OBITUARY NOTICES.

died at his Torquay residence, Hengrave, in his seventy-
filth year, on 5 December, 1911.

Henry Michblmore. Mr. Michelmore, who was the
sou of Mr. Thomas Michelmore, of Berry Pomeroy, land
Agent for the late Duke of Somerset, and for many years
Master of the Dart Vale Harriers, was admitted a Solicitor
in 1861, and practised as a member of the firm of Michel-
more and Hooper, Solicitors, of Newton Abbot. He was
<3oroner for South Devon until 1878, when he was ap-
pointed Clerk of the Peace for the County, by the late
Duke of Somerset, and upon the inauguration of the
County Council, in 1888, he also became Clerk to the Council
and of the Standing Joint Committee.

He joined the Association in 1880, was also a member
of the Teign Naturalists' Field Club, and for many years
Secretary of the South Devon Hunt.

In 1863 he married the youngest daughter of Mr. William
Tombs, of Exeter, who survives him, as also two sons and
a daughter.

He died, at the age of seventy-two, on 21 February,
1912, at his residence, Claremont, in Exeter.

Charles Edward Robinson. Mr. Robinson died
suddenly at Holne Cross, Ashburton, where he resided
with his sister, on 29 March, 1912, in the sixty-seventh
year of his age. He was the Resident Engineer in con-
nection with the construction of the Blagdon Waterworks,
from which Bristol is supplied with water. For some
years he was a member of the Dart Board of Conserva-
tors, taking much interest in various schemes for im-
proving the fishing in the river. He joined the Association
in 1892, and took an active interest in its proceedings,
serving on the Council, and till recent years was a regular
attendant at the Annual Meetings.

Thomas Gray Skardon. Lieut.-Colonel Skardon was
born in 1836, and belonged to an old Devonshire family.
He received his first commission in January, 1860, in the
Bengal Army, and after serving twenty-five years in India
in the Indian Medical Service, retired with the rank of
Brigade-Surgeon Lieut.-Colonel in 1886, and settled at
Paignton.

He was a strong Evangelical Churchman, and was

Digitized by

OBITUARY NOTICES.

associated with the late Colonel Wright and others in the
building of Christ Church, Paignton, being Hon. Secretary
of the Building Committee for some years. He was also
greatly interested in the Bible Society and missionary work.

He joined the Association in 1893, and was a regular
attendant at its Annual Meetings until recent years, when
he was prevented through ill-health from being present.

He died at his residence, Simla, near Paignton, on 24
January, 1912, in his seventy-sixth year, and was buried
at Maker on the 29th of the same month.

W. G. Stuart. Mr. Stuart was born in 1832, and was
the only son of William Stuart and Anne Clarke Tolle-
mache his wife. He was a Solicitor of Gray's Inn, his
chambers being in Gray's Inn Square, where he was known
as the " Father of Gray's Inn." He joined the Association
in 1896, and was a regular attendant at its Annual Meetings.
He was a student of Zoology, and left copious notes on his
microscopic work in connection therewith. He was also
a keen fisherman, and while residing in the South Hams was
a member of the Avon Fishery Board. He married Susan
Charlotte Mello, daughter of William Mello and Mary
Henchman Berney his wife. He died at Elm Grove,
Exmouth, on 6 March, 1911.

The Rt. Rev. Charles William Stubbs. Dr. Stubbs
was the only son of Mr. Charles Stubbs, of Liverpool, in
which city he was born on 3 September, 1845. Educated
at the Royal Institution School, Liverpool, where Bishop
Boyd-Carpenter was a contemporary, he gained a mathe-
matical exhibition at Sidney-Sussex College, Cambridge.
In 1868 he graduated in mathematical honours, and was
ordained the same year to the curacy of St. Mary's,
Sheffield ; and three years later preferred to the vicarage
of Granborough, Bucks, where he remained thirteen years.
From 1884 to 1888 he was Vicar of Stokenham, Devon,
and in the latter year was preferred to the rectory of
Wavertree, Liverpool, where he came under the notice of
Mr. Gladstone, who six years later promoted him to the
Deanery of Ely in succession to Dr. Merivale, the famous
historian. The University of Cambridge now conferred
on him the degree of D.D. honoris causa, and in 190d
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman nominated him to the
See of Truro. In 1881 he received the first of several invi-

OBITUARY NOTICES.

tations to preach before Cambridge University, and in
1883 came his first appointment as Select Preacher at
Oxford. In 1904 he was elected Honorary Fellow of Sidney-
Sussex College, and was Hulsean Lecturer for 1904-5, when
he delivered the lectures, afterwards published in a book,
entitled The Christ of English Poetry. In 1900 he preached
before the University of Harvard the well-known sermon,
The Creed of Christian Socialism, having previously, in
1896, published a book on the same subject.

Bishop Stubbs possessed distinct poetic gifts and
published four volumes of verse, the most recent volume
being Cornish Bells, which appeared in 1910. His nine
volumes of sermons, lectures, and addresses deal with
social problems.

He was President of this Association in 1909 when it
met at Launceston.

He married Harriet, third daughter of William Turner,
of Liverpool, and leaves six sons and two daughters. He
died on 4 May, 1912. His body was cremated, and the urn
containing the ashes placed in Truro Cathedral.

Rev. Richard Turner. Mr. Turner, who was the son
of Mr. William Turner, of The Barton, Bideford, matricu-
lated at New College, Oxford, graduating as B.A. in
1878 and M.A. in 1881. Taking orders as deacon in 1880
and priest in 1881, he was curate of Dawlish, 1880-3,
becoming successively Vicar of Bucks Mills, 1883-5 ;
Rector of West Worlington, 1885-91 ; of Lydford, 1891-5 ;
Vicar of Bickleigh, 1895-1902, and of Colyton, 1902-7,
during which period the restoration of Colyton Church was
carried out under his direction. In 1907 he was presented
by the Bishop of Exeter with the living of Barnstaple,
where he died, in full work, on 21 June, 1912, in his fifty-
sixth year, his burial taking place in the family vault at
Abbotsham. A man of high intellectual attainments and
great tact, Mr. Turner was respected and admired as a
clergyman, a preacher, and a poet. Gifted with a delightful
personality, generous, genial, and kindly, he endeared
himself to all with whom he came into contact, and he
will be much missed and lamented by a host of friends.
He was specially interested in education, and was a
member of the Barnstaple Education Committee. He
joined the Association in 1901. His wife, a son, and a

daughter survive him.

ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT,

THE RIGHT HON. THE VISCOUNT ST. GYRES, M.A., J.P.
23rd JULY, 1912.

Like my predecessors in this chair, I must begin by
confessing that I have found it exceedingly hard to choose
a subject for my opening address. This is the fiftieth
anniversary of our Association. Am I not therefore in
duty bound to review the history of its foundation ?
Ought T not to remember that this, our year of Jubilee,
is also the centenary of the birth of our founder, William
Pengelly ? and should I not endeavour to detail the steps
that led the Cornish fisher-lad into a foremost place among
our English palaeontologists ? Fortunately for you, that
task has fallen to worthier hands than mine : William
Pengelly's daughter, Mrs. Julian, will presently tell you the
history of her father's early struggles. Our meetings will
not, indeed, be graced by Mrs. Julian's own presence,
for she is mourning the loss of her husband, Mr. Forbes
Julian, a distinguished Devonian by adoption, and one of
the many victims of the Titanic disaster : I have no doubt
that at the appropriate moment you will record your
cordial sympathy with her in her great loss. If our founder
is thus certain of adequate commemoration, ought I not to
pass on to his foundation ? Ought I not to bring before your
eyes, in brief but brilliant panorama, the work our members
have accomplished in making known our county to us —
its geology, its natural history, its buildings, its manners
and customs, its dialects. Alas ! Providence has not made
me brilliant, and on such a subject no one could be brief.
Nor would the attempt be altogether profitable. Most of our
work is scientific, and the precise boast of scientific work is
that it is one and indivisible. In literature it is possible to
determine with some measure of success where one man's
achievements end and another's begin : in science this is

VISCOUNT ST. CYRBS' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 45

altogether impossible. There one investigator's discoveries
dovetail inextricably into those «of another ; and I feel
that I should only weary your patience if I attempted to
explain precisely how much our acquaintance with our
county's topography is due to the successive labours of
Mr. R. J. King, Mr. Worth, and Mr. Brooking Rowe — or
even if I were to dive into slightly more familiar fields,
and endeavoured to estimate the exact amount of our debt
to the late Dr. Brushfield for the light he has thrown
on mediaeval Devonshire writers. Then, too, I could not
shake off a lingering sense of injustice. The historian of
European thought in the nineteenth century set himself
to sing the praises of its great pioneers : he ended by
deciding that we owe quite as much to those whose names
we never heard of, as to those whose fame is in everyone's
mouth. The bulk of a nation's thought, he says, is made
up of hidden and forgotten efforts, of which only a small
fraction rises to the surface — vague yearnings of thousands,
who never succeed either in satisfying or expressing them —
hundreds of failures that never get known. Yet he goes
on to urge that these uncounted hours of seemingly fruitless
labour are not really wasted, inasmuch as it really is, not
the sacrifice (as in brute Nature) but the co-operation of
the many that makes the few succeed — inasmuch as
excellence is the prize of united effort, so that many must
run in order that one may reach a higher goal.

Memorable in themselves, these words of Dr. Merz
have a special value for me, because they at once suggest
a text on which I may address you. It is, indeed, clearly
impossible to revive the memories of the forgotten — of the
Miltons who were not necessarily inglorious, because they
were mute — of the Hampdens, guiltless alike of blood and
popular applause. But it seems right to mark this, our
Jubilee year, by celebrating what the old liturgies call a
Common of Saints — to pass in brief review those of our
countrymen who have deserved well of Devonshire in the
past. And since time would fail me, were I to try to
mention all, I propose to invite your attention to the
careers of a selected number, chosen almost at random
from walks of life as numerous and diversified as possible.
I shall not deal much with the very greatest, for they
deserve — if I may still speak in liturgical terms — a Proper
Office of fcheir own, and most of them have received
appropriate commemoration from former Presidents of our

46 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

Association. Do not, therefore, expect from me stale
praises of the Elizabethan seamen — Drake and Raleigh,
Hawkins and Frobisher — our county's most shining heroes.
Nor shall I try to trace how Devonians have influenced the
development of English prose from the times of the
judicious Richard Hooker of Exeter down to those of James
Anthony Froude of Dartington. I shall pass by the long roll
of illustrious Churchmen, who have never been wanting to
Devonshire since the day when Crediton gave birth to
St. Boniface, Apostle of Germany, till the time when
Frederick Temple of Culmstock saw the light. And I
shall steer clear of the still more seductive task of showing
how deeply Ottery St. Mary modified the whole trend of
English thought, when she brought into the world Samuel
Taylor Coleridge, a true master-mind of the nineteenth
century. All these deserve their Proper Office, and from
them I turn back to my Common of Saints. But here I
am at once confronted with a difficulty. What are the
leading characteristics of our countymen ? What are
the leading characteristics of our county itself ? We
naturally think of it as an enchanted county, flowing not
only with milk and honey, but with cider and Devonshire
cream — a happy land, as wrote the great Alexander Pope
two hundred years ago, fertile in its productions, abounding
in its wits, delicious in its ciders. Such, however, is by no
means the reputation that Devonshire bore in days gone by.
Till the time of the Tudors our county called up the image
of vast woods and marshes, as yet unreclaimed from the
hand of Nature. Communications were difficult and
dangerous, for road-building was still in its infancy. Even
under Charles II, the poet Herrick — a Cockney by birth*
but Vicar of Dean Prior, near Ashburton, by adoption —
said that the men of Devon were as rocky as their ways.
Even agriculture was little developed : the great mediaeval
chronicler, William of Malmesbury, calls what are now the
rich pasture-lands round Exeter squalidum et jejunum,
unfertile and unkempt. Necessarily the amenities of
civilization had little chance of travelling so far west,
and the Devonians of the seventeenth century were
deemed a rude and unfriendly race. Thus Lord Clarendon
accounts for what he calls the rough and doubtful ways of
General Monk — the leading figure of Charles IPs restoration
— by saying that he had had no other education than
Dutch and Devonshire. His eminent contemporary, Anne,

VISCOUNT ST. CYRBS' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 47

Lady Fanshawe, pronounces the Devonians a crafty and
censorious race, and Herrick is severer still. During one
of the periodical tiffs that even now sometimes disturb
the peace of country parishes, the reverend poet denounced
his flock as —

Even in the days of George II, London wits still made
game of our primitive and unpolished ways. " A sweet
county," snorted the actor-epicure John Quin, on his
return from eating John Dories at Plymouth. "No,
sir 1 There is nothing sweet in Devonshire, except the
vinegar." But Quin was a hypercritical gourmet, and long
before his day the current of refinement had begun to
penetrate the West. In 1720 Dr. Stukely wrote highly of
the citizens of Exeter. They were industrious and courteous
— the fair sex most truly so, as well as numerous. And
about the time of the French Revolution the historian
Polwhele pronounced a more considered judgment. He
admitted that some of the out-of-the-way Dartmoor
squires were much that their forefathers had been in the
time of Queen Elizabeth. They were hospitable, but not
polite — tenacious of real or imaginary rights — intemperate
in the pursuits of the field, and disposed to tyrannize
over the caitiffs who killed game. But he goes on to urge
that these backwoods barons by no means represented the
general level of the country. Nowhere else were so many
polished gentlemen as in Devon, though he adds that they
were distinguished by three peculiarities : They had very
large f ortunes ; they took small trouble to make themselves
popular, and they gave little of their time to public business.
If the first of these characteristics no longer universally
applies in the days of Mr. Lloyd George, we may at any rate
congratulate ourselves that neither do the other two under
the Lord-Lieutenancy of Lord Fortescue.

Nor need we distress ourselves too much if our fore-
fathers seemed a little rough and boorish. Their isolation
from the main currents of English life, and especially their
perpetual struggle to subdue Nature — whether by re-
claiming marshes and forests, or by gaining a scanty living
on the high seas — may not have bred good manners, but
they certainly nursed qualities more heroic. The inde-
pendence of mind, the dauntless trust in their own strong

A people currish, churlish as the seas,
And rude almost as rudest savages."

48 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

right arm, the determination to succeed against all odds,
that made the great Elizabethan seamen, will all be found
in lesser measure scattered abroad among all Devonians of
the past, whatever their class and whatever their calling.
They are as marked in the most peaceful as in the com-
batant walks of life. Who is more self-reliant, more
determined to succeed than a successful lawyer ? and
Devonshire has always been famous for the number of her
legal sons. " This county," says the illustrious author of
the Worthies of England, " seems innated with a genius to
study law, none in England (Norfolk only excepted)
affording so many legal men. Cornwall indeed hath a
famine, but Devonshire makes a feast of such who by the
practice of the law have raised great estates." It may
interest you if I run shortly over some of the more famous
names that provide our county with her banquet. Until
the Reformation the first service daily performed in Exeter
Cathedral was a Mass for the repose of the soul of Henry
de Bracton, a native of the Barnstaple district, and an
eminent judge under King Henry III. But he was still
more eminent as a legal writer. His treatise De Legibus et
Consuetivdinibus Anglice is generally reckoned as the first
attempt to treat the whole extent of English law in a
manner both systematic and practical. Nearly two hundred
years later the village of Westcote, also near Barnstaple,
gave birth to another famous legal writer. This was Sir
Thomas Littleton, a judge under Edward IV, and author
of a famous treatise on Tenures. Edited by the famous
Chief Justice Coke, it became — under the common
designation of Coke on Littleton — the standard treatise on
the subject until quite modern times. And Littleton
proved himself a worthy successor of Bracton. Legal
historians declare that probably no law-book ever con-
tained so much of the substance with so little of the show
of learning, or so happily avoided pedantic formalism
without forfeiting precision of statement. While Littleton
was thus bringing light into the thorny mazes of mediaeval
land law, a contemporary Devonian lawyer was expounding
questions still weightier and more attractive. This was Sir
John Fortescue of Nethercombe, Lord Chief Justice of
England under Henry VI, and one of the wisest counsellors
of that unhappy sovereign. His treatise on the Govern-
ance of England is the first attempt to do what Walter
Bagehot and James Lowell have in modern times com-

VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 49

pletely accomplished — namely, to distil the spirit of the
English Constitution into clear and simple language
intelligible to everyone. And it may be added that he,
though an ardent supporter of the Lancastrian cause
during the Wars of the Roses, was probably the only
actor in the struggle who really understood what either

Bracton, Littleton, and Fortescue all belonged to the
North of Devon : our next generation of legal worthies
all hail from the neighbourhood of Tavistock. Elizabethan
lawyers long remembered Mr. Justice Glanville, who lives
in history by his memorable death-bed declaration that he
had set himself all his judicial life to so administer justice
as conscious that he would himself come to judgment, and
all his judgments be judged over again. His son, also an
eminent judge, was still more distinguished as a politician
— he was one of the principal moderating influences during
the Civil War. In this he was ably seconded by a more
striking figure, also a native of Tavistock. This was
Serjeant John Maynard, famous alike as one of the most
learned of English lawyers, and one of the longest lived.
He started presiding in the Court of Chancery at the age
of eighty-six, a record that puts both Lord Eldon and Lord
Halsbury to shame. No wonder that, when the brutal
Judge Jeffreys told him that his memory was failing, he
answered that that was certainly true, but that he had
forgotten more law than his Lordship ever knew.
Equally well known is his famous answer to William III,
who congratulated him on his great age. He replied by
thanking his Highness for coming over, as he was afraid
he was going to outlive the law itself. But perhaps his
most remarkable exploit was his last will and testament.
The last few months of his life he spent in deliberately
drafting a will that would force his executors to raise a
number of moot points of law which had troubled him in
his lifetime. Such entire devotion to the law met its due
reward. At his funeral the preacher described the progress
of the deceased Serjeant's soul toward the realms of bliss —
how he was subpoenaed to the Great Assize by a writ of
habeas corpus ad judicandum cum causa — how he found his
Judge his advocate — nonsuited the Devil — obtained a
liberate from all his infirmities, and put on for ever the long
robe of glory.

Among the hearers of this sermon was a young law-
vol. xliv. d

side was fighting for.

50 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

student from Exeter, Peter King, son of a grocer in the
High Street by his marriage with a sister of the philosopher
John Locke. King was destined to rise even higher in his
profession than Maynard. Aided by his uncle. Locke, who
had considerable influence with the Whig aristocracy, he
went to the Bar, rose to be Attorney-General, in which
capacity he led for the Crown in the famous prosecution
of Dr. Sacheverell, was made Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas, and finally reached the Woolsack in the last years of
George I. Writing of his elevation, Lord Harvey, no very
lenient critic, says that he was perhaps the only instance
that can be given of a man raised from the most mean and
obscure condition to the highest dignity in the State with-
out the malice of one enemy ever pretending to insinuate
that the partiality of his friends, in any one step of his rise,
had pushed him beyond his merit. He was made Chan-
cellor as much by the voice of the public as by the hand of
power. Nor were King's energies bounded merely by the
four walls of his Court-house. A nephew of John Locke
could hardly fail to be interested in theological speculation,
and King, in his younger day, had been a friend of the
celebrated deist, Matthew Tindal, also a Devonshire man,
and son of a vicar of Bere Alston. King's theology shows
much the same characteristics as his law. Rejecting the
extravagances of Tindal as completely as the rival ex-
travagances of his old enemy, Dr. Sapheverell, he ranks as
one of the soundest and the most enlightened of the older
school of liberal theologians in this country ; and his
little History of the Primitive Church, the work of his old
age, was in common circulation until quite modern times.
Indeed, it is perhaps as a founder of the Broad Church party
that he chiefly merits remembrance : he was too modest
and conscientious to be a great Lord Chancellor. " He had
such a diffidence of himself," says Lord Harvey, "that
he did not dare to do right, for fear of doing wrong.
Decrees were always extorted from him ; and, had he
been let alone, he would never have given any suitor his
due, for fear of giving him what was not so."

If Lord King was slow and full of self-distrust, another
distinguished son of Exeter presently came forward to keep
the judicial balance even, and decide the weightiest causes
without one ounce of hesitation as to his own capacity to
try them. This was Sir Vicary Gibbs, also the son of an
Exeter tradesman, who flourished during the days of the

VTSCOXJNT ST. CYRBS' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 51

French Revolution and Napoleon. I fear that he did not
leave behind, him a reputation for personal attractiveness.
His appearance was anything but prepossessing. He was
scarcely more than a dwarf in stature ; a contemporary
describes his frame as meagre and attenuated, and says that
he looked plain in his wig, and ugly out of it. He was
embittered by having had to win his way forwards by
dint of a hard struggle with fortune. During his early days
at the Bar he only left his chambers once a day, and that
was to eat minced veal, which he found at once the cheapest
and most digestible of foods. Becoming Attorney-General
a few years after the head of a King of France had fallen
on the scaffold, he was the official spokesman of a Govern-
ment pledged to root out French ideas as it would have
rooted out the plague. Let a man publicly express the
mildest criticism of the Cabinet, and the odds were that Sir
Vicary would at once indict him for sedition. Naturally
the chief victims of his vigilance were the writers for the
Press. In those days fifty-two newspapers were published
in London, and at one moment Gibbs had twenty-six of
them under prosecution at one and the same time. All
were placed on the horns of a dilemma. If they apologized,
the Attorney-General said that he would not allow a
newspaper to squirt venom at the Ministry, and then
nauseate it with unctuous flattery. If the editor stuck
by his guns and refused to apologize, Gibbs called down all
the artillery of the law on so hardened an offender. There
was great relief in Fleet Street when he eventually left the
Attorney-Generalship for the Bench. But Fleet Street has
not spared his memory, and he figures in the most lurid
trappings in the memoirs of the time. " Society," says one
observer, " did not hold a more disagreeable man. Sneer
and ill-nature appeared to have taken settled possession
of his countenance, and he exercised both with untiring
perseverance. His laugh was a hysteric affection unmasked
by cheerfulness or good-humour. No joke, or other sally of
wit, was ever known to escape him ; and to anything
bordering on pleasantry he was not only an utter stranger,
but his countenance prohibited every attempt at it by
others." After so terrific a portrait it seems almost
ludicrous to add that even Sir Vicary had his good
points. He was an excellent lawyer — he was (strangely
enough) remarkably merciful to prisoners in days when
mercy seldom had her home in our criminal courts. And,

Digitized by

52 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

mindful of his own early struggles, he was a very good
friend to many young barristers whose brains were fuller
than their purses. One of these proteges well deserves our
notice. Like King and Gibbs himself, Robert Gifford was
the son of an Exeter tradesman, who rose with astonishing
rapidity from St. John's Hospital School to the Mastership
of the Rolls and a peerage, and had been designated by the
great Lord Eldon as his successor in the Chancellorship,
when the sudden epidemic of cholera claimed him as its
victim, and he died prematurely at the age of forty-seven.

If forty-seven years were enough to bring Gifford from
a tradesman's back-parlour to the shadow of the Wool-
sack, a slightly longer spell of life enabled another young
Devonian to grave a more enduring monument on the
history of English law. This was Francis Buller, a younger
son of the then Squire of Downes, near Crediton. Buller's
career shows a precocity almost worthy of the Elizabethan
age. At seventeen he married the daughter and heiress of
Sir John Yarde of Churston, and thus became the founder
of the family that now reigns at Lupton. At thirty-two
he was raised to the Bench, thus becoming by far the
youngest judge of modern times. This rapid promotion he
owed to the favour of Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, greatest
of English lawyers, and he narrowly escaped becoming
the Lord Chief Justice's successor. Indeed, this prize
would certainly have fallen to his grasp had not William
Pitt thought him too much of a Whig partisan. " The
thing stands this way," said the Prime Minister. " It must
be either Buller or Kenyon. Kenyon drinks, and Buller's

corrupt. Not but that there isn't a d d lot of corruption

about Kenyon's drunkenness, and of drunkenness about
Buller's corruption." But in those days drunkenness was
a venial fault in a judge — and, indeed, in a Prime Minister.
Was it not said that the country paid a million for every
bottle- of port drunk by Mr. Pitt himself ? So the Chief
Justiceship went to Kenyon, and Buller was consoled with
a peerage and with a posthumous reputation second only
to Mansfield's own. The excellence of his law it is scarcely
possible to overstate : his doubts, as an eminent critic said,
were worth more than anyone else's certainties. Now and
then, perhaps, he suffered a little from the passion of legal
injustice — from the temptation to let some quibbling
technicality upset the fair and reasonable settlement of a
case ; and one of his most famous dicta I tremble even to

VISCOUNT ST. CYRBS' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 53

repeat in tlie era of Miss Pankhurst. It was to the effect
that a husband had a perfect right to beat his wife, so long
as he used for the purpose a stick no thicker than his thumb.
Not that this sufficiently barbarous aphorism in any way
reflects his general character. Unlike Sir Vicary Gibbs,
he was genial and courteous in society, though his con-
versation may have seemed to frivolous minds a little
severe ; for he said that he had early entered into a
recognizance with himself never to think or talk of anything
but law. And when preachers discoursed to him of im-
mortality and the glories of a future life, he answered that
this life here below was good enough for him. What could
anyone want better than to sit in court all day, trying cases
with a jury, and play whist all night ?

With Francis Buller I may conclude this survey of
Devonshire legal worthies. Not that I have by any means
exhausted the list. I have said no word about the great
eighteenth-century advocate, John Dunning of Ashburton,
whom an ungainly person, a husky voice, and a strong
West-country accent did not prevent from being the fore-
most man of the Bar during the earlier years of George III.
And I have similarly passed over an equally famous
lawyer of later date, Sir William Follett of Topsham,
who was said to be able to invest an Inland Revenue case
with all the tragic interest of King Lear or Hamlet Nor
do I propose to trespass into modern times, though I cannot
help mentioning the fact that Ottery St. Mary is unique
among the towns of England. The birthplace of the
Coleridges alone can show a succession of three generations
— father, son and grandson — on the Bench of the High
Court. To the Coleridges also we indirectly owe another
eminent legal worthy. It was due to his brother-in-law, Sir
John Coleridge, that Mr. Justice Patteson settled at
Feniton Court, near Honiton, and thus enables us to claim
for Devon one of the noblest of her children, his son, John
Coleridge Patteson, the martyred Bishop of Melanesia.
And I think that, so long as a Halsbury continues to
represent us in the House of Lords, a Coleridge in the
Court of King's Bench, and an Eve in the Court of Chancery,
we may very well feel that old Fuller's declaration is still
as true as ever, and that our country is still innated with
a singular genius to study law.

There is, however, one objection to a state of things
otherwise so eminently desirable. Any publisher will tell

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us that fche biographies of eminent lawyers never sell,
because they are all exactly alike. To correct in some
degree this impression of sameness, I propose to carry
your attention abruptly to an eminent Devonian, whose
fame and achievements are unique. Everyone knows that
Caliph Omar burnt down the Alexandrian library ; every-
one knows that Mr. Andrew Carnegie is nowadays making
tardy- reparation for the Caliph's sacrilege ; and everyone
has heard of the Bodleian Library at Oxford. But very
few of those who visit Duke Humphrey's Gallery know
that it owes its existence to Sir Thomas Bodley, an Exeter
man. Born just before the close of the reign of Henry VIII,
he was forced by the ardent Protestantism of his parents
to fly to the Continent during the reign of Queen Mary,
and began his education abroad. Under Queen Elizabeth
he returned, entered Oxford, and became a Fellow of
Merton. But his ambitions were too wide to be bounded
by the four walls of a college. He was interested in modern,
as well as ancient literature, and he had aspirations towards
entering public life. Marriage with a lady of fortune
opened to him the doors of Queen Elizabeth's Court ; he
was sent abroad on various embassies, and finally became
English Minister in Holland during the latter years of the
great struggle between the Dutch and Spain. Hard in
itself, this position was rendered all the more thorny by
the continual bickerings between Burleigh and Lord
Essex, and Bodley ended by throwing it up in disgust
and retiring into private life. " I concluded at the last,"
he says, " to set up my staff at the library door in Oxon,
being thoroughly persuaded that in my solitude and sur-
cease from Commonwealth affairs, I could not busy myself
to better purpose than by reducing that place, which then
in every part lay ruined and waste, to the use of students."
Nowadays it seems strange that the library of one of the
foremost universities in the world could even for one
moment be allowed to he ruined and waste — but so it
was at Oxford in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The
large store of books given to the University by Humphrey,
Duke of Gloucester, had been scattered to the winds by the
Puritan Commissioners sent down by Edward VI — under
the impression that most of the books were Popish missals,
or at any rate very bad reading for sound Protestants.
So Bodley set himself to remedy this shocking state of
affairs. He contributed vast stores of folios himself, for

VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 55

which he ransacked the whole book-market of Europe ;
indefatigably he begged, borrowed, stole from his friends —
many of whom responded nobly by giving him books that
belonged to someone else. The Dean of Exeter alone
presented him with more than eighty most valuable
manuscripts, pilfered from the Cathedral library. But
there is an old Roman proverb that money does not smell —
so long as the coin is there, it does not matter where it
comes from — and perhaps the same is true of books. When
we consider the incalculable service that Bodley's founda-
tion has rendered to sound learning all over the world,
we need not blame the Dean too much for making free with
what was not his to give.

I have mentioned Mr. Andrew Carnegie as Bodley's
only possible rival in the realm of libraries ; let me now
draw your attention for a moment to an eminent Devonian,
who never indeed became a multi-millionaire, though he
brought to the invention and manufacture of marketable
articles a zeal and insight equal to Mr. Carnegie's own.
This was William Cookworthy, of Kingsbridge, founder
of the English method of making porcelain. He was born
of Quaker parentage the year after the battle of Blenheim.
Some years after, his father, a druggist of substance, lost
his all in the famous South Sea Bubble speculation, and
promptly died, leaving a widow with a large family.
Mrs. Cookworthy did her best to support herself by dress-
making ; but so poor was she that she had much ado to
raise a daily pound of pork, to divide among several
growing sons. And when she succeeded in apprenticing
William to a London druggist, the lad was obliged to make
the whole journey from Kingsbridge to London on foot.
In due course he worked through his articles, returned to
Kingsbridge, and eventually became a manufacturing
chemist on a large scale at Plymouth. But his energies
were by no means limited to compounding medicines. An
omnivorous reader, he was interested in nearly every
branch of science ; and when he grew wealthy in later life,
he became the natural entertainer of all the eminent scien-
tific men whom business or pleasure brought to Plymouth.
Thus he was an intimate friend and counsellor of Smeaton,
builder of the third Eddystone lighthouse ; and it was
at his house that the great explorer, Captain Cook, ate his
last dinner in England, on the night before he set out on his
last and fatal voyage. As he possessed the unusual accom-

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plishment of speaking fluently French, and even Latin,
he was even more in request as a host for eminent foreigners,
with many of whom he corresponded. A visitor to Ply-
mouth in his later life describes him as a tall, venerable
man with a three-cornered hat and bushy curly wig,
framing a mild and intellectual countenance, and adds
that he was full of agreeable conversation. Certainly he
possessed the infallible mark of a great talker, in that he
hated going to bed ; up to the very end of his life he insisted
that his mind was always at its liveliest at one o'clock in
the morning. But science and learned conversation were
not his only interests. He was an ardent fisherman, and a
zealous religious worker. Born a Quaker, he became an
active member of the Society of Friends after his marriage,
and a frequent preacher at their meetings. Every Sunday,
or, as he would have called it, every First-day evening,
a regular service was held at his house. But in later life his
roving curiosity carried him beyond the limits of Quaker
orthodoxy, and he became an ardent adherent of the
theories of Emanuel Swedenborg, doubtless attracted by
the mixture of mystical theology and science to be found
in the works of that Swedish engineer. This was all the
more natural, since he had a kindly eye for our Devonshire
popular belief s ; no one ever lived who had greater faith
in the divining-rod as an instrument for finding water,
and he even tried to find a scientific explanation of its pro-
perties. In this he was entirely unsuccessful, but fate
was kinder to him in another and more ambitious venture.
This was the discovery of the true way of making porcelain.

I suppose among Englishmen generally porcelain is simply
another name for any superior kind of china, but this is
radically unscientific. Strictly speaking, porcelain is the
pottery produced by the use of a particular kind of
clay, united with a particular kind of china stone. And
when these two are brought together they produce of
themselves, and without the help of any third ingredient,
a particular kind of pottery which is white, glassy, and
translucent. All therefore depends on using the right kind
of clay with the right kind of stone. The secret of porcelain
manufacture was discovered many hundred years ago in
China, but it was altogether unknown in Europe ; though,
ever since the Crusades brought East and West in some
degree together, stray pieces of Chinese pottery began to
find their way into the treasuries of princes. About the

VISCOUNT ST. CYRBS' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 57

fourteenth century attempts to imitate it were made
in Europe, and several famous factories in time grew up.
By the eighteenth century, when interest in the subject
was keen, celebrated works had sprung up at Chelsea,
Worcester, Derby, and other places, as well as a world-
renowned factory at Sevres in France. But in none of
these was true porcelain produced : both Sevres and
Chelsea potters relied in great degree on the use of glass —
and glass-adulterated china is apt to be hard to make,
brittle, and difficult of decoration. But no attempt was
made to discontinue the use of glass until Bottger of
Meissen, in Germany, discovered early in the eighteenth
century a kind of china stone which enabled him to dis-
pense with glass, and produce a vitreous effect without its
help. The pottery so made soon obtained a European
reputation under the name of Dresden china. The secret
of its manufacture, however, was kept with almost in-
credible jealousy ; and the Meissen works, which belonged
to the Elector of Saxony, were more like the headquarters
of a secret society, or a Masonic lodge, than a commonplace
business establishment. So far as the rest of the world was
concerned, the mystery of the china stone remained un-
solved. It was now that Cookworthy took up the running.
He had been greatly fascinated by the letters of Pere
d'Entrecolles, a French Jesuit missionary in China, which
contained a graphic account of the Chinese method of
making porcelain from a special kind of clay called kaolin,
mixed with a special kind of stone called petuntse. To
discover some analogue to kaolin and petuntse in England
became the dream of Cookworthy's life. His search was
made easier by the fact that his business as a wholesale
chemist obliged him to travel much through the West of
England, and he was an intimate friend of the then
superintendent of mines in the Duchy of Cornwall. The
Duchy presently came to his assistance. Near St. Austell
he discovered a substance known as growan stone, and
found that this, when mixed with ordinary china clay, and
heated in a crucible, produced what he himself described as
a beautiful, white, diaphanous substance — or, in other
words, true porcelain. At last the missing petuntse was
found, and the Chinese secret was a secret no longer.
The works which Cookworthy hastened to set up at
Plymouth began to turn out a porcelain as pure as ever
came from Canton or Pekin.

58 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

It is painful to be obliged to add that the English public
did not take kindly to the new discovery. ^Plymouth
porcelain was quite unlike the existing Chelsea or Derby
ware. It was harder and whiter, and it had a cold, harsh,
ghttering glaze which did not serve much to recommend it
in the market. After half a dozen years the Plymouth
works were shut down, and the business transferred to
Bristol, where it was controlled by Cookworthy's young
relative, Richard Champion. One of his first commissions
was to make a dinner service for the great thinker and
orator Edmund Burke, then Member of Parliament for the
city. Even in Champion's hands, however, Bristol ware
never played a great part in the commercial world, though
it proved the herald of better things. Cookworthy's
discovery of the growan stone had shown that it was
possible to dispense with glass as an ingredient in porcelain
manufacture, though growan stone alone produced a certain
harshness and coldness in its results. The final step was
taken when Josiah Spode, of Stoke-on-Trent, went a step
farther, and tempered the harshness of the stone by an
admixture of powdered bone-ash, thus producing the rich
softness that we see in all our finer pottery to-day. But
although Cookworthy was not allowed by fate to set the
coping-stone on his discovery, Spode and Wedgwood
were the first to acknowledge that they were only following
in his footsteps, and that their triumphs would have been
impossible without the preliminary labours of the Kings-
bridge chemist.

Cookworthy may well serve as a type of the strenuous
young Devonian battling hard with ill-success. Let me now
introduce you to another countyman of ours, who reached
success without a single struggle in his life. In the year
of the Duke of Monmouth's rebellion against James II,
there was born to a worthy tradesman of Barnstaple, named
Gay, a son, whom he christened John. The boy was des-
tined to follow in his father's footsteps. He was educated
at Barnstaple Grammar School, and duly articled to a
silk-merchant in London. But handling bales of silks and
satins was not to young John Gay's taste : whenever
his master's eye was off him, he stole off to a coffee-house
and listened humbly to the wits who held high converse
there. For in those days, when books were scarce and dear
and newspapers hardly existed, the coffee-house was the
great centre for the interchange of ideas ; people were

VISCOUNT ST. CYRBS' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 59

then obliged to talk or write letters about the sort of
things tbat they would nowadays expect to have com-
fortably set down for them in print, and the coffee-house
was the great clearing-house for conversation. In such
an atmosphere the draper's boy from Barnstaple was
made to succeed. He was infinitely lazy ; he could carry
any given quantity of liquor ; and he was superlatively
good-natured. Never wishing to offend anyone himself,
he could not believe that anyone could even wish to be
disagreeable to him. Hence snubs ran off his cheerful
nature quite as harmlessly as water from the back of the
traditional duck. From the tenth-rate coffee-houses he
migrated upwards to the first-rate, where sat in state the
great leaders of opinion of the time, Pope and Steele,
Addison and Swift. Gradually, as Dr. Johnson says,
he became the general favourite of the whole association of
wits, though they regarded him as a playfellow rather than
a partner, and treated him with more fondness than respect.
Nor was it only among his own sex that he found this easy
acceptance. In those days an active-minded lady lived
permanently on the threshold of intolerable boredom.
She could not go to coffee-houses ; there were scarcely
any newspapers, and no novels at all. Hence, if she could
afford the luxury, she was always glad to keep a pro-
fessional wit about the house, who stood somewhere
between the jester of the Middle Ages and the literary
critics of modern times. He told her what books were
worth reading, and what were not — which plays she ought
to see — he coached her in the favourite subjects of the
eminent men she was likely to meet at dinner. Above all,
he was ready to keep boredom at a distance by always
being ready to talk to her and her friends at any length on
any subject they might fancy. If the wit happened to have
some personal charm, his progress was easy indeed. Before
he was thirty, Gay was the confidential adviser of at least
three duchesses, and country houses of the first rank
were competing for the honour of having him within their
walls. For his own part, he let them fight, without stirring
a finger himself. " You are so lazy," wrote Dean Swift to
him, " that any lady with a coach and six horses would
cany you to Japan." The position was not perhaps pre-
cisely dignified, and a man of independent mind would
have sorely felt its thorns. But Gay cared nothing about
the dignity, and the only thing he ever complained of was

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60 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

a lack of ready money. All his great friends were always
saying that something must be done for him, but that it
was the business of someone else to do the something.
" They wonder at each other at not providing for me,
and I wonder at them all," wrote the poor man himself.

To some extent the difficulty was lightened when Gay
began to write. Just before the death of Queen Anne
he produced a long poem on Rural Sports, the effect of which
is slightly marred by the fact that he had no experience
whatever of the sports in question — his own participation
in sport, as he confessed to Swift, being limited to the rather
elementary one of catching roach and gudgeon with a
pin. In the following year, however, he touched firmer
ground in his Shepherd's Week, which began as a deliberate
parody of the mild Arcadians of the time, and went on to
give some very striking and pathetic pictures of the country-
life of the time, born of its author's boyish experiences in
North Devon. Then followed a mass of miscellaneous
literature — ephemeral verses, plays, letters, essays follow-
ing each other in quick succession. By 1720 he was a
well-known author, and had a thousand pounds at the
bank. He at once called a council of his friends to know
what he should do with it. His friend Lewis, an eminent
lawyer, advised him to put it in his hands, and live on the
interest. Dr. Arbuthnot, the friend of Pope, told him to
entrust it to Providence, and live on the capital. Pope
and Swift suggested the purchase of an annuity. Naturally
enough, he rejected all their advice. The South Sea Bubble
was then at its height, and into the Bubble went Gay's
thousand pounds. His friends made a last desperate effort
to persuade him to sell out while the stock was still rising,
and to invest enough in good securities to ensure him
a hundred pounds a year for life — sufficient, as they said,
to secure him a clean shirt and a saddle of mutton every
day he lived. But here again his incurable laziness pur-
sued him, and he forgot to sell out before the crash came.
However, the loss of the thousand pounds did not greatly
affect him, and he continued his ordinary way of life,
hoping vaguely for preferment so soon as it should please
the Fates to remove King George I ; for he had met with a
certain amount of favour from the Princess of Wales, the
famous Caroline of Anspach. In due course the King died,
and Caroline and her consort reigned in his stead, but the
only favour they offered Gay was the place of gentleman

VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 61

usher to their youngest daughter, a child of three years old.
This offer Gay respectfully refused. He was exceptionally
fat in an age when fatness was almost universal, and he said
that a man of twenty stone had no business to stand behind
the chair of a princess of three years old. So he gave up
all hope of gaining the favour of the Court, and set about
mending his fortunes in a very different manner. Already
in the Shepherd's Week he had satirized the pastoral
poetry then in vogue : one day Dean Swift suggested to
him to write a satire on a more extensive scale, portraying
the loves of the criminal classes. A Newgate pastoral,
said the author of Gulliver 8 Travels, would be an odd,
pretty thing. Gay set to work on his pastoral, but soon
found that it would not work, and decided to change the
pastoral into a comedy. At the close of 1727 appeared the
result, in the form of the famous Beggar's Opera. Its
success was assured from the first night. It was given
nearly seventy times in London — then a stupendous run
— it was acted forty times at Bath, and over twenty in
Edinburgh and Dublin. Indeed, it held the stage through-
out the eighteenth century, and has even been occasionally
given in quite modern times. Nor was its influence only
seen on the actual boards. All the principal scenes were
at once engraved, and sold like wildfire at the print-sellers'.
Ladies had the incidental songs copied out on vellum
and made up as fans. The town went mad about Lavinia
Fenton, the hitherto unknown young actress who played
the principal part. Her pictures were sold in all the streets
of London. Her biography was written — books of letters
and verses to her were published — her jokes and witticisms
were retailed in pamphlet form. She only closed her
triumphant career when she led the Duke of Bolton to the
altar, thus becoming the first of a long line of theatrical
peeresses.

The success of the opera was not due purely to its
intrinsic merits. For a long while a great fight had been
raging between the Italian and the English opera : it will
become historic a few years later in the long struggle
between Handel and Buononcini. In 1727 the Italian had
the upper hand, until the success of Gay's production dealt
them a smashing blow. The Beggar's Opera, says one
patriotic English musician, overthrew for a while Italian

that Dagon of the nobility and gentry who had

so long seduced them to idolatry. But Gay had also dealt

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62 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

a blow at an even more important Dagon. At that time
the most unpopular man in England — at any rate, among
the upper classes — was Sir Robert Walpole, the Prime
Minister ; and the opera owed at least half its success
to the belief that it was meant as a political skit. The im-
putation rested on slender grounds enough— chiefly on the
fact that the various thieves and pickpockets, with whom
the stage was crammed, indulged in various comparisons
between themselves and public men. They stole a six-
pence, and received the order of the hempen cord :
Ministers stole millions, and were rewarded with the Order
of the Garter. But this was quite enough for the age
to see the most pointed allusions to the Prime Minister ;
and Walpole himself, who seldom minded what writers said
of him, took umbrage, and said he would not stand being
held up to public ridicule in the character of a highwayman.
Feeling rose to fever-heat ; then Gay wrote a sequel to the
Opera, which was promptly vetoed by the Lord Chamber-
lain. "The inoffensive Gay," now wrote one observer, "is
become an obstruction to the peace of Europe." There
was a furious competition among his aristocratic friends
as to which should undergo martyrdom for his sake. The
Duchess of Queensberry, the most prominent lady in
society, wrote a saucy letter to the King, and was banished
from the Court — and a clean sweep was made of ladies-in-
waiting and gentlemen ushers who had testified to their
hatred of Walpole by ostentatiously applauding the ob-
noxious play.

The opera was its author's swan-song. Two years later
he died, at the age of forty-four, leaving behind him a
tolerable mass of plays and books of light society verse.
It is to be feared that not many of these survive in popular
recollection, though some of his songs still hold their own.
Thousands still quote —

though they possibly do not know that it comes out of the
Beggar's Opera — just as the once popular Sweet William 's
farewell to Black-eyed Susan, and 'Twos when the Seas were
Roaring were written for two of his minor plays. But, if
Gay does not survive as a great writer, he at least may
claim our remembrance as one of the most charming
personalities in literature. Alexander Pope was no great

"Howl
Were

happy could I be with either
i t'other dear charmer away,"

VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 63

flatterer, and Pope's last tribute to his friend is enough of
itself to secure the Barnstaple draper's boy a safe niche
in the Temple of Fame. It is carved on his tomb in West-
minster Abbey : —

" Of manners gentle, of affections mild,
In wit a man, simplicity a child,
With native humour tempering virtuous rage
Framed to delight at once, and lash the age.
Above temptation in a low estate,
And uncorrupted, e'en among the great
A safe companion and an easy friend,
Unblamed through life, lamented in thy end —
These are thy honours : not that here thy bust
Is mixed with heroes, or with kings thy dust,
But that the worthy and the good may say,
Striking their pensive bosoms : Here lies Gay."

As Gay represents the Devonian idler in his most
attractive light, I cannot help going on to picture for a
moment another famous Devonshire idler, who, curiously
enough, was born almost in the same year. Everyone
has vaguely heard of the King of the Gipsies, Bampfylde
Moore Carew, though not everyone knows that he came
of a younger branch of the Carews of Haccombe, and was
born at Bickleigh, near Tiverton, where his father was
rector. He was sent in due course to Blundell's School,
where his admiring biographer declares that he attained
for his age a very considerable knowledge of the Greek and
Latin tongues, though the chief of his attention was
devoted to the sport of hunting. Besides agility of limb
and the carriage requisite for leaping over five-barred
gates, he attained by indefatigable study and application
a remarkable cheering "hallo" to the dogs, of very great
service to the exercise. Indeed, his love of hunting proved
his undoing, for the neighbouring squires were loud in
their complaints to the head master of Blundell's, and at
last succeeded in identifying Carew and three or four of his
friends as concerned in a piece of wholesale poaching.
The boys kne^v that they were denounced, and that a
sound flogging awaited them on the morrow ; but the
discipline of Blundell's in those days was far from strict,
so they thought to drown dull care by spending the evening
at a tavern on the outskirts of Tiverton. Here they
accidentally ran into a number of gipsies — seventeen or
eighteen persons, says the biographer, who had met there
with a full purpose of merriment and jollity — and after a

64 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

hearty supper the youths were so taken with their com-
panions that they applied to be admitted into the company
of gipsies forthwith. After a little demur the request
was granted. The requisite ceremonials were gone through,
and the proper oaths administered, and young Carew be-
came officially a gipsy. What this exactly meant it is not
easy to discover. Carew's biographer will, indeed, enlarge
at length on the constitution of the gipsies — their king,
their officers, their periodical parliaments, the rules and
regulations of their association. But it seems likely that
herein the biographer is drawing largely on his own
imagination. Carew at no period of his life — although he
rose to the highest office, and became elected King of the
Gipsies — seems to have taken the chains of office very
seriously. He certainly gave little time or trouble to the
ruling of his subjects — he left and returned to them at will
— and the bond of union between them was no tighter
than that which naturally binds all those together who are
living on their wits at the expense of honest men. Nor
does Carew seem to have pursued any high, nor unusual,
ideal, when he cut himself off from his family and friends.
He was simply a rather powerful combination of the
vagrant propensities of the traditional rolling stone,
united with the gifts that make the first-class amateur
actor. His life is one long tissue of aimless but romantic
voyages, interlarded with ingenious swindles ; and his best
praise is that, unlike the common criminal, who keeps to his
beaten track, he was ready at any moment to change his
role, and appear in the most diversified characters, if he
found it to his interest to do so. At one moment he would
be a shipwrecked sailor. He would array himself in an old
pair of trousers, enough of a jacket to cover his nakedness,
stockings such as Nature gave, shoes (or rather the body
of shoes, for soles they had none) which had leaks enough
to float a first-class man-of-war, and an old woollen
cap so black that one might swear it had not been washed
since Noah's Flood. An hour later he would appear in a
black cassock, wig and bands — decent, if a little the worse
for wear — and represent himself as a Welsh clergyman
turned out of his living because he could not take the oaths
to the Hanoverian pretender, George I. At another time he
would be a Quaker in a broad-brimmed hat and sober drab
— at another time a miller burnt out of his mill, or a bank-
rupt tradesman, or a travelling tinker. There were even

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VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 65

times when he would pose as a foreigner in distress — in a
long loose vest, a turban, and a venerable false beard
he made an excellent unfortunate Greek, adrift in a strange
country. One of his favourite amusements was to levy
several contributions in the same day from the same
house. He would drag himself to the gates in the morning
got up as a paralysed beggar ; in the afternoon he was a
sturdy professional rat-catcher ; at dinner-time he would
arrive well dressed on a good but tired horse as a young
gentleman of fortune who had lost his way on a riding
tour. The curious thing was that no one took his depreda-
tions very seriously. To have been thoroughly well done by
Carew was rather a mark of distinction in West of England
country houses, and it was long before Nemesis overtook
him. At last he was arrested as an incorrigible rogue,,
and transported to the plantations in Maryland. He
promptly escaped on the ship's arrival, was retaken,
severely flogged and ironed, which did not prevent him
from at once escaping again, and reaching England before
the convict-ship, which had taken him over, had made her
return voyage. Her progress must have been but slow,
for in the course of his highly dramatic flight Carew had
time to spend some weeks as the honoured guest of one
Indian Sachem, to become an ardent member of the
Society of Friends at Philadelphia, to undergo a Methodist
conversion in Delaware, and to relapse into the jovial
boon-companion of some hard-drinking sea-captains in
New York, one of whom gave him his passage back to
England. Some years later he was arrested by a ruthless
Exeter magistrate, committed to prison, and transported
back to Maryland. This time he made an even more
dramatic escape than the first, and again went through a
series of theological metamorphoses — for in those days
each of the American States had its own particular form
of religion, and Carew found ready hospitality everywhere
at the price of becoming a Presbyterian in Connecticut*
an Anabaptist in Rhode Island, and a zealous Congrega-
tionalist in Boston, whence he made his second journey
home. Scarcely less sensational were his later adventures,
when he was seized by a press-gang and hurried on board
one of His Majesty's ships. However, fortune favoured
him. He got excused the usual duties of a sailor by
persuading the captain that his arm was paralysed ; on
his first voyage his ship touched at Copenhagen, where
vol. xljv. E

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66 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

was a Russian man-of-war. On board her was an English-
speaking warrant officer, with whom Carew got into touch,
and persuaded him that his one ambition in life was to
serve the Empress Catherine II. The Russian smuggled
him on board his ship, whence Carew at once escaped and
began a series of complicated wanderings through North
Germany and Scandinavia, till he could secure £f passage
home. This was the last of his adventures on a large scale.
He was beginning to feel the weight of age, and to sigh for
the pleasures of home. Many years before he had run
away with and married the daughter of a most respectable
doctor in the North of England, and the poor lady had
remained faithful to him throughout his varied career.
He now returned to the bosom of his family, and began
to lead a respectable existence. There was only one last
flicker of excitement. In 1745, Prince Charles Edward
raised the standard of revolt in the Highlands, and the
progress of the Jacobite troops filled Carew with insatiable
curiosity about their doings. He accordingly hurried up
to Edinburgh, but personal experience of the rebels did
not impress him favourably, so he refused to join them,
pretending to be very sick and lame. In the character of
a disinterested spectator, he hopped after them on crutches
till they got to Derby, where he was privileged to shake
Charles Edward by the hand. This done, he thought it
the wiser course to cut his connection with them ; and
when they retreated on Carlisle, he made his way south-
wards to Bristol, loudly singing the praises of King George
and the brave Duke of Cumberland. Soon after this he
had the good fortune to win a considerable sum of money
in a lottery, and subsided into private life until his death,
at some date unknown, about the time of George Ill's
accession.

With this account of the greatest of our tatterdemalions
I may well bring my list of Devonshire worthies to an end.
I well realize how captious and unintelligent it will seem
to many. Over some of the greatest sons of Devon I have
passed in absolute silence, and I fear that my neglect may
seem not only a flouting of the great names themselves,
but also an act of disrespect to the regions that gave
them birth. What will the Axminster district have to
say to me, when it finds that I have coolly ignored the
greatest of all Devonians ? Not by one syllable have I
recalled to you that in June, 1650, there was born, at

VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 67

Ashe, in the parish of Musbury, to Sir Winston Churchill
—itself a significant name — a son John, who lived to
be Duke of Marlborough, and win the battle of Blen-
heim. Torrington may also complain that I have also
passed over another famous captain, George Monk, Duke
of Albemarle, who restored Charles II to the throne of his
ancestors. And perhaps Crediton will have against me a
more poignant grievance still. I have invoked the name
of BuUer, only to talk about a musty eighteenth-century
judge, and neglect another bearer of that name much
nearer and dearer to our hearts. Then again, Tiverton
may fairly complain that I have said much of Bampfylde
Moore Carew, and passed over, in favour of that picturesque
rascal, Peter Blundell, a citizen of whom any town might be
proud, and Richard Cosway, first of English miniature
painters. And I admit that Cosway's name did for a
moment tempt me, and that I thought at first of giving you
some details of his interesting and little-known career.
But here a difficulty at once confronted me. Great as
Cosway was, Devonshire can show greater painters than
he. Why dwell on Cosway, when Joshua Reynolds hailed
from Plympton Earle, and Turner from Barnstaple ?
And how make much of either of these without breaking
my rule that this is the place to celebrate the Common,
not the Proper of Devonshire saints ? This it is that has
made me deliberately discursive. I have chosen first the
men of law, because of them all districts of our county
have a goodly share. I have gone on to single out some
half-dozen figures, chosen deliberately because their
names were known to everyone, but the detail of their
exploits known to few. And it seemed to me appropriate
to this our gathering to call back for a moment some of
these shadowy figures from the past to form a not un-
impressive background to our labours in the present.
And perhaps, just because none of them reach the front
rank, they may also serve to point a moral not always
sufficiently emphasized. It is given to few, indeed, to
reach the highest level of achievement. But our county's
heart is large enough to hold in affectionate remembrance
those of her sons who tried and failed — and those who only
succeeded a small part of the way. Just a month ago our two
ancient Universities were celebrating their Commemoration,
and I cannot better conclude than by repeating to you the
noble words then read in every college chapel. There the

68 VISCOUNT ST. CYRES' PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

Preacher bids us " praise famous men, and our fathers that
begat us — such as did bear rule in their kingdoms, men
renowned for their power, leaders of the people by their
counsels, wise and eloquent in their instructions, such as
found out musical tunes, and recited verses in writing,
rich men furnished with ability, living peaceably in
their habitations. All these were honoured in their
generation, and were the glory of their times. There be of
them that left a name behind them, that their praises
might be reported. And some there be, which have no
memorial, who are perished as though they had never
been, and are become as though they had never been born.
But these were merciful men, whose righteousness hath
not been forsaken. With their seed shall continually
remain a good inheritance, and their children are within
the covenant. Their seed shall remain for ever, and their
glory shall not be blotted out. Their bodies are buried
in peace, but their name liveth for evermore."

TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF
THE COMMITTEE ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL
PROVINCIALISMS.

Twenty-fifth Report of the Committee — consisting of
Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. R. Pearse Chope, Mr. C. H.
Laycock, Rev. J. F. Chanter, Rev. G. D. Melhuish, Mr.
J. Prickman, Rev. 0. J. Reichel, Miss C. E. Larter,
Miss Helen Saunders, and Mrs. Rose- Troup ; Mr.
C. H. Laycock and Rev. O. J. Reichel being Joint Secre-
taries — for the purpose of noting and recording the existing
use of any Verbal Provincialisms in Devonshire, in either
ivritten or spoken language, not included in the lists
published in the Transactions of the Association.

It is gratifying to your Committee, in presenting their
Twenty-fifth Report at this Jubilee Meeting of the Associa-
tion, to note the continually increasing interest taken in
the noting and recording of Verbal Provincialisms. This
is amply shown by the increase in the number of con-
tributors.

The Rules and Regulations of the Committee were
reprinted with the Twenty- third Report in 1909, Vol. XLI ;
but should any member not have a copy, the Editor will
be glad to supply him with one on his application.

Each provincialism is placed within inverted commas,
and the whole contribution ends with the initials of the
observer. All remarks following the initials are Editorial.

The full address of each contributor is given below,
and it must be understood that he or she only is responsible
for the statements bearing his or her initials.

Edited by Charles H. Laycock.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

CONTRIBUTIONS.

70 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

CONTRIBUTORS.

M. A. =Maxwell Adams, 12 South Parade, South-
sea, Hants.

E. J. B. =Edwin J. Ball, 5 Endsleigh Terrace, Tavi-
stock.

J. F. C. =Rev. J. F. Chanter, Parracombe Rectory,
Barnstaple.

R. P. C. =R. Pearse Chope, 107 Ledbury Road, Bays-
water, W.

G. M. D. =George M. Doe, Enfield, Great Torrington.
T. J. J. =T. J. Joce, 3 Manor Crescent, Newton Abbot.

H. K. =Miss H. Kitson, St. Marychurch.

C. E. L. =Miss C. E. Larter, 2 Summerland Terrace,

St. Marychurch.
C. H. L. =Charles H. Laycock, Cross Street, Moreton-

hampstead.

G. D. M. =Rev. G. D. Melhuish, Ashwater Rectory,

Beaworthy.

0. J. R. =Rev. 0. J. Reichel, A la Ronde, Lympstone.

H. S. =Miss Helen Saunders, 95 East Street, South

Molton.

E. S. = Edwin Stanbury, North Wyke, North Taw-
ton.

E. L. W. =Miss Ethel Lega-Weekes, Sunny Nook,
Rugby Mansions, Addison Bridge, Lon-
don, W.

u AppLE-MOCK=the refuse of apples in cider-making.
Supplied , by W. P., i.e. William Pratt, of Sprattshayes,
Littleham, nr. Exmouth, a native of Buckland Mona-
chorum. 0. J. R."

Same as Cider-muck, see 5th Report, Vol. XIV, p. 136.

The word " mock " is also used in the West-country for
a tuft of sedge or coarse grass.

" BAFt , LED=confused, flurried. An old farm labourer,
whilst under a trying cross-examination before the Justices
here, said to his tormentor : ' I ban't a-gwain to be baffled
by yfi, Mr. X. . . ." Torrington, May, 1912. G. M. D."

" I'm fair baffled " is a common expression for, "I am
utterly perplexed."

The word is of Scandinavian origin.

" Alas, poor fool, how they have baffled thee ! "

Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, v, i, 377.

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Google

DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 71

"Barm cakes = cakes made with brewer's barm, or
yeast, in contradistinction to cakes made with baking
powder. Servant, about sixty, a native of St. Mary Church :
4 1 like barm cakes best; you puts the barm in the flour
and it heaves it.' C. E. L."

Barm, sometimes pronounced bourm, is the usual word
for any kind of yeast in the West-country. Cakes made
without yeast are usually termed " heavy cake."
Anglo-Saxon beorma — leaven, froth, yeast.

** Bate = to take in, lessen. Servant, middle-aged, at
Torquay, of a stocking that was being knitted : * I've
begun to bate en,' i.e. to make it narrower.

44 Again, 4 Now I must begin to bate the toe.' This will,
I suppose, be 4 abate ' ? C. E. L."

Yes. Words beginning with an unaccented vowel, such
as abate, anoint, appoint, apprentice, etc., almost in-
variably drop their first syllable in the dialect.

44 Bendin'. The local pronunciation of binding about
North Tawton ; e.g. 4 bendin' fackets '=binding faggots.

Evidently this was formerly the common pronunciation
of words in -fnd in Devonshire, for in dialect works of the
eighteenth and up to the middle of the nineteenth century,
we find the words blind and find transcribed as bleri* and
ven\ At the present time, they are usually pronounced
blaain' and vaain\

" BLAKE=to faint. 4 Rin ! maid, rin ! I shall blake
right away.' Jan Stewer in Western Weekly News, 21 Nov.,
1908. R. P. C."

From Anglo-Saxon blcecan — to bleach, fade.

To 44 blake away " is also used to imply a state of
complete exhaustion ; a child is said to 44 blake away "
after a violent fit of coughing, crying, or laughter.

44 To blake " alone means to bleat, as a sheep.

See "Blakes," 7th Report, Vol. XVI, p. 97.

44 BoTTOM=low-lying, marshy ground. E. S."
Bottom is the usual term for a valley in Devonshire ; e.g.
Brithenbottom in Halberton.

44 Bbook-brimble= woody nightshade, Solanum dulca-
mara. So called at Ashwater. G. D. M."
Not previously recorded.

E. S.

72 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

" Browse = brushwood, to cut brushwood out of hedges.
Supplied by W. P. 0. J. R."

See Browsing, 11th Report, Vol. XXI, p. 87*

" Brusse= furze. ' Vatch a towzer o' briisse then to
light kitchen vire wi',' i.e. a coarse apron full of dried furze.
The ' u ' in briisse having the sound of the German * ii * or
French 'u.' E. J. B."

This is the same word as Briss. See 22nd Report, Vol.
XLI, p. 69.

For " Towzer," see 1st Report, Vol. IX, p. 141 ; also
12th Report, Vol. XXIII, p> 141.

" CARE=the mountain ash (Pyrus aucuparia). So
called at Ashwater. G. D. M."
See Hal.

Quickbeam is the commonest name for the tree in Devon.

" Clicketting = fidgeting. * Er's always clickettin'
about.' Torrington, May, 1912. G. M. D."

This is a very common word in the Devonshire dialect ;
it implies that the person is always on the go, and is fre-
quently used of one whose tongue is always wagging ; e.g.
" Er's always on the clicket, click, click, clickettin' all day
long," i.e. chattering all day.

"With hir that will clicket make daunger to cope."

Tusser, p. 169.

" Cly (rhymes with sky)= the common goose-grass or
cleavers (Galium aparine). So called about Axminster.
Young turkej^s are said to be very fond of it, and boys
stick it on to each other's backs, etc. M. A."

Hal. has Cly, goose-grass. Somerset.

This plant is usually called Clyver, or Clyder, sometimes
Clyven or Clyden, so Cly is, no doubt, a shortened form of
the same word. Anglo-Saxon Clife — a burr. The fruit,
which is small and globular and very viscid, is known
by the name of Clitch-buttons and Sticky-buttons, and these
names are often applied to the whole plant.

The fruit of the common agrimony (Agrimonia eupa-
toria) is also known by the above names, from its super-
ficial resemblance to that of Galium aparine, it being
equally viscid and sticking to one's clothes with great
tenacity*

Clitch-buttons is also applied to the fruit of the common
burdock (Arctium lappa).

Digitized by

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS » 73

" Cihslings= small whitish plums, common but not
wild in North Devon. H. S."

In this case it is probably used for the bullace (Prunus
institia) ; but I have more usually heard the word applied
to the small black wild plum (Prunus domestica). The word
is moTe properly written Christling.
Hal. has Christlings, a small sort of plum. Devon.

" Crtjb, adj.=bent. A shovel handle may be too crub.
I have heard it so spoken of at Ash water. G. D. M."
Anglo-Saxon Crompeht, crumpled.

If the handle of a shovel is set too " crub," it is impossible
to dig deeply into the soil with it.

The bent wooden crooks, which supported the panniers
on the old pack-saddles, were called " crubs."

" Cxjllum. Local pronunciation of culm. A shaly
kind of stone. Poor coal which they burn lime with. E. S."

The West-countryman finds it difficult to pronounce
" Im " without making another syllable of it. He always
says ellum for elm, vellum for film, and often callum for
calm.

" DAUNT=discouragement. Used as a substantive,
while in literary English it is only found as a verb. ' He
had a daunt on en,' used of one daunted or dismayed.

" 4 He was in a bit of a daunt.' C. E. L."

" Down-daunted " is the common Devonshire equivalent
of the literary "down-hearted."

" Discussion = concussion. Servant, middle-aged, at
Torquay : ' 'Er died of discussion of the brain.' C. E. L."

Compound words, derived from Latin, as the above,
which are more or less unfamiliar to the partially educated,
are not unfrequently interchanged and used merely
phonetically, without regard to their true meaning.

Not long ago, a man at Newton Abbot said to me while
speaking of a house on the top of a hill : " That house
demands a fine view." He meant, of course, to say
" commands."

" Dry-th= dryness. ' There's no dry-th in the air to-
day.' Cp. Shakespeare's ' Spilth '= spilling, waste (Ham-
let, iv, 5, 20, and King Lear, iii, 2, 8). C. E. L."

Both " I>ryth " and " Drouth " are common in Devon
for dryness or drought.
See Hth Report, Vol. XXI, p. 92.

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74 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

" DuRNS=the side-posts or jambs of a doorway. Used
of a barn doorway by an old man at South Tawfcon*
E. L.-W."

See Dern, 11th Report, Vol. XXI, p. 90.

"Else=(1) other, elsewhere. "Tis zome place else.'
(2) Otherwise. ' Run in, yii'll get wet else.' ' The field-
path is the quickest, or else yii'm afraid o' the mud.' ' I'll
call 'e at nine, or else yii'd like to sleep a little later.' Also
used thus : ' I lent en a horse or else he's no friend o*
mine.' E. L.-W."

On 4th June, 1912, a countryman got into the Exeter
tram, and as we went up the hill he called out to the driver :
" Stop at North Street, or I'll get no dinner else," using,
else for otherwise. O. J. R.

" Ewe-necked = having a neck like a ewe. At a beauty
show : ' Fine long mane 'er've a-got, but a trifle yaw-
necked.' Jan Stewer in Western Weekly News, 12 Dec.,.
1908. R. P. C."

" Ewe " and the verb " to hew " are pronounced alike in
the dialect yaw.

" FLOPPY-DOP=the foxglove (Digitalis purpurea). A
common saying is, ' You make so much noise as a drumble-
drone in a floppy-dop.' J. F. C."

Hal. has Flap-dock, the foxglove. Devon.

This is, no doubt, the correct form of the word, so called
probably from the plant being used by cow-boys to drive
cattle by " flapping " or beating them ; the leaves also
bearing a superficial resemblance to those of the common
dock (Bumex obtusifoliuA). In the above form " floppy-
dop," the " y " is, of course, the euphonic medial syllable
so common in our dialect, and the dock is changed to
" dop " by alliterative assimilation with the first half of
the word " flap," or " floppy."

" Cow-flop " is an equally common name for the fox-
glove in Devon.

" Furze-Kite = the buzzard. A common name for
this bird in some parts of Dartmoor. C. E. L."
Usually pronounced " vuzz-kit."

" Fuz-PiG=hedgehog. H. K."

Vuz-pig is the almost invariable name for a hedgehog:
on Dartmoor.

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 75

So called, no doubt, from resemblance of its prickles to
the well-known plant.

Hedge-a-boar is another, though less common, name for
the animal.

" Gambadoes. Name applied by a nonagenarian farmer
at North Tawton to a pair of over-boots, worn on horse-
back to protect boots from mud-splashes, and having high
tops, but on the outer side of the leg only, and strapped
across the inner side. E. L.-W."

" Gawky-pot = an awkward, stupid person. ' Did ever
'e yer two zich gawky-pots in your life ? ' Jan Stewer in
Western Weekly News, 10 April, 1909. R. P. C."

Gawk, Gawkim, and Gawk-a-mouth are common expres-
sions for a clownish, gaping fool.

Originally a cuckoo.

Anglo-Saxon gedc, a cuckoo.

" Goose-flops = daffodils or Lent - lilies (Narcissus
^pseudo-narcissus). So called at Parracombe. J. F. C."

Very common in East Devon and West Somerset.

Friend and Britten both have Goose-flops, foxglove.
Devon. I have heard it very occasionally used for this
plant, but the far commoner names are " Cow-flop " and
" Flap-dock."

See Floppy-dop.

" Gramper-griggles = the spotted orchis (Orchis macu-
late). So called at Parracombe. But I am not sure
whether or not this is a Dorset importation ; several Dorset
labourers were brought here about eighty years ago.
J. F. C."

Equally commonly applied to the early purple orchis
(Orchis mascula) ; and very frequently also to the wild
hyacinth or bluebell (Hyacinthus non-scriptus).

" Hedge-a-boar, pronounced adjeboar=a, hedgehog.
Supplied by W. P. 0. J. R."
See Furze-pig.

" HuRTED=hurt. Servant, middle-aged : ' He wadd'n
hurted at all.' C. E. L."
A reduplicated past tense.
Cp. Droumded, AUockted.

Not long ago, a man, native of Torquay, said to me, in
speaking of a trading vessel which could not leave the

Digitized by

76 TWENTY-FIFTH BEPOBT OF THE COMMITTEE

harbour on account of a violent storm : " 'Er remainded
there vor two days 'vore 'er could get out."

This shows that reduplication of final syllables is still
a living feature of our dialect, particularly as " remain "
is rather a literary than a dialectal word.

" LENTicups=daffodils, Lent-lilies (Narcissus pseudo-
narcissus). Also called ' Lent-roses.' E. L.-W."
Not previously recorded.

" Loo=to move to and fro, to rock. An old gardener,
at Moretonhampstead, aged sixty-five, said to me : ' Yii'll
want zome giide strong stakes vor they fruit trees to keep
'em vrom loggin' about in the wind.' Nov., 1911. C. H. L."

Hal. has Log, to oscillate. Cornwall.

From this word we get the term " Logging " or " Logan "
Stone, of which there are so many examples in Devon and
Cornwall.

" Mash = a marsh. E. L.-W."

Always so pronounced. " Mashy ground " is marshy
ground. " R " is frequently omitted in the dialect. Cp.
" Sca'ce " for scarce, " /o'ce " for force, " hod'ze " for
hoarse, " 'oss " for horse, etc.

" PEBK=temper, rage. Laundress, elderly, native of
Torquay : ' I shall be in a bit of a perk with the girls.'
C. E. L "

Perky, as an adjective, is a common word in the dialect
for saucy, cheeky.

" Pebted up=tossed up. Servant, middle-aged, at
Torquay, of someone who turned away in indignation :
* He perted up he's head.' Is this a verb formed from the
familiar adjective ' peart ' ? Or is it from ' pert,' meaning
something like ' impertinent ' ? The pronunciation was
exactly as I give it. C. E. L."

More likely to be formed from " pert," or as it is more
usually written, " purt," which implies sulkiness or sullen-
ness. The adjective " purty," sulky, is very common.

See " Purt," 13th Report, Vol. XXV, p. 201.

" Plaize t'ev ? Said by a person not catching what
you have said, and wishing you to repeat. E. S."

A corruption of " What will you please to have ? "
Very commonly used simply as an interrogation, " What ? "
" What do you say ? "

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 77

"If you plaize ? " is equally common, used in the same
sense. It is the politer form of interrogation than
"Waat?"

The former would usually be said by a workman to his
master, the latter by one workman to another.

"PLAT=to plod. 'Out there plattin' about 'pon the
wat grass. 9 Jan Stewer in Western Weekly News, 15 May,
1909. R. P. C."

Analogous to this is dot for clod, and clat-hopper for clod-

Short o frequently becomes short a in the dialect.
Cp. knack for knock, etc.

" Plitff, relating to a headache. ' My head's all pluff.'
Supplied by W. P. 0. J. R."

This implies that his head feels as if it were all swollen.
" Pluffy " is very commonly used for swollen, puffy,
spongy. It is generally used in a disparaging sense, im-
plying an unhealthy or unnatural swelling or puffiness,
whereas " plum " implies a healthy, genial softness or
sponginess.

See 2nd Report, Vol. X, p. 129.

" Poll-picked = taunted. * He poll-picked me 'bout
wat I'd a-zaid tii en.' Torrington, May, 1912. G. M. D."

" Ptjlly ally. Strong, good material will bear ' pully
ally,' that is, will bear pulling all ways. E. S."

Hal. has Putty-hauly, to pull stoutly. This is probably
the true derivation, that which will bear pulling and
hauling.

Mrs. Hewett, in Peasant Speech of Devon, gives the form
" Pufleree-aUeree," p. 125.

" Quilling = dying away. Said of plants in a field, etc.

This is the same word as Quail, 19th Report, Vol.
XXXIV, p. 98.

Applied to persons, it means to faint, or languish.
" I'm quailin' away vor want o' zummot ta ait."

" Reed =unsplit straw, used for thatching. The heads
are cut off from the stalks before thrashing. This reed
is done up in bundles called * nitches,' which have two
' bines ' or ' beens ' (i.e. binds) round them. Some farmers,
finding this inconveniently large, bind it up in ' cores,' of

hopper

H. S."

78 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

which three would be equal to two * nitches.' The word
* sheaf ' is never applied to ' reed,' and the word * core ' is
not used with anything but ' reed.' E. S."

" 's, termination to 2nd sing, of verbs. I should like
to draw attention to the apparent transposition of the
-s (which stands for the -st of conventional English), from
the verb to the pronoun which precedes it, in the Devon-"
shire dialect. Thus 'thee's knaw ' for ' thee.knaws,' i.e.
thou knowest. They tell me the very old folk used to say
4 thee's knaw,' etc., about here, but that its use is now
confined to the extreme east of Devon. Lympstone, 1912.
O. J. R."

This form is by no means confined to East Devon, though
it may be commoner there than further west, but I have
frequently heard it used in the neighbourhood of Moreton-
hampstead, especially by children, who so constantly use
the 2nd pers. sing.

It is not, however, a transposition of the termination
of the verb to the pronoun, but is a shortened form of the
auxiliary " dost " ; thus, " thee's knaw " or " thee'st
knaw " is really short for " thee dost knaw." " Hast " is
similarly shortened, e.g. " thee's got en, an't 'e ? " Le.
" thou hast got it," etc.

The periphrastic forms, "I do know" for "I know";
" he do live there " for " he lives there," etc., are very com-
mon, especially in East Devon, Dorset, and West Somer-
set. It is not to be confused with the emphatic form with
auxiliary in the literary language, " I do know," when the
do is emphasized. In the dialect it is very short, "I da
knaw," and is far less emphatic than the simple form,
" I knaw " or " I knaws."

" Scourged = abraded. A child at Newton Abbot, who
had abraded her knuckle rather badly, said, ' I scourged
"n 'ginst a wall.' T. J. J."

Eng. Dial. Diet, has Scourge, to become red and sore.
But I think it is more likely to be the verb "Scrouge,"
meaning to crush or squeeze, with the " r " transposed,
as is so frequent in our dialect.

" Scrawly (pronounced scrah-ly) =to crawl. ' 'Twas
up 'aaf-a-nower avore I was abble to scraaly 'ome-'long.'
Jan Stewer in Western Weekly News, 20 Feb., 1909.
B. P. C."

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 79

Initial " s " is frequently added to words beginning
with "cr"; cp. scranch for crunch, scrumple for crumple, etc.

" Seldom thing = a rare thing. 4 'Twas a zeldom thing
they ciide come to spaik to wan tother.' Jan Stewer in
Western Weekly News, 21 Nov., 1908. R. P. C."

"Seldom" is used as an adjective in the dialect, while
in the literary language it is only found as an adverb.

44 Skentbr== tuberculosis in bullocks. Used at Ash-
water. G. D. M."

The disease is really chronic diarrhoea, "probably due to
consumption of the bowel.

Bullocks which will not fatten, owing to this disease,
are termed skenters.

Possibly derived from scant ; Middle English, Skant, in-
sufficient; from the insufficiently nourished appearance
of animals suffering from the disease.

44 Slatter = to spill, waste. * Hand me up my mug,
cheel, take care now wat you'm bout o', nit slatter it.'
Jan Stewer in Western Weekly News, 30 Jan., 1909.
P. C."

More usually pronounced slotter.

From this verb, which means to throw things about, to
be untidy, we get the common opprobrious subst. 44 slat-
tern," an untidy woman.

See Slat, 22nd Report, Vol. XLI, p. 80.

The word is of Scandinavian origin, Sletta, to fling about ;
Slett, a blow.

44 Soleing. A native of Kingsbridge, about fifty-five,
speaking of dragging about heavy goods, said, 4 'Tis very
solein'. T. J. J."

Hal. has Sole, to handle rudely, to haul or pull. Devon.
44 Es wont be mullad an soulad"

Exm. Courtship, 1. 377.
Sowlynge, or solwynge, makynge folwe, solwyn or fowlyn.
Prompt. Parv.

44 Stewer or Sttjer= uproar, disturbance. Children
leaving the chapel were making 4 a vine old stewer.' Heard
at Christow. H. J. L."

See 14th Report, Vol. XXVII, p. 58, where the word
is used in its more literal sense of dust, when kicked up, or
raised by the wind.

80 TWENTY-FIFTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

It is probably merely a local pronunciation of the
literary " stir." The form sturen was common in Middle
English.

" Stickle = steep. ' What stickle roofs they have here,
you don't see them in our part.' Used by a resident of
Axminster, with reference to some houses in a village on
the Somerset border. Aug., 1910. M. A."

See 6th Report, Vol. XV, p. 93; also 11th Report,
Vol. XXI, p. 103.

" S tickle-path y" is the usual term for a steep path, and
has become the proper name of a small village near Oke-
hampton. The word " Stickle " is applied also to streams
where the water runs swift and shallow owing to the
stream running down a steep incline.

Anglo-Saxon Sticele, steep, high, inaccessible.

" Stitch = a shock of corn, ten sheaves set up on end in
the field at harvest- time, to dry. E. L.-W."
The same word as the northern " Stook."

" SYVE=a scythe. ' Raipin' wi' a syve.' Jan Stewer
in Western Weekly News, 16 Jan., 1909. R. P. C."

Zyve and zye are the usual forms of the word scythe in
Devonshire; the latter is perhaps the true dialect form,,
while zyve is the dialectal adaptation of the literary scythe^
dh and v being interchangeable. Cp. dhatches for vetches^
dhurry for very, etc.

" Ted. To * ted ' hay is to toss or shake it up and
spread it abroad to dry. A ' hay-tedder ' is a machine for
tossing hay. These words are used in connection with.
hay only. E. S."

The word is of Scandinavian origin, from tedhja, to-
spread manure.

" Tittering = complaining, grumbling. A farmer^
speaking of one of his workmen, said : 4 He's always-
titterin' 'bout he's small wages.' Torrington, May, 1912^
G. M. D."

Cp. Middle English Titeren, to prattle.

The word is often used for stammering or stuttering.

In the literary language, the meaning is confined to
giggling.

' ' Toppy-nat = top-knot. A farm - servant, watching
another sheep-shearing, said to him : • Ban't 'e gwain to

Digitized by

OJ* DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. %l

cut off the toppy-nat o' en?' Torrington, May, 1912.
G.M. D."

Yet another instance of the common euphonic medial
syllable.

Cp. Dartymoor, Floppy -dop, etc.

44 Trapes = to tramp. 4 . Wat right 'ave he got to come
trapesin' into church wi' a black coat to 's back an' a whit*
collar arouh's neck ? ' Jan Stewer in Western Weekly News,
17 July, 1909. R. P. C."

The word really implies walking on dirty or muddy
roads, and so comes to mean tramping generally.

As a subst., Trapes is a common term- for a slattern.
Both this word and the literary "tramp " are connected
with the Dutch trapper^ to tread, or step, German treppe;
a step.

" Tunner or Tinner = a funnel, for tilling cider casks,
etc. Supplied by W. P. O. J. R."

A dialectal form of the word tunnel.

Orig. from Anglo-Saxon Tunne, a barrel. The word was
later used for any kind of arched shaft or pipe.

44 VAGS=lumps of turf, cut off the moor, and used for
fuel. E.L.-W."

44 Fags " or " vags " must not be confounded with peat,
pronounced 44 pait," which latter is dug out of deep bogs
during a dry summer.

Both are used as fuel, principally on hearth-fires.

44 Venge= impetus. 4 Take w a giide venge avore yii
jump, an' then yii'll dii it all right.' Torrington, May, 1912.
G. M. D."

More usually pronounced 44 vedge " or 44 vage."
Very common word, used for the short run before taking
a leap.
See Hal.

Middle English, Viage, Veage. 0. F., Veiage — a journey,
voyage.

44 ViVERS=veins. 4 How my vivers is all swollen.'
Servant, middle-aged, of Torquay, touching the veins on
her wrists. She confirmed having always known veins as
4 vivers.' C. E. L."

Probably a dialectal form of 44 fibres," to which swollen
veins bear a superficial resemblance.

VOL. XLIV. P

82 DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS.

" VoRENOONS=forenoon meal, luncheon. * Us was all
^alive an' to braxus nex' mornin', but 'bout a vorenune's
time I was out about the sheep.' Jan Stewer in Western
Weekly News, 6 March, 1909. * Us ded'n 'ave no voreniines,
cuz us reckoned the lunch to the zale wid zure to be a purty
giide wan.' Ibid., 10 April, 1909. R. P. C."

This refers to the meal which farm-labourers usually
take out with them and eat from ten to eleven o'clock in
the morning. It is often called Hebner (lit. elevener), from
the time at which it is eaten, viz. eleven o'clock.

*' Vore-right= honest, straightforward. Supplied by
W.P. O.J. R."

Hal. has Vore-rigkt, blunt, rude. West. It was re-
corded in this sense in 7th Report, Vol. XVI, p. 120.

It is clear that the word admits of being used in either
a good or bad sense.

" Withy- wine == bindweed. (Convolvulus arvensis, and
C sepium.) H. K."

Really " with-wind," the medial " y " being euphonic.

So called, no doubt, from its habit of " winding " about
the stalks of other plants.

Anglo-Saxon widh, about, and windan, to wind.

Hal. has Withunnd, the wild convolvulus.

" Wordle = world. ' They got the highest mountains
in the wordle auver 'bout Wales.' Jan Stewer in Western
Weekly News, 16 Jan., 1909. R. P. C."

Metathesis of consonants is very common in the dialect.
Though this is perhaps rather an insertion of " d " by
analogy with gurdl (girl), purdl (purl), quardl (quarrel),
etc. ; thus world would become wordld, then the final " d "
is dropped, as is usual after "Z"; cp. wile for wild, mile for
mild, etc., and so we get wordl.

THIRTY-FIRST REPORT OF THE BARROW
COMMITTEE.

Thirty-first Report of the Committee — consisting of the
Rev. 8. Baring-Gould, Mr. B. Burnard, the Bev. J. F.
Chanter and Mr. B. Hansford Worth (Secretary) —
appointed to collect and record facts relating to Barrows
in Devonshire, and to take steps, where possible, for their
investigation.

Edited by R. Hansford Worth, Secretary of the Committee.

The kistvaen at Legis Lake, reported and described in the
Twenty-ninth Report, has been re-excavated by the Rev.
Hugh Breton and the Secretary. The work yielded no
result of any sort except the information that the original
depth of the kist was 25 inches.

SIX-INCH ORDNANCE SURVEY — DEVONSHIRE SHEET CVTI,

Within the area covered by this sheet there are the
known remains of eleven kistvaens. Of these seven lie
within the south-western quarter of the sheet, one south
of the Blackabrook, and the remaining six in the space
between the Blackabrook and West Dart, on or under the
slopes of RoundhiU ; all these seven have been reported by
Dr. Prowse (Vol. XXXIII, p. 495, with map).

The Secretary's survey differs somewhat in the exact
location of the kistvaens from that made by Dr. Prowse, *
but not to any serious extent. In May, 1905, the Secretary
made detailed plans of the kistvaens in question, and
these are now published.

Starting at the south, we have first a kist which lies
almost due south of a rock exposure crowning an unnamed

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

RINGMOOR, PLYM VALLEY.

N.W.

84 THIRTY-FIRST REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE.

Tor to the south of the Blackabrook, long. 3° 57' 29£" W.,
lat. 50° 32' 41" N.

A rifled kistvaen. Internal dimensions, length 2 feet
10£ inches, width at south end 2 feet 3 inches, width at
north end 1 foot 9 inches, present depth 1 foot 3 inches ;
the, coverstone has been thrown to one side and measures
5 feet 2 inches by 4 feet 2 inches. Direction of length
of the kist, N. 23° 30' W. (Plate I.)

Next comes a group of three kistvaens, the southernmost
of which is marked on the unrevised Ordnance survey, and
lies on the north bank very near the Blackabrook stream,
in long. 3° 58' 8" W., and lat. 50° 32' 50" N.

On Plate III will be found a plan showing the relative
positions of these three kistvaens. From the southernmost
the westernmost lies 20 feet 2 inches away (centre to centre)
on a bearing N. 15° W. From the southernmost the
easternmost lies 42 feet 6 inches away on a bearing N. 24° E.
The distance between the westernmost and the eastern-
most is 30 feet, and bearing is N. 51° E.

The southernmost of this group is a fine kist, with very
substantial side stones. The southern end stone has fallen
out, and the coverstone partially overhangs the kist.
The internal length of the kist was probably 3 feet 4 inches,
its internal width is 1 foot 9 inches, and the present
depth is 3 feet 3 inches, which was probably the original
depth also. The coverstone measures 4 feet 7 inches by
5 feet, and is 8 inches thick.

The direction of the length of the kist is N. 29° 45' W.
(Plate II). The westernmost member of the group is
smaller and is somewhat more ruined, the eastern side has
fallen out, the south end is disturbed, and the coverstone
cannot be found. The internal dimensions were probably :
length 2 feet 5 inches, width 2 feet: The present depth
at the sides is 10 inches, and to the bottom of a pit sunk
in the floor it is 2 feet.

The direction of length is, approximately, N. 39° 30'
(Plate III). The easternmost of the group is well pre-
served, but the coverstone is missing. Its internal dimen-
sions are, length 2 feet 10 \ inches, width at northern end
2 feet 7 inches, width at southern end 2 feet 3 inches,
present depth 1 foot 10 inches. The direction of its length

is N. 27° 15' W. (Plate IV.)

The next kistvaen lies in long. 3° 57' 51J" W., and lat.
50° 33' 0" N. It is a comparatively small but well-pre-

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THIRTY-FIRST REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE. 85

served specimen ; the coverstone is missing. The internal
dimensions are : length 2 feet 8 inches, width at north
end 2 feet 1 inch, width at south end 1 foot 10 inches,
present depth 6 "inches. The direction of length is N.
74° 0' W. (Plate V.)

Bearing N. 26° 30' W. from this kistvaen, and distant
35 feet 6 inches, is a barrow.

We have passed over and should here insert a cairn
which lies approximately in a line from the group of three
kistvaens to this barrow in long. 3° 58' 2" W., and lat.
50° 32' 54" N.

Proceeding northward, another kist to the east of the
summit of Roundhill lies in long. 3° 57' 37" W., and lat.
50° 33' 8£" N. It is well preserved, and the coverstone
just overlaps the chamber, having been turned to one
side.

The internal dimensions are : length 3 feet, width in
centre 1 foot 7 inches, depth 1 foot 2 inches. The cover-
stone measures 4 feet 10 inches by 2 feet 10 inches, and is
8 inches thick. The direction of length is N. 71° 30' W.
(Plate VI.)

The last kistvaen to be dealt with in the present Report
lies near the summit of Roundhill in long. 3° 57' 42£" W.,
and lat. 50° 33' 9 \" N. The west-end stone has disappeared,
the coverstone overhangs the south side. The internal
dimensions were probably : length 3 feet 8 inches, width
at east end 2 feet 6 inches, width at west end 1 foot
10 inches, depth at present 1 foot 8 inches ; coverstone
4 feet 9 inches by 4 feet 2 inches by 9 inches in thickness.
Direction of length N. 67° 45' W. (Plate VII.)

To the north of this kistvaen are certain rather inde-
terminate remains, which have the appearance of two
stone rows, intersecting at right angles at a point 18 feet
distant from the kist and bearing N. 41° 30' W. from it.
The one row points eastward N. 91° E., the other points
northward N. 7° W. These require further investigation.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON
CHURCH PLATE.

Fourth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. Max-
well Adams, Mr. J. 8. Amery, Rev. G. Ooldney Baker,
Rev. Chancellor Edmonds, Mr. T. Cann Hughes,
Sir Roper Lethbridge, Rev. O. J. Reichel, Mr. A. J. V.
Radford, Mr. George E. Windeatt, and Mr. Harbottle
Reed and Rev. J. F. Chanter (Secretaries).

The city of Exeter and its suburbs is practically cotermin-
ous with the Deanery of Christianity, and so, while it
was intended in this report to give an account of the
Church Plate of the city of Exeter, it has been thought
best, following the plan adopted in previous reports of
taking deaneries as the unit, to use the same division.

The deanery at present consists of twenty-five parishes,
but to these must be added the ancient churches of St.
Kerrian and St. George, now destroyed, but whose plate
still exists, St. Martin, disused, St. Pancras, united with
St. Paul, the various subsidiary churches, such as St.
Michael, and chapels such as St. Loye, St. Clare Livery
Pole, and Wynards, which brings the number up to thirty-
seven, not including public institutions such as schools,
colleges, and institutes. All of these, excepting Exwick
and Countess Weir, have been personally examined by
the Rev. J. F. Chanter, Hon. Secretary of the Committee,
whose report we append.

A general survey of the Church Plate of the Deanery of
Christianity leads one to the conclusion that in this deanery
quantity is more strongly represented than quality.

Edited by Rev. J. F. Chanter, m.a.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

EXETER AND ITS SUBURBS ; OR, DEANERY OF
CHRISTIANITY.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE. 87

Every church is most profusely furnished with plate.
Several have from four to six or seven chalices and patens,
flagons, usually a pair, two or three alms dishes, and in
nearly every case a straining spoon, while besides we
have candlesticks, silver verges or maces, and a varied
assortment such as mazers, porringers, rose-bowls, plates,
ladles, and in one church a snuff-box for use at the vestry.
Pewter also, in shape of flagons, plates, and alms bowls, is
well represented, but no pewter chalices exist. But when
we come to articles of artistic and archaeological interest,
with the exception of the Elizabethan work, a few excellent
modern reproductions of mediaeval chalices and patens,
the mazers and a few alms bowls, they are very few in
number. Not a single instance of pre-Reformation work,
with the exception of the mazers, has been noted, and
very little pre-Restoration work.

It is undoubtedly the case that the cathedral cities
suffered more than the country villages in the Edwardian
pillage and the great rebellion, especially in the latter
case, and the English cathedrals possess very little plate
of earlier date than 1660, but in the case of Exeter the
pillage and civil war do not account for the loss of all its
old plate. During the great rebellion some of it was con-
cealed. When the Dean and Canons returned to St. Peter's,
and the Babylonian wall between East and West Peter
was taken down, Mr. Snow, who had taken care of some
of the plate and other furniture of the Chapter, brought in
two large gilt flagons with cases, one silver basin, two
gilt chalices with their covers. Of this only the flagons
now survive. On some of the chalices now at the Cathedral
we find inscriptions of their being presented many years
before the dates which the hall-marks record, and also
the words " Dec et Cap renovavit 1772." Again, at
St. Mary Major we find the note, " The old communion
plate having been much worn the feofees of the parish of St.
Mary Major liberally substituted this new service. Anno
Dom. 1831." At St. Petrock's, in 1661, there were three
chalices with their covers all gilt ; only two now survive.
St. Olave's had much in the last century that is now missing,
and I am afraid this is still going on. At St. Sidwell's, in
1882, the flagons made in 1712 by Edmond Richards, of
Exeter, were destroyed. True that there is little to be
said either from an artistic or historical view for early
Victorian work, but Tudor, Stuart, and early Georgian

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

work have a beauty of their own, and far excel in artistic
worth the modern mediaevakshaped chalices and patens
supplied by the; ecclesiastical furnishers and so beloved
by many of the present-day clergy, to say nothing of the
loss of the historical records of their past.

There are modern chalices beautifully designed and
wrought after ancient models, but the majority of what
one meets with, and which I have classed as in the modern
mediaeval style, can only be described as libels on the work
of the English craftsman of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries. .

In the diary of that old Exeter citizen John Hayne, we
can read how he sent his old spoons with gilt heads to be
made into new spoons without heads, and how he ex-
changed his old silver bowls and tankards for new-fashioned
ones. Hayne has had many successors among the clergy
and citizens of Exeter, and it is not only ladies who like
to be in the fashion.

Another surprise in the Exeter churches is the small
amount of plate by Exeter craftsmen. It may have been
the case that where there were two or three goldsmiths
resident in a parish, to have purchased from one might
have caused jealousy with the others, and to avoid this
the churchwardens sent off to London to supply their needs.
Be this how it may, one is struck by the fact that in Exeter,
the home of the only guild of goldsmiths south and west
of London, there is less of Exeter work in proportion
than in the country districts. Indeed, of very, very few
of the long roll of Exeter craftsmen in metak are there
any examples in the Exeter churches. One looks in vain
for any work of such craftsmen as John Averie, Richard
Osborne, and Steven More in the sixteenth century,
William Horwood, Ralph Hermann, and Edward Anthony
in the seventeenth century, or Thomas Salter, Anthony
Tripe, aiid Edward Spicer in the eighteenth. The Exeter
craftsmen who are to any extent represented in its Church
Plate may be briefly summed up as John Jones and John
Elston, with just a few examples of some nine or ten
others.

Of the ancient Church Plate of Exeter a fuller account
could be given than of any other part of the county.
Inventories of the church goods of various of the Exeter
churches from the beginning of the fifteenth century
onwards are still in existence, and among the documents

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

in the Record Roota at the Exeter Guildhall is a volume
consisting of a mutilated book of eighteen f olios containing
answers of the churchwardens to interrogations in T552 ;
a note-book of thirteen f olios of what the commissioners
at the view of the Cathedral church goods of Exon found
there ; a draft inventory of the goods of the Cathedral and
Exeter churches ; list of goods given towards making the
haven ; seventy-one folios of inventories of church goods,
etc. Most of these are not to be found at the Public Record
Office, where the accounts existing of Devonshire church
goods are most meagre and bald. But a transcript of the
Guildhall records is beyond the scope of the work of this
Oommittee, and would take more pages than would be
available in the Society's proceedings. It will be sufficient
in this introduction to give a summary of what plate is
still existing in the city of Exeter and its suburbs.

Elizabethan chalices are found in fourteen parishes.
All Hallows, Goldsmith Street, St. David's, St. Edmund,
Holy Trinity, St. John, St. Kerrian,, St. Martin, St. Mary
Arches, St. Paul, St. Petrock, St. Sidwell, Countess Weir,
Exwick, and Oldridge ; the last belonged originally to
St. Thomas, the Countess Weir and Exwick ones probably
represent lost ones of other Exeter parishes. Of these
seven are the work of John Jones, of Exeter (1558-83),
two probably of Richard Hillard, of Exeter (1548-94),
one possibly of John North, of Exeter (1569-74), one is
of Exeter pattern by an unknown maker whose initials
were H. D., and one of London make, and one with no
marks, though of Exeter pattern. The Exeter -made
Elizabethan chalices are quite a distinct type, their chief
peculiarity being the concave lip, which at first sight
has the appearance of being a later addition to the bowl ;
it is particularly noticeable on the Jones chalices, not only
at Exeter, but all over the county. I have never seen it
on the Matthew chalices, which are the type that prevails in
North Devon; but Matthew, though he has been classed
as an Exeter goldsmith, had no connection with Exeter ;
he was at Barnstaple nearly fifty years, and was buried
there 29th December, 1611.

There are three chalices at St. Pancras, St. Petrock's,
and Holy Trinity which, though seventeenth century,
approximate very closely to the Elizabethan style. The
St. Pancras one has no marks ; it has a baluster
stem, but in other respects and ornamentation it is

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Elizabethan. The St. Petrock's chalice by Jasper Radcliffe^
of Exeter (1624-75), and the Holy Trinity one by a
London maker and dated 1638, are quite Elizabethan in
style. All of these, with the exception of St. SidwelTs
and Countess Weir, have their covers. St. George has a.
chalice of 1694 ; all the rest are of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries.

The oldest paten, excepting chalice covers, is at St..
Lawrence, and is 1654 ; the rest are mainly early eighteenth
century.

Flagons, as mentioned before, are found in nearly every
church, generally a pair. The oldest are the pair with
domed lids at the Cathedral. They bear the date-letter
of 1629. St. Stephen's has a pair of 1648, St. Mary Arches
one of 1691 ; the rest are eighteenth century and later.

The oldest alms dishes, excepting the mazers, which
were originally drinking vessels, are at St. John's, date 1656^
and the Cathedral. The latter, which is possibly of com-
posite character, has on one part a maker's mark which is
circ. 1673.

The candlesticks at the Cathedral are deserving of notice
as fine specimens of late seventeenth-century work.

The finest piece of secular plate is the " Cradle Chalice "
at the Cathedral, and there are some good porringers.

Another noticeable point in Exeter Church Plate is the
frequency of inscriptions ; they are almost universal.
This has frequently led the historians of Exeter churches
astray in their dating of the pieces. In some cases the
inscriptions give dates anterior to the period in which the
piece was made or remade, as at the Cathedral and St.
Stephen's. In others, as at St. Edmund's, the date in-
scribed is many years after the piece was made. On the
other hand, armorials are less frequently found on Exeter
plate than in the country districts.

The investigation of the Church Plate of Devon as it
proceeds leads to the revision of many assertions and
statements made in the earlier reports, and the discovery
that the authority of the standard works has to be accepted,,
as far as their Exeter sections go, with many reservations
in fact, Cripps' Exeter chapter must be entirely discarded,,
it is so very inaccurate, and even Jackson's Exeter chapter,,
which was a very great advance on Cripps', needs a great
deal of revision.

In the first report of the Church Plate Committee L

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

attempted to give a list of Devonshire Goldsmiths. Since
that was written many additions and corrections have
been made in succeeding reports. I have not included
any in this report, as they have proved to be so extensive
and important that I have embodied them in a separate
paper on the Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild, to which I would
refer my readers.

Parhacombe, 1912.

DETAILED INVENTORY OF CHURCH PLATE.

Chalices. — 1. Silver-gilt goblet-shaped cup, 10 in. high;
bowl, 4 in. deep, 4 in. diameter ; circular foot, 4f in.
diameter ; stem with small knop.

Marks : (i.) maker's, P. N. (Philip Norman) ; (ii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iii.) Hon passant ; (iv.) date-
letter, 1771 (London). Weight, 29 oz. 12 dwt.

Inscription : " Laur Burd Custos Coll : Vicar : Exon
dedit 1628 Dec. et Cap. Exon renovavit 1772."

2. Replica, marks same. Weight, 30 oz. 6 dwt.
Inscription : " Edward Mitchell gen dedit 1660, Dec.

et Cap. Exon. renovavit 1772."

3. Replica, marks same. Weight, 30 oz. 9 dwt. No
inscription.

4. Replica, marks same. Weight 30 oz. 3 dwt. No
inscription.

5. A magnificent reproduction of the Nettlecombe
chalice. Gold and jewelled. 7| in. high ; bowl, 4££ in.
diameter ; 2| in. deep ; foot hexagonal ; on foot cross of
13 diamonds and LH.S. of 30 diamonds.

Monograms: (i.) " R. C"; (ii.) " G. Jf. C"; (iii.)
"A. M. C."; (iv.) "R. E. M."

Inscription : "In gloriam dei cui fideliter servierat
Benjamin Morgan Cowie S. T. P. Eccles : Cathedr : Exon :
XVI annos Decanus qui obiit III die Mai MDCCCC."

Marks : (i.) maker, J. E. L. & S. (J. Ellet Lake & Son) ;
(ii.) leopard's head ; (iii.) crown ; (iv.) 18 ; (v.) date-letter,
1904 (London).

6. Silver-gilt, modern mediaeval shape, 8 in. high ; bowl,
3| in. diameter, 2f in. deep ; hexagonal atem with open-
work knop ; six-lobed foot.

J. Frederick Chanter.

THE CATHEDRAL.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Marks : (i.) maker, W. C. J. L. ; (ii.) leopard's head;
(iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) date-letter, 1898 (London).

7. " The Cradle Chalice," a silver-gilt, two-handled
standing cup, with cover. 14| in. high ; 9 J in. high to
cover; bowl is 5f in. diameter, 7 J in. deep ; ornamented
with repouss6 work.

Inscriptions : " Quod amico annus gravi vivent genua
tuum est. The Cradle Chalice Xmas Day, 1901. They
found no room for him. A. M. Ep 8 Dec 8 ."

Arms : impaled Baron, Gules with a bordure engrailed
arg., 3 escallops with martlets over ; Femme, Azure, two
bars and a bend or. Crest : a lion's head erased, pierced
with an arrow.

Marks : (i.) maker's mark, W. T. in oval (William
Tuite ?) ; (ii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iii.) lion passant ;
(iv.) date-letter, 1771 (London).

Patens. — 1. Silver-gilt plain plate on stand. 7£ in.
diameter; "I.H.S. " in halo in centre. Weight, 10 oz.
9 dwt.

Marks : as on No. 1 chalice.

2. Replica, similar marks. Weight, 11 oz. 2 dwt.

3. Another replica, similar marks. Weight, 11 oz. 7 dwt.

4. Another replica, similar marks. Weight, 11 oz. 8 dwt.

5. Mediaeval pattern, gold. 7J in. diameter. Sunk sexa-
foil centre with Agnus Dei.

Inscription : "In piam memoriam patris sui hanc
patinam cum calice legavit Alicia Margareta Cowie Fest
Pasch MDCCCCIV."

Marks : as on chalice No. 5, and J. Ellet Lake fecit.

6. Modern mediaeval, silver-gilt, sunk sexafoil centre
with " I.H.S." 6H in. diameter.

Marks as on chalice No. 6.

Flagons. — 1. Tankard-shaped, with domed lid, silver-
gilt. 16 in. high; 10 J in. to lid; 4-iV in. diameter at
fid ; 5| in. at foot. Engraved with arms of the See.
Weight, 54 oz. 15 dwt.

Marks : (i.) maker, R. C. with pheon below in dotted
border ; (ii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iii.) Hon passant ;
(iv.) date-letter, 1629 (London).

2. Replica, similar marks. Weight, 55 oz. 10 dwt.

Alms Dishes. — 1. Silver -gilt, square, with scalloped
corners. 8£ in. diameter. ^

Digitized by

Google

ALTAR CANDLESTICKS AT CATHEDRAL.
Late Seventeenth Century.

Church Plate Report.— To face p. 93.

Digitized by

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

Inscription : 44 Remember the words of the Lord Jesus
it is more blessed to give than to reeeive. Acts xx. 35."
Marks : as on chalice No. 1. 177.1,

2. Replica. ' Marks, etc., as on No. 1.

3. A silver-gilt dish on foot. 15 J in. diameter;
2| uu high. A very remarkable piece, which has . the
appearance of being pieced together of plate of different
periods. The rim, 2£ in. wide, ornamentation of repouss6
work, consists of six long ovals all differently filled :
(a) skull between two hearts pierced with cross-b,one ;
(6) conventional flowers ; (c) skull and cross-bones,
flowers between two cherubs ; (d) flowers; (e) skull
between cross-bones and pierced heart ; (/) four cherubs;
between each of the ovals are flowers of different patterns.
Centre of dish is west end of a church with central tower,
nave and aisles, three west windows and door under
central window, figure standing at door. Crosses over
gables.

Inscription : (pricked) 44 Ecclce B P Exon Soror Batter
Virgo prim vae Pietatis in vita cultrix et in mote [sic]
exemplar." Foot is a later addition of very rough work.
8} in. diameter. Weight, 40 oz.

Marks : (i.) W W with mullet and pellets under ;
(ii.) as No. 1 (date of mark is circ. 1673).

4. Large oval dish, silver-gilt, 22 J in. by 17J in.,
with scalloped edge, ornamented with repouss6 work,
cupids, etc. ; on the edges are four heads of boys with
ruff screwed on.

Inscription : 44 Vasa et lagenas calices patinas restaurari
exornari et inaurari jussit Dec et Cap Exon 1772."

Marks : (i.) H. P. interlinked in oval ; (ii.) covered cup ;
(iii.) the sign of Aquarius.

This curious dish is apparently a German rose-water dish.

Candlesticks. — A fine pair, fluted columns reeded in the
lower third on square pedestals with feet. Height, 28 J in. ;
pedestals, 3f in. diameter.

Inscription : 44 Eccles Cathedral Beati Petri Exon."

Marks: (i.) maker, I. J. ; (ii.) lion passant; (iii.)
leopard's head crowied ; (iv.) date-letter, 1681 (according
to Cripps) ; they appeared to me, 1693. (See illustration.)

Spoon. — Pierced for straining. 8. in. long.

Marks : no maker ; (i.) leopard's head ; (ii.) lion passant;
(iii.) Exeter Castle ; (iv.) 1730 (?) (Exeter),

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Verges. — 1. Silver. 43 in. long, with oval on top; on
one side, Dean's arms ; on other, Chapter seal.

Inscription : "Exon Anno Dom 1739."

Marks : (i.) maker indecipherable ; (ii.) leopard's head
crowned; (iii.) lion passant; (iv.) date-letter, 1760 (London).

2. Similar to No. 1. 40 in. long. Inscription and
marks as on No.l.

With the Cathedral Plate should be catalogued also —

Chalice found in fcomb of Bishop Bitton, died 1307 ;
it is 4 broken, and its measurements cannot be accurately
given ; is of usual early thirteenth-century type. Bowl,
4 in. diameter, and shallow round foot ; stem with kiiop,
of somewhat later pattern.

Paten. — Plain, plate with Manus Dei in centre.

The church has been lately pulled down, but the plate is
preserved with that of St. Pancras.

* Chalices. — 1. Elizabethan parcel-gilt with cover of
Exeter pattern. 7 in. high ; bowl, 3| in. diameter ;
4 in. deep ; usual band in centre of bowl, £ in. wide ; stem
round, with knop ; foot circular, 3H in. diameter.

No marks, except a rough P N stamped and partly
scratched out.

Cover. — Dome-shaped, with button, on which is Tudor
rose. 4 in. diameter ; 1 in. high.
No marks. Total weight, 11 oz.

An illustration of it may be seen in Tram. Devon.
Assoc., Vol. XXXV, p. 590.

2. Goblet-shaped. 7J in. high ; bowl, 4 in. diameter,
4J in. deep ; foot circular, 3| in. diameter.

Inscription : " Presented to the parish of All Hallows
Goldsmith Street by Mr. George Ferris. George Ferris
Sobey, bap. Jan. 1st, 1841." I.ILS. with halo.

Marks : (i.) maker, W B (William Bayley) ; (ii.)
leopard's head crowned; (iii.) lion passant; (iv.) date-
letter, 1784 (London). Weight, 11 oz.

Patens. — 1. Cover to chalice No. 1, which see.
2. Plain, on stand. 6H in. diameter ; 2 in. high in
centre ; raised quatrefoil, with I.H.S. in halo.
Marks : (i.) SOBEY (W. R. Sobey) ; (ii.) Hon passant ;

ALL HALLOWS, GOLDSMITH STREET.

CHUKCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

<iii.) Castle ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1845
(Exeter).

3. Replica, parcel-gilt.

Mark : (i.) Kon passant. Weight of two patens, 18 oz.
15dwt.

Flagon. — Plain. 12 in. high ; 9| in. to lid, which has a
■cross on top. Handle, twisted shape ; eight-lobed foot.
Weight, 24 oz. 15 dwt.

Marks : (i.) maker, W. R. S. (William Rawlins Sobey) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) castle ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1842 (Exeter).

Alms Bowl. — A silver-gilt mazer, diameter 6 \ in., depth
2 J in., boss 2f in. ; the rim is li in., moulding set with
flowers and rayed and scalloped fringe.

Inscription, on a small plate on bottom : " Presented
to the Church of All Hallows Goldsmith Street by W. R. S.
1843." The date is circ. 1510.

Pewter Vessels. — Flagon, a flat-lid tankard, 11 J in. high ;
plate marked R. D. (Richard Daw, Exeter, circ. 1780),
10 in. diameter ; alms bowl, 9 in, diameter.

Inscription : " All Hallows Exon 1682."

Chalice. — Modern mediaeval pattern, 10 in. high ; bowl,
6 in. diameter, 4 in. deep ; hexagonal stem ; knop with
six bosses ; foot six-lobed, 5 in. diameter.

Inscription on band round bowl : " Hie est sanguis
meus *f«." On foot, crucifix and £ affixed.

Inscription : " This chalice was made out of two belong-
ing to the parish of All Hallows on the Wall one of which
was given by John Bowden Cresswell of Newcourt 1844."

Marks : (i.) maker, W. H. ; (ii.) leopard's head ; (iii.)
lion passant ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1865
(London).

Paten. — Plain plate on stand, 7 in. diameter.

Inscription : " The gift of John Bowden Cresswell Esq,
of Newcourt Topsham to the Church of All Hallows on the
Walls, 1844."

E.E.

Marks : (i.) maker, B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.) leopard's head ;
J.W.

(iii.) lion passant; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1842 (London).

ALL HALLOWS ON THE WALL.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Flagon,—- Domed lid, 13 in. high.
Marks and inscription as on paten.

Alms dish. — Plain plate, 9 in. diameter.
Marks and inscription as pateh.

BEDFORD CHAPEL.

Chalices— Two early Victorian, Sheffield plate. 8| in.
high.

Paten. — Plate on stand, gadroon border. 8 \ in. diameter.
Sheffield plate.

Flagon .—14 in. high ; dome lid ; Sheffield plate.

Alms Dishes. — Two plain plates, 9£ in. diameter ;
Sheffield plate.

ST. DAVID.

Chalices. — 1. Elizabethan, with cover jot Exeter pattern.
Height, 7 in.; bowl conical, with lip 3£ in., diameter;
4 in. deep. Instead of usual floral band it has round bowl,
THEO PA RISOQFOSO DAVIS. Foot circular, with usual
ornamentation, 3f in. diameter ; stem with rounded knop.

Marks : 5 0, probably John North.

Cover. — Usual shape, with button, 3 J in. diameter ; 1£ in.
high on button.

Inscription : " The paris of saynt Davis 1571."
No marks.

2. A modern and inexact copy of No. 1.
Inscription : "The Parish of St. David, Exeter, 1835."
Marks : (i.) maker (E. E. J. and W. Barnard) ; (ii.)

leopard's head ; (hi.) Hon passant ; (iv.) King's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1835 (London).

3. Modern mediaeval pattern ; a very handsome piece,
silver-gilt and jewelled. 9 T V in. high ; bowl, 4J in.
diameter ; 3f in. deep. Has round it a string of fine pearls,
and engraved "Hauriat hinc populus vitam de sanguine
sacro " Stem hexagonal, with six bosses for knop ;
foot six-lobed, on which in repouss6 work Agnus Dei',
crucifixion, SS. Mary and John, sacred monogram, etc.

Inscription: "Dono dedit Sarah Thornton. West in
usum altaris S. Davids, 1900."

Marks : (i.) maker, J. W., E. G. W. ; (ii.) leopard's head %
(iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) date-letter, 1899 (I^oncto n K

Digitized by

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

Patens. — 1. Cover to No. 1 chalice, which see.

2. Plain, on stand. 9 in. diameter ; 3 in. high ; foot,
3^ in. diameter.

Inscription : " S. D. 1714."

Marks : (i.) maker, 2T*,. with crown (Anthony Tripe) (?) ;
(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ;
(v.) date-letter, 1714 (Exeter).

3. Plain silver-gilt. 6 in. diameter.

Inscription: " Dono dedit in usum altaris perpetuum
Ch. Ch. B. presbyter Anno Dom. 1847."

Marks : (i.) maker, $. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) castle ;
(iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1847 (Exeter).

4. Plain gilt. 6| in. diameter. Cross. Marks as on
chalice No. 3.

5. Large paten, on stand ; gilt. 7 J in. diameter ; 2\ in,
high ; foot repouss6, six-lobed, as foot of chalice No. 4.

Marks : as on chalice No. 4.

Flagons. — 1. Elizabethan shape, with spout. 15 in.
high, 12| in. to lid ; diameter at lid, 2| in. ; girth, centre,
19J in ; foot, six-lobed, 5£ in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, E. J. B. W. (E. J. & W. Barnard) ;
(ii.) leopard's head ; (iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) Queen's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1850 (London).

2. Silver-gilt, modern mediaeval shape, with repouss6
work. 12 in. high ; six-lobed foot, 5 in. diameter.

Inscription : (engraved) " Et tu fons es semper
plenus et superabundans."

Marks : as on chalice No. 3.

Alms Dishes and Bowls. — 1. A two-handled porringer,
with domed cover. 5| in. high, 5 in. diameter ; foot, 3 J in.
diameter.

Inscription : " St. Davids Exon, 1717."

Marks : (i.) maker, (Edmond Richards) ; (ii.)

Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ; (v.)
date-letter, 1718 (Exeter).

2. Gilt bowl. 3f in. high ; 6J in. diameter.

Inscription : "Ex dono Gulielmi Tomkins parochiae
St. Davidis Armigeri. In usum baptismi perpetuum
Anno Dom. 1804."

Arms : Azure, a chevron or, between 3 pheasants.

Crest : a lion rampant, holding a spear.

Marks : (i.) maker, W. E., with ornament over ; (ii.)

vol. xliv. o

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; - (iv*) King's
head ; (v.) date-letter indecipherable.

3. A six-lobed plate. 8| in. diameter.

Inscription : " Presented to the parish of S. David's,
Exeter, by Elizabeth Tomkins, daughter of the late
Rev. Chichester Tomkins, Dec, 1835."

Marks : (i.) maker, J. A., I. A., in four-lobed shield
(J. & I. Aldouss) ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head;
<iv.) date-letter, 1835 (London) p (v.) King's head.

Verge. — A staff nearly six feet long, on top, " In resica-
piscis O S fc David R," Arms of Dean of Exeter. :

Inscription : " The gift of Wm. Hooper, Esq., to the
parish of St. David's, Exeter. Easter, 1843."

Marks : (i.) makers, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1843 (London).

Chalice. — Elizabethan parcel-gilt, with cover. Exeter
pattern ; a rather plain example. 8| in. high ; bowl,
4f in. diameter • 4| in. deep, with usual foliated band
round centre, |f in. wide ; plain circular knop, round foot,
4| in. diameter.

Mark : RH interlinked in circle with ring of dots,
probably the mark of Richard Hilliard, of Exeter (1548-94).

Cover. — 5 in. diameter ; 1 J in. high ; button has been
flattened and engraving hammered out.

Inscription : " This Challis belongeth to the parish of
Edmonds on the Bridge in Exon Ap. 17 1659." On rim :
" Holyness becometh thy Chvrch and thy people for euer."
On button : " Edmonds on the Bridge 1659."

Mark : as on chalice. Weight, 24 oz. 10 dwt.

Note. — The inscription has led to this old piece being
described as of 1659.

Paten. — Plain plate, on stand. 8 J in. diameter; 2£ in.
high.

Inscription : " St. Edmunds, 1684. Thomas Horsham,
Isaack Walland, Wardens."
The foot is a later addition to a platter.
No marks. Weight, 12 oz. 5 dwt.

Flagons. — 1. Tankard-shaped. llf in. high, domed
lid ; 9£ in. to lid ; 4£ in. diameter at lid ; 6£ in. at foot.

ST. EDMUND.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

Inscription : " S Edmonds on the Bridge Exon 1728. ,,
Marks : (i.) maker, PE in oval (Philip Elston) ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) castle ;
(v.) date-letter, 1728 (Exeter). Weight, 51 oz. 15 dwt.

2. Replica. Inscription and marks the same. Weight,
49 oz. 14 dwt.

Alms Bowl. — Plain. 8 in. diameter ; 3 in. high.

Inscription : " St. Edmund on the Bridge. Exon 1746."

Marks : (i.) maker ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's
head crowned ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-letter, 1744 (Exeter).
Weight, 13 oz. 15 dwt.

Straining Spoon. — Nineteenth century.

Marks : (i.) maker, J. H. ; (ii.) leopard's head ; (iii.) lion
passant ; no date-letter.

Chalices. — 1. A modern chalice, yet of very curious and
quite unique design. The bowl is almost hemispherical,
supported on a trumpet-shaped stem with a cable-shaped
flange close up under bowl. The trumpet-shaped stem is
divided into three portions by two bands. The upper
one is set with six stones ; (i.) a jasper ; (ii.) a sapphire ;
(iii.) a chalcedony ; (iv.) an emerald ; (v.) a sardonyx ;
(vi.) a sard ; the lower band is of cable pattern.

Height, 7£ in. ; bowl, 5£ in. diameter ; 2 in. deep.

Inscription : "In their mouth was found no guile, for
they are without fault before the throne of God."

Marks : (i.) maker, T. T. & Co. ; (ii.) lion passant ;
<iii.) anchor ; (iv.) date-letter, 1898 (Birmingham).

2. A replica of No. 1, except that the stones are (i.) a
chrysolite; (ii.) a beryl; (iii.) a topaz ; (iv.) a chrysoprasus ;
(v.) a jacinth ; (vi.) an amethyst, and the inscription is :
" For the service of God and as a memorial of Reginald
George : Lester Allen Howard, and Alice Gertrude."

Marks : as on No. 1. Both are silver-gilt.

Patens. — 1 . On foot. 6£ in. diameter ; foot, 2 J in. diameter.

Inscription : "To the glory of God and in affectionate
memory of Ethel H. Norman this vessel is presented by
the boys of Blundell's School 1892."

Marks (i.) Maker, S.B. P.W. ; (ii.) Lion passant; (iii.)
leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter, 1892 (London).

2 Plain, mediaeval style. 6£ in. diameter, with sunk
<juatrefoil.

EMMANUEL.

100

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Marks : (i.) maker, T. T. & Co. ; (ii.) lion passant ;
(iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter, 1898 (Birmingham).
Alms Dish. — Brass.

Inscription : "To the glory of God and in memory
of Thomas Uttermare Cross, M.A., Chaplain of Blundell's
School, Nov. 30, 1899."

This church has been destroyed. The plate is at St.
John's, with which it has been united.

Chalice. — Seventeenth century. Of a style frequently
found in the county, the chief peculiarity being stem and
foot which, instead of baluster, or evenly divided stem
with knop, consists of an inverted trumpet shape, flowing
in an even curve from bottom of bowl to the foot. Height,
7f in. ; bowl, 4J in. diameter ; 4£ in. deep, with Up.

Inscription : " Richard Mew, Warden, 1684."

Mark : (i.) maker, E. G. between mullets ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1684 (London).

Paten. — Forms cover to chalice. 5 in. diameter; 1 in. high.

Marks : as on chalice.

Flagon— Tankard shape ; domed lid. 12|£ in. high ;
10 in. to lid ; 4 J in. diameter at lid ; 6 J in. at base.

Inscription : " Exon Oct. xxi CIO 10 CC XXIV. St.
George the Martyr. Thy father which seeth in secret
himself shall reward, thee openly. Matt. Ch. vi. v. 6."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. R. (Edmond Richards) ; (ii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) castle ;
(v.) date-letter, 1724 (Exeter).

Alms Dishes. — 1. Plain, on stand. 10 in. diameter,
If in. high.

Inscription : " St. George Martyr in Exon. Richard
Mew, Warden, 1684."
Marks : as on chalice.

2. Plain plate, with gadroon edge. 9J in. diameter ;
I.H.S. with dove.

Inscription : St. George the Martyr, I. K. Cleeve, D.D.
Rector. William Youlden, Thomas Hart, Wardens, 1829."

Marks : (i.) maker, M. C. (Mark Cripps) ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1769 (London).

ST. GEORGE.

CHUKCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

101

Straining Spoon. — Inscription : " Wm. Pain, Rd. Hodge,
Wardens S. George, Exeter, 1833."

Marks : (i.) maker, T. W. (Thos. Wynne) ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1760 (London).

Chalices. — 1. Goblet shape. 9 in. high ; bowl conical, 3 J
in. diameter, 4| in. deep ; small knop, foot, 3| in. diameter.

Inscription : 44 Parish of Heavitree 1833."

Marks : makers indecipherable ; rest usual, and London
date-letter, 1832.

2. Replica. Marks and inscription same.

3. Modern mediaeval style. 7 T V in. high ; bowl circular,
4| in. diameter, 2| in. deep ; hexagonal stem, knop with six
lozenges ; hexagonal foot, 4 in. diameter.

Inscription : 44 Given by Mrs. Chambers Hodges, 1894."
Marks : (i.) maker, G. K. (G. Krall) ; (ii.) leopard's head ;
(iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) date-letter, 1894 (London).

4. Modern mediaeval style. 5| in. high ; bowl, 2| in.
diameter, If in. deep ; hexagonal stem, small knop.
Engraved on bowl, 44 Drink this in remembrance of me
On foot, St. Michael.

Marks : (i.) maker, T. F. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1878 (London).

Patens. — 1. Plain, on stand. 7| in. diameter, 1\ in.
high ; foot, 3 in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, indecipherable ; (ii.) Britannia ;
(iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) date-letter, 1697 (London).

2. Replica. Same marks, etc.

3. Modern mediaeval style ; very sunk centre. 6 in.
diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, R. M. E. H. (Martin Hall & Co.) ;
(ii.) crown ; (iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) date-letter, 1897
(Sheffield).

Flagons. — 1. Plain, flat-lid tankard. 9 in. high ; 7| in. to
lid ; 4f in. diameter at lid ; 6£ in. at foot.

Inscription : 44 This is a new years gift to the Church at
Hevitree by Mr. Wm. Banks, Vicar, for the use of the
Communion Tabell. Afio 1684."

The finger-piece, consisting of a twisted cross, is well
executed.
Marks : none.

HEAVITREE AND ITS CHAPELS.

102

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

2. Replica, slightly smaller.

Inscription : " This is a new year's gift to the Church at
Hevitree, by Mrs. Elizabeth Banks, for the use of the
Communion Tabell. Ano 1684."

Marks : none.

Alms Bowls. — 1. Plain. 8 in. diameter ; hexagonal
centre with I. H. S, and +.

Inscription : " Heavitree Church 1 Aug. 1846 given by
Ralph Barnes." 1

Mark : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1846 (London).

2. Plain dish of base metal.

Straining Spoon. — Shape like mustard spoon, pierced
with holes, cross-shape. 6| in. long ; fiddle pattern.

Chalice. — Modern mediaeval style. 7 J in. high. Bowl,
rounded, 4 in. diameter, 2£ in. deep ; stem hexagonal ;
knop with six lozenges ; six-lobed foot, 5 in. diameter.

Inscription : " I.H.S." on bowl and foot.

Marks : (i.) maker, I. K. (J. Keith) ; (ii.) Hon passant ;
(iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1862 (London).

Paten. — Modern mediaeval style. 6 \ in. diameter ; six-
lobed centre.

Inscription : " I.H.S. By thy cross and passion good
Lord deliver us."

Marks : as on chalice.

Flagon. — Modern mediaeval style. 11 \ in. high.
Inscription : " Glory be to God on high."
Marks : as on chalice.

Chalices. — 1. Modern mediaeval style. 7£ in. high ;
bowl, 4 in. diameter, 2J in. deep ; hexagonal shaft and
knop ; six-lobed foot, 5 in. diameter.

Inscription : " The offering of Mary Hole, Easter, 1911,
to the Church of S. Mark, Polsloe Park, Heavitree."

Marks : (i.) Depree & Young, Exeter ; E. B. S. Lt. ;
(ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter,
1910 (London).

Mark : G. S.

CHAPEL OF ALL SAINTS, WHIPTON.

ST. MARK, POLSLOE PARK.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

10S

2. Modern mediaeval style ; quite plain. 6J in. high ;
conical bowl. London marks, 1900.

Patens. — 1. Plain. 5 in. diameter.

Mark : London, 1900.

2. Modern mediaeval. 5| in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, A. B. W. W. ; (ii.) lion passant - y
(iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter, 1899 (London).

Silver and Glass Cruets : date-letter, London, 1900.

Here is a curious miniature set of Altar Vessels.
Chalice. — 3f in. high. Bowl, 2 \ in. diameter, 2 in. deep ;
circular foot.

Mark : B. W. Nix, Exeter.

Paten. — 3| in. diameter, £ in. high.

Mark : B. W. NIX.

Flagon. — 7£ in. high, 6 in. to lid.

Inscription : " St. Loyes 1881 presented by Mr. and Mrs.
E. A. Sanders."

Chalice. — Plain Georgian style. 6 in. high. Bowl, 3 J in.
diameter, 3£ in. deep ; foot, 3J in. diameter.
No marks.

Paten. — 8 in. diameter, 3 in. high ; foot, 3| in.
Both of these are plated.
Flagon. — Domed lid. 11 in. high.
Marks : E. & Co. (Elkington plate).

Chalices. — 1. A very fine example of an Elizabethan
chalice of the Exeter pattern, with cover — gilt. 7| in.
high. Bowl, conical, 4 in. diameter, 4J in. deep ; circular
stem with knop ; foot, 4fV in. diameter. Bowl has two
foliated bands, one round concave Up, and a broad one
1 J in. wide round centre, and ornamentation on foot.

Inscriptions on bowl: "Weight, 18 oz., 1780/' On
foot, " This cup of Trenitie, W lt , XXII ounces less vi d ."

Marks : (i.) I ; (ii.) IONS ; (iii.) 1 (this mark may be a slip
of punch) ; (iv.) X crowned with pellets in double circle of
line and pellets ; (v.) date-letter, A. prob., 1575 (Exeter).

Cover. — 4£ in. diameter, 1 in. high ; button with Tudor
rose, 2 in. diameter ; very elaborate ornamentation.

Inscription : "THE PARYSHE OF TRYVUTYE IN THE
YEA RE OF OVR LORDE 1575."

ST. LOYES, SOUTH WONFORD.

ST. CLARUS, LIVERY DOLE.

HOLY TRINITY.

104

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Marks : as on chalice.

This is one of the best examples of the work of the Exeter
goldsmith, John Jones (1558-83).

2. Elizabethan style, with cover. 8£ in. high. Bowl,
4| in. diameter, 4| in. deep ; foot, circular, 4 in. diameter.
The only ornamentation is a narrow band in Elizabethan
style round centre of bowl.

Inscriptions : " The gift of Katherine Mathew to the
Parish of Holy Trinity in Exon, Anno Domine, 1639."
" Weight, 16 oz. 10 dwt., 1780."

Marks : (i.) maker, IG, annulet below ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1638 (London).

Cover. — 5 in. diameter, 1J in. high ; plain button ;
narrow, small foliated band. 4

Inscription : " Weight, 5 oz. 7 dwt."

This chalice is of a pattern quite Elizabethan ; the
maker's mark is found on a chalice dated 1640, at Hedon,
with hall-mark of 1603. He evidently used old patterns.

Patens. — 1 and 2. Covers to chalices 1 and 2, which see.

3. Plain, on stand. 9^ in. diameter, 2 in. high ; foot,
4 in. diameter.

Inscription: "Weight, 15 oz., 1780."

Marks : (i.) maker, T E, with coronet over ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1683 (London).

Flagons. — 1. Flat-lid tankard. 10 in. high, 5 in. diameter
at lid ; 7£ in. at foot.

Inscription : " For the use of the Holy Sacrament this
fflagon was bought by some of the Inhabitants of the
Parish of the Holy Trinity in Exon, March ye 25th,
1685, ptium 15 n 04 s 07 d . Weight, 53 oz. J, 1780."

Marks : as on paten No. 3.

2. Tankard with domed lid. 14J in. high, 4£ in. diameter
at lid ; 7| in. at foot.

Inscription : " The gift of Mr. Thomas Facey, late of
Parkers Well in the p'ish of St. Leonards to the p'ish
church of the Holy Trinity in Exon 1703. For the use
of the Holy Communion. Weight, 60 oz."

Marks : (i.) maker, JBl with Castle over (John Elston) ;
(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle :
(v.) date-letter, 1703 (Exeter).

Alms Dish. — A " decent bason," plain. 9 in. diameter,
3 i in. high. Bowl, 2J in. deep ; foot, 3| in. diameter.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

105

Inscription : " Prov. 3. 9, Honour the Lord with thy
substance Sum Ecclesiae SS tee Trinitatis, Exon. 6 Maii
Anno Dom. 1703. Weight, 18 oz. 10 dwt. 1780."

Marks : (i.) J£l with crown ; (ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's
head erased ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-letter, 1704 (Exeter).
Straining Spoon. — Eighteenth-century style. 9^ in. long.
Inscription : " Holy Trinity, 1779. Weight, 3 oz."
Marks : (i.) maker, R. B. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1764 (London).

Chalice. — A two-handled porringer, ornamented with
repousse work. 5£ in. diameter, 5£ in. high.

Inscription : " Wynard's Hospital. William Kennaway,
Esq., 1793."

Arms : Arg. a fesse az. between two eagles displayed,
and a wreath of palm and olive. Crest, an eagle rousant.

Marks : (i.) maker, I. K. ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1777 (London).

Paten. — Plain plate. 8 in. diameter.

Arms and inscription as on porringer.

Alms Dish. — A salver. 13 in. diameter, with a border
3 in. wide of repousse work, standing on three feet.

Arms and inscription as on porringer and patens,
44 E. T." (pricked).

Marks : (i.) a shield charged with three objects, billets
or castles ; (ii.) a fleur-de-lis.

Chalices. — 1. Modern mediaeval style. 7| in. high ;
bowl, 3| in. diameter, 3 in. deep; stem and knop hexagonal;
foot, 5 in. diameter.

Inscription : " Presented to the Church of St. James,
Exeter, on the day of consecration, by Robert S. Cornish,
Esq., A.D. 1836. Remodelled A.D. 1866."

Marks : (i.) maker, J. J. K. (I. J. Keith) ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1866 (London).
2. Very similar to No. 1. 7f in. high.
Inscription and marks as on No. 1.
Patens. — 1. A plain plate. 5 \ in. diameter.
Inscription : " From a gift made to the Church of St.
James Exeter, by Samuel Langstan and John Hayman,

wynard's chapel.

ST. JAMES WITH ST. ANNE S CHAPEL.

Anno Dom. 1836.

106

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Marks : (i.) maker, T. T. & Co. ; (ii.) lion passant ^
(iii.) Queen's head ; (iv.) anchor ; (v.) date-letter, 1877
(Birmingham).

2. On foot, plain. 7 in. diameter, 1J in. high.

Inscription : " Presented to the Church of St. James^
Exeter, on the day of consecration by Robert S. Cornish,
Esq., A.D. 1836."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) King's head ; (iv.) leopard's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1833 (London).

Flagon. — 1. Tankard-shaped, domed lid. 10 J in. high,.
4£ in. diameter at lid ; 6 J in. diameter at foot.

Inscription and marks as on paten No. 2.

2. Small cruet. Modern mediaeval shape. 5 in. high.

Marks : (i.) maker, J. H. & Co. ; (ii.) Hon passant ;
(iii.) anchor ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1867
(Birmingham).

Alms Dish. — Plate. 9 in. diameter.

Marks and inscription as on paten No. 2.

Chalices. — 1. Elizabethan, with cover, parcel-gilt, Exeter
pattern. Height, 7J in. ; bowl conical, with peculiar
Exeter Up, 4 in. diameter, 4£ in. deep, and usual foliated
band round centre. Circular stem with knop ; foot with
usual ornamentation, 3£ in. diameter.

Mark : HD interlinked in D-shaped shield. Die is
unusually well cut for an Exeter maker's mark. It is a
mark I have never seen before, and cannot identify.

Cover. — 4£ in. diameter, 1 in. high ; button with Tudor
rose.

Mark : as on chalice.

2. Baluster stem pattern, with cover. 8J in. high ;
bowl conical, with Up, 4 J in. diameter, 4£ in. deep ; foot,
4J in. diameter.

Inscription (pricked) : " This belongeth unto the Parish
of St. Johns Abowe in Exeter Anno Dom. 1643 and
given by the Parishioners."

Marks : (i.) maker indecipherable ; (ii.) Uon passant ; (iii.)-
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1631 (London).

Cover. — 4£ in. diameter ; plain.

Marks : as on chalice.

ST. JOHN.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

107

Patens. — See chalice covers above.
Flagons. — 1. Flat-lidded tankard. 10 J in. high ; 4£ in.
diameter at lid ; 7 J in. diameter at foot.

Inscription : " Donum Thomae Potter parah S M Johannis
Exon. 8 Dec. 1694."

Marks : (i.) maker IC with crown (James Chadwick) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-
letter, 1694 (London).

2. Replica. Inscription and marks the same.

Alms Dishes. — 1. A bowl on stand. 9f in. diameter ;
2^ in. high, with good chasing and a border of flat chasing
tulip pattern.

Inscription : " The gift of Margaret Stabick widow
1679 to remaine in the parish of St. John for ever."

Marks : (i.) maker, R. N., pellets and mullet above,
mullet below (Richard Neale) ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1656 (London).

2. Plate, with gadroon edge. 8| in. diameter.

Inscription: " Purchased by the Parish 1810. Richard
Gould and John Woosley, Wardens, St. John's, Exon."

Marks : (i.) maker, W. W. ; (ii.) King's head ; (iii.) Hon
passant ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-letter, 1809 (Exeter).

Snuff Box. — Inscription : " The Rev. J. Hill, Minister of
St. John's, Exon, presents this box to his parishioners, 1810."

Marks : (i.) maker, J. W. (John Wren, ent. 1777) ; (ii.)
King's head ; (iii.) lion passant ; no date-letter.

Straining Spoon. — Silver-gilt, eighteenth-century pattern.

Inscription : " St. John's, Exon, 1730."

Marks : (i.) lion passant ; (ii.) leopard's head ; (iii.)
castle ; (iv.) date-letter, 1730 (Exeter).

Maker indecipherable.

Chalice. — Elizabethan, with cover parcel-gilt, Exeter
pattern. 7£ in. high ; bowl more conical than usual,
3J in. diameter, 4J in. deep ; one band on bowl, usual
foliated style, | in. diameter ; stem with knop ; circular
foot, 3} in. diameter.
Inscription : " By the parish of S. Kerrian, May, 1881,

entrusted to the Churchwardens of S. Petrock."
Marks : (i.) I ; IONS.; (hi.) crowned X with stars

in double concentric circle. The punch marks are on foot

and very small.

ST. KERRIAN.

108

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Cover. — Parcel-gilt, 3| in. diameter, with dash ornamen-
.tation ; button, If in. diameter.
Inscription : " w."

Marks : |. IOWS. ; a larger punch than that on chalice.

Chalices. — 1. Georgian style. Egg-shaped bowl, 3 J in.
diameter, 4 in. deep ; stem without knop ; foot, 3J in.
diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, J. E. (John Edward ?) ; (ii.) King's
head ; (iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) date-letter, S, probably
1813 (London). No town mark.

2. Replica. Marks, etc., same.

Patens. — 1. A good piece, with chasing and slight
repousse work, on stand. 7£ in. diameter ; 2 in. high.

Inscription : "I B ant I D ay y Wardens S fc . Laurence 1690."

Marks : (i.) maker, W. H., star above pellet in anuulet
below ; (ii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iii.) lion passant ;
(iv.) date-letter, 1654 (London).

2. Plain plate, with beaded edge. 8f in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, J. H.' (Joseph Hicks) ; (ii.) King's
head ; (iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) Exeter date-
letter S, 1791.

Flagon. — Tankard shape, with domed lid. 13£ in. high ;
10 J in. to lid, 4f in. diameter at lid ; 7£ in. at foot.

Inscription : " The gift of Mr. Robert Dawe to the
Church of St. Laurence in Exeter A.D. 1735."

Marks : (i.) maker, R. G. T. C. (Richard Gurney Thomas
Cook) ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ;
(iv.) date-letter, 1735 (London).

Straining Spoon. — A sugar-sifter. 5£ in. long.

Inscription: "St. Lawrence 1791."

Marks : H. B. (Hester Bateman) ; (ii.) Hon passant ;
(iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) King's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1790 (London).

Alms Dishes. — (i.) plain plate, plated ; (ii.) pewter
plates, 9f in. diameter. Dated 1838.

Pewter marks : X with crown and Ellen Bright.

Chalices. — 1. Modern, mediaeval pattern. 8f in. high ;
bowl, spherical, 4J in. diameter, 2| in. deep ; stem hex-
agonal ; knop, openwork with six lozenges ; foot, six-

ST. LAURENCE.

ST. LEONARD.

lobed.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

109

Engraved band on bowl : " This cup is the new testa-
ment in my blood which is shed for you."

Marks : (i.) maker, J. A. J. A. (Joseph & John Angel) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's
head ; (v.) date-letter, 1846 (London).

2. Replica. Inscription, marks, etc.

Patens. — 1. Plain, on stand. 8 J in. diameter; 2f in.
high ; foot, 3J in. diameter.

Inscription : " St. Leonard's, 1834."

Marks : (i.) maker, Lo (Robert Lovell) ; (ii.) Britannia ;
(iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) date-letter, 1697 (London)
(note, a black letter, small " t," not " a ").

2. Plain, on stand. 8£ in. diameter ; in. high ;
foot, in. diameter.

Inscription : " St. Leonard Church, Exon, 1892."

Marks : (i.) maker, C. S. H. (C. S. Harris) ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter, 1891.

Flagon, — Sheffield plate. 11£ in. high.

Inscription : " S. Leonard's, 1834."

Alms Dishes. — Two plain plates. 8J in. diameter.

Inscription : " St. Leonard's 1834," on each.

Marks : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.)
lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) King's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1834 (London).

Chalices. — 1. Elizabethan parcel-gilt, with cover. A
somewhat unusual pattern. Straight bowl, with slight
lip. It is divided into two parts by a gilt moulding. On
higher part near edge, usual foliated band, £ in. diameter,
and on lower part a similar band. Bowl, 3| in. diameter,
4} in. deep ; stem with usual knop. Weight, 10 oz. 18 dwt.

Inscription : " St. Martin's in Exon."

Marks : (i.) apparently a head in a shield ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1573 (London).

Cover. — Domed, with button. 4 in. diameter.

Inscription : ''S.Martin's in Exon. Weight, 2 oz. 14 dwt."
Four marks, all very indistinct.

2. Baluster stem pattern, with curious cover which has
button and five small feet. 5£ in. high ; bowl, an inverted
cone, 2 in. diameter, 2\ in. deep ; foot circular, 2J in.
diameter.

ST. MARTIN.

110

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Inscription : " Deo Christo et Ecclesiae S u Martini Exon
in usu infirmorum." Also same on cover.
. Marks: (i.) maker, ^c5f (Jackson says James Stevens,
but ? more probably James Strang) ; (ii.) leopard's head
crowned ; (iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-letter,
1729 (Exeter).

Patens. — 1. Plain, on stand, with gadroon border.
10 in. diameter, 2J in. high. Weight, 13 oz. 10 dwt.

Inscription : " St. Martins in Exeter."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. G. ; (ii.) leopard's head crowned ;
(iii.) lion passant ; (iv.) date-letter, 1680 (London).

2. Replica. Weight, 14 oz. 4 dwt.
Inscription and marks the same.

3. Plain, on stand. 8£ in. diameter, 1 J in. high. Weight,
7 oz. 18 dwt.

Inscription : " S. Martin, Exon."
Mark : j£l crowned.

4. Plain, on stand. 4| in. diameter, 1J in. high.
Inscription : " Ecclesiae S fci Martini I. Danicus Praeb. qui

Rectoris viceni gerebat A. S. M.DCCXVII."

Marks : (i.) J. S. ; (ii.) Uon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head
crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1724 (Exeter).

Flagons. — 1. Tankard with flat lid. 11 T V in. high,
9| in. to lid ; 4 J in. diameter at lid ; 6| in. at foot.

Marks : (i.) maker, | Y, a horse between ; (ii.) Uon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1692 (London).

2. Replica. Marks same.

Alms Bowl. — Fine hammered bowl. 8£ in. diameter,
2 J in. high. Weight, 13 oz. 3 dwt.

Marks : (i.) j£l with crown (John Elston) ; (ii.)
Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-
letter, 1702 (Exeter).

Spoon. — 10 in. long.

Inscription : " St. Martin's, Exon, 1756."

Marks : (i.) maker, I. S. ; (ii.) Uon passant ; (in.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter indecipherable
(London).

ST. MARY ARCHES.

Chalice. — A very fine example of an EUzabethan chaUce,
Exeter pattern, with cover, gilt. 8| in. high ; bowl, with
usual Exeter Up, conical, 4J in. diameter, 5 in. deep ;
very elaborate chasing on lip band, X V in. deep, and on a

Digitized by

Google

ELIZABETHAN CHALICE AND COVER AT ST. MARY ARCHES.
By J. Jones, of Exeter.

Ceurch Tlate Report.— To face p. 111.

Digitized by

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

Ill

broadband 1^ in. deep, subdivided into three, round centre
of bowl ; stem with knop ; foot, 4f in. diameter, with
usual ornamentation. See illustration.

Marks : (i.) I ; (ii.) IONNS (punch has slipped) ; (iii.)
Exeter Town mark, also marks on foot. Cover has been
enlarged by an addition of a rim 1 in. broad, is now 6^ in.
diameter. Button has five-petalled rose, 2 in. diameter.

Inscription : " The Paryshe of Saynte Marye Archys
1573."

Marks : as on chalice, but IONS.
Patens. — 1. See cover to chalice.

2. Plain, on foot. 9 in. diameter, 2 J in. high ; foot, 4 in.
-diameter.

Inscription : " Donum Johanna Andrew/'

Marks : (i.) maker, j£l with crown (John Elston) ;

(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ;

<v.) date-letter, 1706 (Exeter).

3. Plain, on foot. 9 T V in. diameter, 2f in. high ; foot,
4 in. diameter.

Marks : T. C. in monogram ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1688 (London).

Flagon. — Tankard, with flat lid. 11 J in. high, 10£ in. to
lid, 5J in. diameter at lid ; 7| in. diameter at foot.

Inscription : " This fflaggon was given to the Parish of
St. Mary Arches by Coll. James Walker, Decemb r 1691."

Arms : Mantled, Arg., a bordure, engrailed ermine, a
griffin segreant. Crest : a greyhound sejant.

Marks : (i.) maker, I. C. crowned (James Chadwick) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-
letter, 1691 (London).

Alms Bowl. — A fine bowl. 15 in. diameter, 2f in. high.

Inscription : " The gift of Johanna Andrews unto the
-Church of St. Mary Arches."

Marks : (i.) maker, TBI crowned (John Elston) ; (ii.)
Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-
letter, 1706 (Exeter).

Pewter. — Flagon, 14J in. high, 11 in. to lid ; domed lid ;
4 J in. diameter at lid ; 5| in. at foot.

Inscription on handle : " MARY - ARCH - ES - 1628."

ST. MARY MAJOR, WITH ST. MARY MAGDALEN,

Chalices. — 1. Goblet shape. 8£ in. high ; bowl, 3| in.
diameter, 4£ in. deep ; foot, circular, 3£ in. diameter.

Digitized by

112

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Inscription : " S> Mary Major, Exeter, Anno Donu

Marks : (i.) maker, J. A. I. A. (J. & J. Aldouss) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) King's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1831 (London).

2. Replica.

Inscription and marks same.

Patens. — 1. Plain, on stand. 8 in. diameter, 3 in. high.
Inscription and marks as on chalices.
2. Modern mediaeval style. 6 in. diameter ; hexagonal
centre.

Inscription : " Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi da
nobis tuam pacem +."

Marks: (i.) maker, E. B. J. B. (E. & J. Barnard);
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1857 (London).

Flagon. — Plain tankard, domed lid ; 12 in. high, with
cross If in., 10 in. to lid ; 3| in. diameter at lid ; 5| in. at
foot.

Inscription : " The old communion plate haying been
much Worn, the feofees of the parish of St. Mary Major
liberally substituted this new service Anno Dom. 1831."

Marks : as on chalices.

Alms Dish. — Plain plate. 8| in. diameter.

Arms : Az. a bordure engrailed ermine, a griffin segreant-
Crest : a greyhound sejant, " Candidi et constanter.
B. H. Walker, St. Mary Major, Exeter."

Marks : (i.) maker, F. T. ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) King's head ; (v.) date-
letter, 1789 (London).

Also a Porringer. — Two-handled, with cover. 6 in. high,
3f in. to top of bowl, 5J in. diameter ; foot, 4 in.

Inscriptions : " St. Mary Major, Exon 1724. Ex
dono Arthuri Bury, MJD. Weight, 7 oz. 10 dwt."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. R. (Edmond Richards) ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) castle ; (v.)
date-letter, 1723 (Exeter).

Straining Spoon. — Cross and I.H.S. on bowl, eighteenth-
century style.

Inscription : " In usum Mar* Maj re Eccles* 1757."

Mattes : (i.) maker, S. W. (Samuel Wheat) ; (ii.) lion
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter,
1757 (London).

1831.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

113

ST. MARY MAGDALEN.

Chalices. — 1. Goblet shape. 7f in. high. Bowl, 3£ in.
diameter ; 3f in. deep ; foot, circular, 3J in. diameter ;
stem with slight knop.

Inscription : " Chapel of S. Mary Magdalene in the
Parish of S. Mary Major, Exeter, 1861."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. B. J. B. in four-lobed shield
(E. & J. Barnard) ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ;
(iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1861 (London).

2. Replica of No. 1. Marks and inscription same.

Paten. — Plain, on stand. 7« in. diameter, 2J in. high
foot, 3J in. diameter.

Marks and inscription same as on chalices.

Flagon. — Plain, tankard shape, with cross on top of lid.
Height, 13£ in. to top of cross, 12 in. to foot of cross ;
base, 6 in. diameter.

Marks and inscription same as on chalices.

Alms Dish. — Plain plate. 6 in. diameter.

Marks and inscription same as on chalices.

Chalices. — 1. Baluster stem style. 9| in. high; bowl,
with marked hp, 4£ in. diameter ; 5 in. deep, foot.

Inscription : " St. Marv Steps, 1760."

Marks : (i.) maker, C." W. T. W. (Chas. Wright and
Thos. Whipham) ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head
crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1759 (London).

2. A beautiful modern chalice modelled with renaissance
ornamentation, silver-gilt. 9£ in. high ; bowl, with six
cherubs, 3 J in. diameter, 3 in. deep ; stem with knop or-
namented with amethysts ; foot, circular, 5 in. diameter,
with foliage and amethysts in cross.

Marks : (i.) maker, J. W. F. C. W. ; (ii.) Hon passant ;
(iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter, 1898 (London).

Patens. — 1. Plain, on stand. 5 J in. diameter, 1^ in. high.

Marks : as on chalice No. 1.

2. Plain, on stand. 8J in. diameter, 2£ in. high.
Mark : (i.) maker, j£l, with crown (John Elston) ;

(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ;
(v.) date-letter, 1708 (Exeter).

3. Plain, no edge, silver-gilt, 6 in. diameter.
Marks : as on chalice No. 2.

VOL. XLTV. h

ST. MARY STEPS.

114

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Alms Dish. — Plain plate. 9J in. diameter.
Inscription : " St. Mary Steps, Exon."
Marks : (i.) maker, ID ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's
head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1770 (London).

Chalices. — 1. Modern mediaeval style, a good specimen,
parcel-gilt. 8J in. high ; bowl, 4£ in. diameter, 3 in. deep ;
stem circular, with hexagonal knop set with six amethysts.

Inscription : "To the glory of God and for the use of
the Church of St. Matthew r Exeter, this chalice and paten
are given in thankful memory of a dearly loved husband
who entered into rest 27th March, 1886, aged 42."

Marks : (i.) maker, C. K. (C. Krall) ; (ii.) Hon passant ;
{iii.) Queen's head ; (iv.) leopard's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1886 (London).

2. Modern mediaeval, poor style. 8^ in. high ; conical
bowl, 4| in. diameter, 3£ in. deep ; circular stem, small
knop ; foot, 4| in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, W. E., F. D., J. T. (Ellis, Depree, &
Tucker) ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) Queen's head ; (iv.)
castle ; (v.) date-letter, 1882 (Exeter).

Patens. — 1. Plain, mediaeval style. 5| in. diameter.

Marks : as on chalice No. 1.

2. Plain. 5| in. diameter.
Marks : as on chalice No. 2.

3. Plain, on foot. 7 in. diameter, 1J in. high ; foot,
3 in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, H. E. W. in trefoil (H. E. Willis) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) Qi^en's head ; (iv.) leopard's
head ; (v.) date-letter, 1882 (London).

Flagons. — 1. Modern mediaeval style, silver and glass,
hexagonal foot.

Marks : (i.) maker, T. T. & Co. ; (ii.) lion passant ;
(iii.) Queen's head ; (iv.) anchor ; (v.) date-letter, 1882
{Birmingham).

2. Similar.

Chalice. — Modern mediaeval style. 8J in. high ; bo^yl,
4£ in. diameter, 3£ in. deep, with floral band ; stem and
knop hexagonal ; foot six-lobed, 5J in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, I. K. (John Keith) ; (ii.) lion passant ;

ST. MATTHEW.

ST. MICHAEL AND ALL ANGELS.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

115

(iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1867 (London).

Patens. — 1. Modern mediaeval style, in six-lobed centre,
I. H. S. Engraved on edge in Lombardic lettering, " Lord,
ever more give us this bread +." 7^ in. diameter.

Marks : as chalice No. 1.

2. On foot. in. diameter, 2 in. high.

Inscription : "In memory of George Rowland Berkeley
Tudor, M. A., who served for four years as assistant curate
of this parish, and died on the Vigil of the Purification
of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 1898. He that eateth of this
bread shall live for ever. John vi."

Marks : (i.) maker, F. W. ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1891 (London).

Flagon. — Modern mediaeval style. 11 J in. high, 10 J in.
to lid ; foot, 4£ in. diameter.

Inscription : " Glory be to God on High."

Marks : as on chalice.

Cruets. — Glass and silver. Makers, S. B., F. W. ; date-
letter, 1894 (London).

ST. OLAVE.

Chalice. — Modern mediaeval style, parcel-gilt. 7f in.
high ; bowl, in. diameter, 2£ in. deep ; hexagonal
stem and knop, with amethysts and carbuncles ; foot,
six-lobed, repousse work of roses, set with emeralds and
sapphires, in. diameter.

Mark : (i.) maker, J. E. in two-lobed shield ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1873 (?).

Paten. — Modern mediaeval style. in. diameter, with
Agnus Dei.

Arms : Impaled : Dexter, Sable, on a fesse, a Hon passant
between three helmets ; sinister, a cross raguly between
four leopards' heads.

Marks : as on chalice.

Alms Dishes. — 1. Bowl, 7 J in. diameter, 2 J in. high,
with gadroon edge.

Marks : (i.) maker, Bu (probably John Burdon, entered
1719, but his mark not entered that year) ; (ii.) Britannia ;
(iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ; (v.) date-letter,
1719 (Exeter).

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116

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

2. A fine piece of modern decorative work, repousse with
jewelled and enamelled centre. 13 in. diameter.

Inscription : " +In the year 1815 William Compton,
M.A., of Carham, in the county of Northumberland,
Rector of this parish, gave a paten and an alms dish. +In
1844 Eliza Bradford gave a flagon. +In the year 1874
W. K. W. Chafy Chafy, M.A., clerk, of Sherriffes Lench,
in the county of Worcester, gave an alms dish, a flagon,
and a water cruet, all of them gilt and jewelled, also an
Altar Cross. The Lord grant unto them mercy in that

Arms : Impaled : Dexter, Chafy, ancient, Az., a fesse
lozengy, argent, a canton ; sinister, Party per pale, gules
and az., in a chief, ermine, three lozenges, az., a dragon
sejeant.

Pyx Box. — Silver-gilt. 3 in. long.

Marks : (i.) maker, J. B. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
Queen's head ; (iv.) leopard's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1853 (London).

Spoon. — Elizabethan style, with rat-tail, gilt. 5 in. long.

Marks : 1874 (London). Maker indecipherable.

Chalice. — Baluster stem, but in other respects Eliza-
bethan in style and ornamentation, but rather more
florid than usual. Bowl has the concave hp of the Exeter
pattern Elizabethan chalice; conical with foliated band,
3J in. diameter, 3f in. deep ; foot, with usual Elizabethan
ornamentation, 3£ in. diameter.

Inscription : " This chalice belongs to the parish of
S. Pancras, 1746."

Marks : none. See illustration.

Paten. — Plain, on stand. 6| in. diameter, If in. high.

Inscription : " Parish of St. Pancras, Exon. The gift of
George Martin, B.A., Rector, 1840." I.H.S. in halo.

Marks : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.)
Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1839 (London).

Flagons. — Two pewter ones. One is of peculiar shape,
being an inverted cone, smaller at base than at lid ; other,
usual tankard shape, domed lid.

Alms Plates. — Three pewter plates, 8£ in. diameter.

day.

ST. PANCRAS.

EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY CHALICE AT ST. PANCRAS.

Church Plate Rkport.— ro face p. 116.

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117

ST. PAUL.

Chalice. — Elizabethan, of Exeter pattern, with cover,
parcel-gilt. 7 in. high; bowl, conical, 4 in. diameter,
4 in. deep ; two bands, one on lip, other in centre of bowl,
each J in. wide ; foot with usual ornamentation.

Inscription : " St. Paul's, Exon, 1758."

Marks : (i.) I ; (ii.) IOV\S.

Cover. — 4f in. diameter ; parcel-gilt ; button with
Tudor rose.

Inscription : " St. Paul's, Exon, 1758."
Marks : as on chalice.
Patens. — 1. Cover of chalice.

2. Plain on stand. 7| in. diameter, 2£ in. high ; foot,
4 in. diameter.

Inscription : " St. Paul's, Exon, 1758."

Marks : (i.) JD ; (ii.) JD. ; (iii.) JD. Letters interlinked.

3. Replica. Inscription and marks same.

Flagons. — 1. Domed-lid tankard. 12b in. high, 10^ in.
to lid, 4 in. diameter at lid ; 7 J in. diameter at foot.

Inscription : " St. Paul's, Exon, 1758."

Marks : (i.) maker, T. W. C. W. (Thomas Whipham,
Charles Wright) ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head
crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1758 (London).

2. Replica. Marks and inscription same.

Alms Bowl. — Bowl on stand. 7i in. diameter, 3 in. high.

Inscription and marks as on flagons.

Spoon. — Old English pattern, eighteenth century. 6 in.
long.

Inscription : " St. Paul's, Exon. John Phillips, Warden,
1736" (pricked).

Marks : (i.) leopard's head crowned ; (ii.) lion passant ;
(iii.) castle ; (iv.) date-letter, 1730 (Exeter ?).

Chalices. — 1. Elizabethan, of Exeter pattern, gilt, with
cover. 8 in. high ; bowl, conical, with usual Exeter concave
lip, 4 in. diameter, 4| in. deep ; foliated band on Up, £ in.
deep, and round centre of bowl lb in. deep ; knop orna-
mented with ovals ; foot, usual ornamentation.

Marks : (i.) I. ; (ii.) IOV\S.

Inscription : " St. Petrox, Exon " (pricked).

ST. PETROCK.

118

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Chalice Cover. — 4£ in. diameter, 1 J in. high ; usual
style, with button and chasing all over. On button,
2 in. diameter, is a twisted trefoil pattern with date, 1572.

Marks : as on chalice. See illustration.

2. Regular Elizabethan pattern, gilt, with cover. 8 in.
high ; bowl, with usual Exeter Up, is slightly straighter
than usual, 4^ in. diameter, 4| in. deep. There is an
Elizabethan style foliated band on Up, and one in centre
of bowl | in. diameter, sUghtly less elaborate than usual ;
stem with usual knop ; foot, circular, 4£ in. diameter.

Inscription (pricked) : " S. Petrox in Exon."

Marks : (i.) J. R. interUnked ; (ii.) RADCLIFFE ;
(ni.) X crowned in X-shaped shield.

Cover. — 4£ in. diameter, 2 in. high ; is more transition
style than chalice ; button, 2 in. diameter.

Inscription : " 1640."

Marks : (i.) J. R. interUnked ; (ii.) RADCLIFFE.
Jasper Radcliffe dates are 1624-1675, and chaUce may
be some years earlier than date inscribed on it.
Patens. — 1 and 2. Covers to chaUces, which see.

3. Plain, on stand, with gadroon edge and gilt. 10 in. di-
ameter, 3 in. high ; foot, with gadroon border, 4 in. diameter.

Inscription : " A gift to ye Parish Church of St. Petrock,"
and a plain shield with mantUngs.

Marks : (i.) maker, IY, a horse between letters ; (ii.)
Uon passant ; (in.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-
letter, 1692 (London).

Flagons. — 1. Tankard, with flat Ud, gilt. 11J in. high,
10 in. to Ud, 4f in. diameter at Ud ; 6J in. at foot.

Inscription : "A gift to ye Parish of St. Petrock in
Exon, 1692."

Marks : as on paten No. 3.

2. RepUca. Marks and inscription as on No. 1.

Alms Bowl. — An old mazer. 6 J in. diameter, 2J in. high ;
silver-gilt rim, If in. wide, with quatrefoil belts and fringe ;
boss 2 X V in. diameter.

Inscription on boss : "A gift to the parish of St.
Petrock * A.D. 1490."

No marks. It was given to the parish between 1661
and 1689.

Spoon. — Rat-tailed. 8 in. long.

Inscription : " 1719."

Marks : (i.) maker, BU, with muUet over (Thos.
Burridge) ; (u.) Britannia ; (ni.) Uon's head erased ;
(iv.) date-letter, 1719.

ELIZABETHAN CHALICE AND COVER AT ST. PETROCKS.
Br J. Jones, of Exetek.

Church Plate Rlport.— To face p. ng #

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ST. SID WELL.

Chalices. — 1. A fine Elizabethan chalice, but without
cover. Exeter pattern, parcel-gilt. 8J in. high ; bowl,
conical, with usual Up, 5 in. diameter, 4§ in. deep ; foliated
band near rim ; knop with beading also on shaft ; foot
with usual ornamentation.

Inscription : " S " (pricked on foot).

Mark : B. H., interlinked in double circle, inner of dots,
probably Richard Hilliard (Exeter, 1548-94).

2. A modern copy of No. 1.

Marks : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) King's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1834 (London).

3. Modern mediaeval style, silver-gilt ; jewelled with
pearls and diamonds. Height, 6J in. ; bowl, 2£ in.
diameter, 2 in. deep ; stem, hexagonal ; knop with six
circles ; foot with three pearl clusters, cross and vine
leaves.

Marks : (i.) maker, I. E. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter,
1889 (London).

4. Modern mediaeval style, silver-gilt. 8J in. high ;
bowl, very conical, 4| in. diameter ; 3| in. deep ; round it,
engraved, "Hie est sanguis meus novi testamenti +."
Stem, circular, with rings of diamonds, emeralds, and
rubies clasping it ; knop four sides set with amethysts ;
foot, circular, 5 in. diameter, with cross on it.

Inscription : " This and a similar chalice, with two
patens, were made in 1882, from a flagon given to the
Church of S. Sidwell, Exon, AJD. 1712."

Marks : (i.) maker, W. E., F. D., J. T. (Ellis, Depree, &
Tucker) ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) Queen's head ; (iv.)
castle ; (v.) date-letter, 1882 (Exeter).

5. Modern mediaeval. 7| in. high ; bowl, 4£ in. diameter,
3| in. deep ; engraved on it in circle, " I believe in the
communion of Saints " ; circular shaft knop, four bosses,
with amethysts ; foot circular, 4| in.

Inscription : " -f The gift of her mother in memory of
Elizabeth Pownoll Griffin, who was born Aug. 26, 1834,
married by the Rev. J. L. Galton in S. SidwelPs Church,
Pec. 9th, 1856, to F. A. Griffin, Capt. Royal Artillery,
entered into rest at Fort William, Calcutta, June 30th,
1859+

120

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Marks : (i.) maker, F. S. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) Queen's
head ; (iv.) anchor ; (v.) date-letter, 1860 (Birmingham).

6. Modern mediaeval style. 8 in. high ; bowl, slightly
conical, 3| in. diameter, 2| in. deep ; hexagonal shaft, knop
of six squares ; foot, hexagonal ; on it opals and carbuncles
form a cross.

Marks : (i.) maker, T. P. ; (ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.)
leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter, 1895 (London).

Patens. — 1. Plain plate, on stand. 6| in. diameter, 2 in.
high ; foot, 2|£ in. diameter.

Inscription : " S. Sidwell, 1910."

Marks : (i.) maker, 251 with crown (John Elston) ;
(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) castle ;
(v.) date-letter, 1709 (Exeter).

2. Plain, on stand. 6 T 9 F in diameter, 2\ in. high ; foot,
2f in. diameter.

Marks and inscription as on No. 1 paten.

3. A fine example of a seventeenth-century paten in pre-
Reformation style. 5f in. diameter, hammered silver.

Inscription : " John Withers, Minister. Thomas Jones
and Richard Sweetland, Wardens of St. Sidwell in Exon,

No marks.

4. Plain gilt. 5f in. diameter, with engraved cross.
Marks : as on chalice No. 4.

5. Plain gilt. 5£ in. diameter.
Marks : as on chalice No. 6.

6. Plain gilt. 4£ in. diameter, with engraved cross.
Marks : as on chalice No. 3.

Flagons. — Cruets, silver and glass.

Alms Dishes. — 1. 7| in. diameter, 2 in. high.

Inscription : " Thomas Pike and Samuel Bishop,
Wardens, 1735, S. Sidwell."

Marks : (i.) maker, T. C. (Thomas Coffin, Exeter) ;
(ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.)
castle ; (v.) date-letter, 1733 (Exeter).

2. A modern copy of No. 1.

Inscription : " The gift of George Hayman to the parish
of St. Sidwell, 25 Oct., 1841."

Marks : (i.) maker, C. T. F., G. F. (C. T. & G. Fox) ;
(ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ;
{v.) date-letter, 1841 (London).

3. A large salver. 16 in. diameter ; border, repousse work,
grapes and rose leaves, and symbols of four evangelists.

1674.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

121

Inscriptions : " I.H.S. It is more blessed to give than
to receive " in centre. On rim, " To the glory of God
and in memory of Benj. James Fisher, 1897. (Given by
staff of L. & S.W. Railway.) "

Marks : (i.) maker, G. H. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) anchor ;
(iv.) date-letter, 1897 (Birmingham).

Spoon. — Trifid and rat-tailed, and modern chasing.
7| in. long.

Marks : (i.) leopard's head ; (ii.) date-letter, 1692
(London).

Strainer and Funnel. — Inscription : " Parish of S.
Sidwell. G. Shears, A. Merrifield, Wardens, 1825."

Marks : maker, R. E. E. B. (Ernes & Barnard) ; (ii.)
lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) King's head ;
(v.) date-letter illegible.

Verge. — Inscription : " The feofees of the Parish Lands
of St. Sidwell," with figure of St. Sidwell.

Pewter. — Four alms bowls. 7f in. diameter, 2£ in. high.

No marks.

Chalice. — 1. Goblet-shaped with domed lid. 8 T V in.
high ; bowl, 4 in. diameter, 4£ in. deep ; stem, circular ;
no knop, but small band ; foot, circular, 4jV in. diameter.

Inscription : " St. Stephen's. K. I. M., 1664."

Marks : (i.) maker, F. V. with crown over (this is a mark
that cannot be traced — some such name as Fulford) ;
(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (v.) date-letter,
1709 (Exeter).

Cover. — Domed, with handle. 4£ in. diameter, 2£ in. high.

Marks : as on chalice.

2. Similar to No. 1. 10 J in. to top of cover, 8 J in. to
bowl.

Inscription and marks as on No. 1.
Patens. — 1 and 2. Covers to chalices.

3. Plain, on foot. 8f in. diameter, 1£ in. high ; foot,
3| in. diameter.

Inscription : " St. Stephen's. K. I. M., 1664."

Marks : (i.) maker, S with crown over ; (ii.) lion passant ;
(iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-letter, 1662
(London).

Flagons. — 1. Tankard, with flat lid, frosted. 10 in. high,
•A- in. to lid, 4£ in- diameter at lid ; 6J in. at foot.

ST. STEPHEN.

122

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Inscription : " St. Stephen's. K. I. M., 1664."

Marks : (i.) maker, W. M., star and pellets under ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-
letter, 1648 (London).

2. Replica.

Marks and inscription the same.

Alms Dish. — Plain plate with gadroon edge. 11 in..
diameter.

Arms : on mantled shield, quarterly, ermine and az.,
a cross, or.

Marks : (i.) maker, I. C. crowned (James Chadwick) ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head crowned ; (iv.) date-
letter, 1679 (London).

Chalices. — The old Elizabethan chalice belonging to
St. Thomas is now at Oldridge, under which it will be
described.

1. Modern mediaeval style, silver-gilt.* 7 in. high ;
bowl, 3| in. diameter, 2£ in. deep ; stem, hexagonal ;
knop, six lozenges ; foot, 4f in.

No marks. A very light piece.

2. Modern mediaeval style, silver-gilt. 8 T V in. high ;
bowl, 4J in. diameter, 2| in. deep ; stem, hexagonal, of
open-work ; foot, hexagonal, with instruments of Passion.

Inscription: "Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus
quae retribuit mihi."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B. (Barnard's) ; (ii.)
Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ;
(v.) date-letter, 1843 (London).

3. Similar to No. 2.

Inscription : " Calicem salutaris accipiam et nomen
Dominem invocabo."

Ornaments on foot are sacred hands, feet, cross, scourge,
pillar, cord, crown of thorns, bleeding heart.

Marks as on No. 2.

Paten. — Silver-gilt, on stand, with gadroon border,
in. diameter, 2\ in. high ; foot, 3 \ in. diameter.

Inscription : " S. Thomas the Apostle. William Lane,
Nicholas Worell, Wardens. March 23rd, 1694."

Marks : (i.) maker, I. C. with crown (James Chadwick) ;
(ii.) Hon passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter^
1694 (London).

2. Replica. Inscription and marks the same.

ST. THOMAS.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

123

3. Modern mediaeval, gilt. 6^ in. diameter ; centre,
ax-lobed, with Agnus Dei. .

Inscription (engraved) : " Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata
mundi miserere nobis."

Marks : (i.) maker, I. J. K. (I. J. Keith) ; (ii.) Hon
passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.)
date-letter, 1843 (London).

Flagons. — 1. Tankard, with flat lid, gilt. 13 in. high,
11 in. to lid, 4£ in. diameter at lid ; 6 J in. diameter at foot.

Inscription: " S. Thomas the Apostle, 1701." En-
graved, " Pascha nostrum immolatus est Christus+I.H.C."

Marks : (i.) maker, DE with mullets (William Denney) ;
(ii.) Britannia ; (iii.) lion's head erased ; (iv.) date-letter,
1698 (London).

2. Replica. 12| in. high.

Inscription (engraved at later date) : " In terris pax in
excelsis gloria (cross in crown of thorns), S. Thomas the
Apostle, 1701."

Marks : as on No. 1.

Alms Dish. — Gilt. 11 in. diameter.

Inscription : " Ex dono Thomae Northmore Armigeri
in usum ecclesiae St. Thomae Apostoli Anno Dni. 1701.
Tua sunt omnia Domine et ex tuis dedimus tibi I.H.C. + ."

Marks : as on flagons, except date-letter is 1701
(London).

Straining Spoon. — An apostle spoon, gilt, round stem,
7} in. long. Figure with staff. No marks decipherable.
2. Large brass dish, Flemish work ; spies with grapes.

Chalice. — Elizabethan, with cover, Exeter pattern,
parcel-gilt. 7| in. high ; bowl, conical, with concave lip,
4 in. diameter, 4£ in. deep ; chasing round hp and in
centre instead of usual foliated band, SAN TUS STOMAS
❖ APOSTOLUS. Stem circular, round knop ; foot, 3f in.
diameter.

Marks: (i.) | ; (ii.) IOVAS ; (iii.) X with crown and stars
of six points in ring and dotted circle. On foot are same
marks repeated.

Cover. — 4£ in. diameter, 1 in. high ; on button, seven-
petalled flower ; foliated band on rim.

Marks : as on chalice.

OLDRIDGE CHAPEL.

124

FOURTH REPORT OF THE

Alms Dish. — Sheffield plated bowl. 8 in. diameter.

Inscription : " Jacobus Buller Capellae de Oldridge, D.D.
1798."

Though this is a new parish formed out of Topsham in
1844, the church possesses an Elizabethan chalice of
Exeter make and of the date 1576. I have not been able
to ascertain as yet to what parish it originally belonged.

Chalice. — Elizabethan style, parcel-gilt, but somewhat
different from the usual Exeter type. Height, 7| in. ;
bowl, conical, with two narrow foliated bands dividing it
into three equal portions, 4 in. diameter, 4£ in. deep ;
stem, circular, with a slight enlargement one-third of way
up, forming slight knop ; foot, circular, 4J in. diameter.
The cover is wanting.

Marks : (i.) I ; (ii.) IONS in oblong ; (iii.) crowned X
with two six-pointed stars in angles ; (iv.) B. (1576, Exeter).

Patens. — 1. Plain, on foot. 8£ in. diameter, 2 J in. high ;
foot, 3| in. diameter. Cross, I.H.S., and nails in halo.
Sheffield plate.

2. Modern mediaeval style, sunken six-lobed centre,
with il)C in circle. 5| in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, G. & S. Co., Lt., in three-lobed shield ;
(ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's head ; (iv.) date-letter,
1904 (London).

Inscription : " From L. E. B., Countess Wear Church,
a thankoffering, 10.3.01. Ad Gloriam Dei " with cross
in oval.

Flagon. — Plain, Sheffield plated. 12 in. high.
Alms Dish. — Plain plate. Sheffield plated. 9 in.
diameter.

Inscription : " Chapelry of Weer, 1847. Charles Barne,
Incumbent, Chas. Harris, Edw. Randolph, Wardens.''

A modern parish formed in 1872 out of St. Thomas,
yet, like Countess Weir, it also possesses an Elizabethan
chalice, from a source as yet unascertained, with its
cover.

Chalice. — Elizabethan, parcel-gilt. 7f in. high ; bowl
has two foliated bands, one at Up, other in centre, 4 in.

COUNTESS WEIR.

EXWICK.

CHURCH PLATE COMMITTEE.

125

diameter, 4£ in. deep ; circular stem, with knop ; foot,
circular, 3| in. diameter.
Marks : none.

Cover. — 1J in. high, 4| in. diameter, with foliated band,
and usual button, which has slight ornamentation.
No marks.

Patens. — 1. Cover to chalice.
2. Plain plate. 5f in. diameter.

Marks : (i.) maker, T. T. & Co. ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.)
anchor ; (iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1872 (Bir-
mingham).

Flagon. — Silver-gilt, tankard shape, domed lid and spout.
11 J in. high, 8 \ in. to lid ; foot, 5 in. diameter.

Inscription : " The gift of Samuel Banfill, Esq., Exwick."

Marks : (i.) maker, E. E. J. W. B., in four-lobed shield
(Barnard's) ; (ii.) lion passant ; (iii.) leopard's* head ;
(iv.) Queen's head ; (v.) date-letter, 1840 (London).

FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE.

Fourth Report of the Committee — consisting of Miss Rose
E. Carr-Smith, The Honble. Mrs. Colborne, Sir Alfred
Croft, Miss C. E. Larter, Mr. C. H. Laycock, Dr. H.
G. Peacock , Miss C. L. Peck, Dr. A. B. Prowse, Miss
Helen Saunders, Mr. A. Sharland, Mr. T. Wainwright,
and Mr. W. P. Hiern (Secretary), with power to add
to their number — for the purpose of investigating matters
connected with the Flora and Botany of Devonshire.

The genus Fumaria L. in Britain has been receiving, in
the supplementary parts of the Journal of Botany for 1912,
a second revision by Mr. H. W. Pugsley. The Devon
localities there given are mentioned herein.

In July and August, 1911, the Rev. W. Moyle Rogers
visited the Dart valley and neighbouring hills ; he has
kindly supplied a list of the plants which he observed ;
the more rare or interesting species are enumerated below
under their proper districts. The records for the parishes
of Ashburton, Buckland-in-the-Moor, Holne, Staverton,
and Widecombe-in-the-Moor (in the No. 6 Torquay
botanical district), and Buckfastleigh East, Buckfastleigh
West, Rattery, and Dartington (in the No. 7 Plymouth
botanical district) are due to Mr. Rogers. He has also
determined some recent gatherings of brambles from
these and some other parts of the county.

Ranunculus auricomus L. Stoke Rivers.

Fumaria capreolata L., var. Babingtonii Pugsl. Morte-hoe.

Ilfracombe. Lynton.
F. capreolata L., var. devoniensis Pugsl. Morte-hoe.
F. purpurea Pugsl. Morte-hoe. Ilfracombe. Ashford.

Edited by W. P. Hiern.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

RECORDS.

1. Barnstaple Botanical District.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE. 127

P. muralis Sond., subsp. F. Borcei Jord. Morte-hoe. Ilfra-

combe. Lynton.
F. muralis Sond., subsp. F. Borcei Jord., var. ambigua Pugsl.

Morte-hoe. Ilfracombe.
F. muralis Sond., subsp. F. Borcei Jord., var. britannica Pugsl.

Ilfracombe.

F. Bastardi Boreau. Morte-hoe. Ilfracombe. Northam.
Erysimum perfoliatum Crantz. Barnstaple and Fremington

(F. A. Brokenshire).
Vogelia paniculata Hornem. Fremington (casual, F. A.

Brokenshire).

Silene gaUica-rosea and var. quinquevulnera. Bishop's Tawton

(Frank Halls).
TrigoneUa ornithopodioides DC. Northam.
Bubus pulcherrimus Neum. Landkey (perhaps this species).
R. pyramidalis Kalt. High Bray.

R. apiculatus Weihe & Nees, var. setulosus (R. anglosaxonicus
Gelert, subsp. setulosus Rogers). High Bray (the first
Devon specimen seen by Mr. Rogers).

R. MarshaUi Rogers. Lynton (a variety or form of this species).

R. hirtus Waldst. & Eat., var. rotundifolius Bab. High Bray.
Landkey.

R. corylifolius Sm. Swimbridge (apparently this species).
Plantago Coronopus L., var. ceratophyllon Rapin. Lynton

(Mr. A. Sharland).
Orchis Morio L. Braunton.

Ophrys apifera Huds. Tawstock (Mr. T. Wainwright).

J uncus compressus Jacq. Monkleigh.

Schistostega osmundacea Mohr. Arlington.

Chroolepus aureum Kiitz. Abbotsham. Arlington. Bideford.
Bratton Fleming. East Down. Heanton Punchardon. Ilfra-
combe. Loxhore. Lynton. Stoke Rivers. Swimbridge.

Fucus ceranoides L. Combe Martin, December, 1908 (Miss
C. E. Larter).

Oelidium pulchellum Kiitz. Combe Martin, November, 1907

(Miss C. E. Larter).
Neottiella polytrichi Massee. Combe Martin, about 1902 (Miss

C. E. Larter).

Stettaria graminea L. Clawton. The Rev. H. H. Harvey has
collected a form of this common species with very small
petals and quite short styles ; in some flowers the anthers
were affected with smut (Ustilago antherarum Fr.).

Rubus uncinatus P. J. Mull., var. Griffithianus Focke. Wear
Gifford.

R. hirtus Waldst. & Kit., var. rotundifolius Bab. Wear
Gifford.

2. TORRENGTON BOTANICAL DISTRICT.

128 FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE.

Phuopsis stylosa B. D. Jacks. Northlew. The Rev. H. BL
Harvey has found this " crosswort " near an old garden^
It is native in N.W. Persia.

Euphrasia foulaensis Towns. Belstone (Miss Peck).

Veronica scutellata L. Abbotsbickington (Rev. H. H. Harvey)^

Mentha alopecuroides Hull. Wear Gifford.

Pinguicula lusitanica L. Abbotsbickington (Rev. H. H.
Harvey).

Equisetum maximum Lam. High Bickington.

Ceterach officinarum DC. Little Torrington.

Chroolepus aureum Kiitz. Little Torrington.

Spcerospora trechispora Sacc. (Peziza trechispora Berk. & Br.).

Belstone, in the black mud of Taw Marsh, 3 July, 1912:

(Miss C. E. Larter).

Clematis Vitalba L. Burrington.
Barbarea intermedia Boreau. Chawleigh.
Sisymbrium thalianum Gay. Crediton town.
Geranium pusillum L. South Molton (Miss H. Saunders).
Rubus fruticosus L., var. hemistemon (Mull.). Lapford (perhaps
this variety).

R. holerythros Focke. Chawleigh (perhaps a shade form of this
species).

R. argenteus Weihe & Nees. Chawleigh (a form with whitish,
petals).

R. pubescens Weihe, var. subinermis Rogers. Chawleigh (a-

new record for Devon).
R. leucostachys Schleich. or R. pyramidalis Kalt. hybrid ?

South Molton.
R. cegocladus Mull. & Lef. Newton St. Cyres.
R. scaber Weihe & Nees. Newton St. Cyres.
R. Borreri Bell Salt., var. dentatifolius Briggs. Newton St-

Cyres.

R. apiculatus Weihe & Nees, var. curvidens (A. Ley). Chulm-

leigh (perhaps this variety).
R. apiculatus Weihe & Nees, var. horridicaulis Focke. Chulm-

leigh.

R. hirtus Waldst. & Eat., var. rotundifolius Bab. Newton

St. Cyres.
Filago minima Fr. Newton St. Cyres.
Gnaphalium sylvaticum L. Newton St. Cyres.
Orchis Mario L. Chittlehamholt.

Oymnadenia conopsea R. Br. South Molton. Bishop's Nymptoiu

Carex diandra Schrank. North Molton (Mr. J. Hicking).

C. pallescens L. Chittlehamholt.

C. inflata Huds. Twitchen (Miss H. Saunders).

3. South Molton Botanical District.

FOURTH REPORT OP THE BOTANY COMMITTEE. 129

Pclypodium Phegopteris L. North Molton.

Aaplenium Ruta-muraria L., var. datum T. Moore. George

Nympton (about 25 cm. long ; Miss H. Saunders).
Phyllitis Scolopendrium Newm., var. bifida. South Molton

(Miss H. Saunders).
Ophioglossum vulgatum L. Molland.
Schistostega osmundacea Mohr. Filleigh. North Molton.
Chroolepus aureum Kiitz. South Molton. Chittlehampton.

Chittlehamholt. Burrington. Down St. Mary. Wool-

fardisworthy, East.
PsaUiota campestris Qu61. South Molton (head 112 mm. in

diameter ; Miss H. Saunders).
Coprinus comatus Pers. South Molton (Mr. Biffin).
Ascomyces alnitorquus Massee. Ashreigney.

Thlaspi arvense L. Cadbury.

Sderanthus annuus L. Cadbury.

Rubus leucostachy8 Schleich. Alphington. Ashton.

R. Idsiodados Focke. Silverton (common. It is generally
fairly easy to know even without careful examination ;
Mr. G. B. Savery).

R. lasioclados, var. longus Rogers & Ley. Silverton (Mr.
G. B. Savery).

R. insericatus P. J. Mull. Whitestone.

R. cegocladus Mull. & Lef. Whitestone.

R. nemoro8U8 Hayne. Whitestone (doubtful).

Ceraiophyllum demersum L. River Exe, below Exeter, Novem-
ber, 1849 ; Herb. Parfitt (Miss C. E. Larter).

The remaining species from the list of Devonshire fungi
in Ed. Parfitt's Illustrated MSS., identified by him and
Dr. M. C. Cooke and not included in the Devonshire
Association Transactions, are for this district given by
Dr. H. G. Peacock, as follows: —

Tricholoma personatum Quel. Exeter, 1888.

Clitocybe cerussata Qu61. Exwick, 1888.

Mycena mirabilis Qu61. Sandy Gate, near Clyst St. Mary, 1887.

M. lactea Qu61. Exeter, 1888.

M. stannea Quel. Exeter, 1888.

Omphalia muralis Qu61. Topsham Road, Exeter, 1888.
Flammula astragalina Qu61. Sandy Gate, near Clyst St. Mary,
1887.

F. inopus Karst. Sandy Gate, near Clyst St. Mary, 1887.
Naucoria abstrusa Sacc. Exeter, 1888.
Odera lateritia Qu61. Exwick, 1881.

VOL. XLTV. I

4. Exeter Botanical District.

130 FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE.

Tubaria inquilina Gill. Exwick, 1888.

Psalliota cretacea Quel. Heavitree, 1890.

Stropharia coronilla Quel. Exwick, 1888.

S. spintrigera Sacc. Exeter, 1888.

Psihcybe subericcea Sacc. Tiverton, 1888.

P. cemua Qu61. Exwick, 1888.

Coprinu8 aratus B. & Br. Exeter, 1888.

Cortinariu8 (Phlegmacium) balteatus Fr. Exeter, 1890.

C. (Hydrocybe) Uluminus Fr. Exwick, 1888.

Hygrophoru8 (Camarophyllus) irrigatus Fr. Exeter, 1889.

H. (Hygrocybe) obrusseus Fr. Exeter, 1889.

Russula rosacea Fr. Exeter, 1890.

R. consobrina Fr. Exwick, 1888.

Auricvlaria lobata Sommerf. Basin Yard, Exeter, 1888.

Ranunculus floribundus Bab. Combe Raleigh.

Fumaria muralis Sond., subsp. F. Borcei Jord. Budleigh
Salterton. Seaton.

Armoracia rusticana G. M. & S. Lympstone (a form bearing
dissected leaves and growing in 1911 close to the edge
of a gravel walk in somewhat impoverished ground and
exposed to the sun nearly all day ; J. R. Jackson). For
a note on this phenomenon, see Journal of Botany, 1912,
pp. 95, 96. A somewhat similar form occurred during the
same summer in Stokenham (in No. 7 Plymouth botanical
district).

JScleranthus annuus L. Budleigh Salterton (Miss Peck).
Geranium pyrenaicum Burm. f. Dunkeswell (confirmation of

an old record).
Genista tinctoria L. Axminster (Mr. A. Sharland).
Lotus tenuis W. &. K. Littleham and Exmouth.
Pimpinella Saxifraga L., var. nigra Mill. Axminster (Mr. A.

Sharland).

Aster Novi-Belgii L. Axminster (alien ; Mr. A. Sharland).
Hyoscyamus niger L. Combe Raleigh (Miss Fursdon).
Salicornia lignosa Woods. Mouth of the Axe (Journ. Bot., 1911,
p. 366).

Ophrys apifera Huds. Combe Raleigh (Miss Fursdon).

Car ex muricata L., var. pseudo-divulsa Hook. Axminster

(Mr. A. Sharland).
JSchistostega osmundacea Mohr. Branscombe to Otterton :

see Memorials, Journal, and Botanical Correspondence of

Charles Cardale Babington (1897), pp. 83, 281 ; " in every

hole in the hedge-banks."

The remaining species from Ed. Parfitt's fungi, not

5, Honiton Botanical District.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE. 131

previously recorded for this district, are given by Dr. H.
G. Peacock, as follows : —

Stropharia stercoraria Quel. Sidmouth, 1889.
Pancsolus retirugis Gill. Woodbury Common, 1888.
Cortinarius (Dermocybe) cinnabarinus Fr. Harpford Wood,
1888.

Cortinarius (Dermocybe) infucatus Fr. Harpford Wood, 1888.
C. (Hydrocybe) acutus Fr. Harpford Wood, 1888.
Pclyporus perennis Fr. Harpford Wood, 1888.
Xylaria digitata Grev. Harpford Wood, 1888.

Hetteborus viridis L. Stokeinteignhead (Miss Peck).
Aconitum Napellus L. Stokeinteignhead (Miss Peck). Staverton;
Nymphcea lutea L. Staverton.

Fumaria capreolata L., var. Babingtonii Pugsl. Paignton.
F. purpurea Pugsl. Torquay.
F. muralis Sond., var. F. Borcei Jord. Torquay.

Diplotaxis muralis DC, form 1, Bab. Man. Torquay, in waste
ground, 16 October, 1911 (Miss C. E. Larter).

Lepidium Draba L. Stokeinteignhead or Haccombe with
Coombe (Miss Peck).

Dianthu8 Armeria L. Between Bishopsteignton and Kings-
teignton (Dr. H. G. Peacock).

Alsine rubra Cr. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.

Tilia cordata Mill. Staverton.

Impatiens glandulifera Royle. Kingsteignton, 24 August, 1911

(Miss C. E. Larter).
Lathyrus Nissolia L. Kingsteignton.
Rubus fis8us Lindl. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
R. imbricaius Hort. Staverton. Holne.
R. rhamnifolius Weihe & Nees. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
R. pulcherrimus Neum. Widecombe-in-the-Moor. Buckland-

in-the-Moor.

R. argenteus Weihe & Nees. Widecombe-in-the-Moor. Ash-
burton. Staverton.
R. vulgaris Weihe & Nees, var. Lindleyanus Focke. Staverton.

Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
R. Selmeri Lindeb. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
R. uLmifclius Schott. f . x sublustris ? Staverton.
R. macrostemon Focke, forma dynatos Focke. Staverton.
J!. Godroni Lee. & Lamotte. Ashburton ?
R. macrophyllus Weihe & Nees. Staverton.
R. Schlechtendalii Weihe. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
R macrophyttoides Genev., forma umbrosa. Widecombe-in-
the-Moor.

6. Torquay Botanical District.

forma rubens Pugsl. Dawlish.

132 FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE.

R. silvaticus Weihe & Nees. Staverton. Widecombe-in-the-
Moor.

R. hypohucus Lef. & Miill. Ashburton. Staverton. Wide-
combe-in-the-Moor.

R. hypohucus Lef. & Mull, x ulmifolius. Holne (probably).

R. leucostachys Schleich. Ashburton. Staverton.

R. leucostachys Schleich. x ulmifolius Schott f. Holne.
Ashburton. Staverton.

R. pyramidalis Kalt. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.

R. hngithyrsiger E. Lees. Ashburton. Staverton. Wide-
combe-in-the-Moor.

R. Borreri Bell Salt. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.

R. hirtus Waldst. & Kit. Dunsford.

R. ccesius L. Ashburton. Staverton.

R. ccesius L. x ulmifolius Schott f. Ashburton. Staverton.

R. ferox Weihe. Dunsford.

R. nemorosus Hayne. Staverton. Ashburton.

R. corylifolius Sm., var. sublustris Leight. Ashburton. Staver-
ton. Buckland-in-the-Moor.

Sedum Telephium L. Staverton.

Pimpinella Saxifraga L., var. nigra Mill. Holne.

Viburnum Lantana L. Staverton.

Scabiosa columbaria L. Staverton.

Arctium minus Bernh. Ashburton. Staverton.

Taraxacum erythrospermum DC. St. Mary Church (Miss C. E.
Larter).

Erica ciliaris L. Manaton.

Cuscuta suaveolens Ser. Stokeinteignhead (Mrs. Warry).
Primula vulgaris L., variabilis. Stokeinteignhead.
Mentha rotundifolia Huds. Ashburton. Staverton.
M . gentilis L., var. Pauliana (F. Schultz). Widecombe-in-the-
Moor.

M. Pulegium L. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
Plantago major L., var. intermedia (Gilib.). Widecombe-in-
the-Moor. Staverton.
Rumex Hydrolapathum Huds. Staverton.
J uncus tenuis Willd. Bovey Tracey (Miss J. Down).
Potamogeton densus L. Dartmouth.
Car ex disticha Huds. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
C. pendula Huds. Ashburton. Staverton.
C. hirta L. Wolborough.

Setaria viridis Beauv. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.
Poa compressa L. Ashburton.
Glyceria plicata Fr. Staverton.
Ceterach officinarum DC. Ashburton. Staverton.
Ophioglossum vulgatum L. Kingsteignton.
Chroolepus aureum Kiitz. Dartmouth. Drewsteignton. North
Bovey. Widecombe-in-the-Moor.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE. 133

Miss C. E. Liarter contributes the following notes :—
The spring of 1912 was notable for the abundance of
blossom in this district on all the flowering trees and
shrubs, both, native and foreign. The elms in February
were so full of bloom that, where they grew in multitude,
they formed masses of a distinct brown-purple in the land-
scape. The sycamores, maples, chestnuts, oaks, and
hawthorns have all followed suit in the remarkable luxuri-
ance of their flowers. On 2 May, at Shiphay Collaton,
near Torquay, a large elm was seen with all the fruit quite
ripe and falling, but the tree was still bare of leaves. So
thick was the fruit that the tree looked as if hung with full
green tassels. Crepis taraxacifolia Thuill. is abundant
about Torquay ; it edges in scattered masses the lime-
stone quarries, apparently finding in the grass on downs
above them most congenial habitation. On 15 May on
the plateau of one jutting-out and turf-covered crag, no
less than fifty-six spikes of its bloom, clustered together,
were counted.

As to the phenological facts of the district this spring,
it may be noted that on one and the same day, 15 April,
the two gromwells, Lithospermum purpurocceruleum L.
and L. officinale L., were in flower. On 16 April, in the
parish of Marldon, a well was so thickly crested with
Saxifraga tridactylites L., that in the sunset light the yards
of crimson stalks glomed like miniature pine-trunks,
making a ridge of conspicuous colour. By that day all
the blossom on trees of Prunus avium L. in the same parish
was completely withered. On 18 April Hippocrepis
comosa L., a frequent growth in the district, was freely
flowering on a ridge where a sandstone formation meets
one of limestone. It is at such junctures that the plant
is said most frequently to flourish. By 27 April all the
seeds of Erodium cicutarium L'Herit. were shed, and the
five twisted styles stood out like sets of bare projecting
spears in the great patches of the plant filling hollows and
nooks below the rocks of a limestone hill.

Miss C. E. Larter also contributes the following list of
Musci, Hepattca, Lichen, and Fungi : —

Sphagnum subsecundum Nees (sensu restricto). Bovey Tracey,

26 August, 1911 (new to South Devon).
Sphagnum subsecundum Nees, var. viride Boul. (8. inundatum
Warnst.). Manaton, Hound Tor Bog, September, 1910

(Mrs. H. Bell-Irving).

134 FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOTANY COMMITTEE.

Schistostega osmundacea Mohr. Ilsington, Rippon Tor, August,

1911 (Mrs. J. C. Drake).
Aneura sinuata Limpr. St. Mary Church, in the spray of a

very small spring near the sea, 20 October, 1911.
Urceolaria gypsacea Ach. St. Mary Church, Anstey's Cove,
September, 1911. New record for Devon (E. M. Holmes).
Lepiota procera Quel. Manaton, 3 October, 1911.
L. cristata Quel. St. Mary Church, 27 November, 1911.
Coprinus congregatus Fr. Torquay, on wood, 25 November,

Hygrophorus psittacinus Fr. St. Mary Church, in grass on

seaward cliffs, 27 November, 1911.
Fomes applanatus Karst. St. Mary Church, on the bark of a

tree, December, 1911.
Tremella mesenterial Retz. St. Mary Church.
Neottiella polytrichi Mass. St. Mary Church, March, 1912.
Peziza vesiculosa Bull. St. Mary Church.

The following is a list of fungi, found by Dr. H. G.
Peacock in this district since May, 1911 : —

Tricholoma personatum Quel. Bishopsteignton.

Olitocybe nebularis Quel. Bishopsteignton.

O. flaccida Quel. Bishopsteignton.

Collybia dryophila Quel. Milber Down.

Flammula sapinea Quel. Bishopsteignton.

Hypholoma lacrymahundum Quel. Bishopsteignton.

Coprinus comatus Pers. Bishopsteignton.

Gomphidius viscidus Fr. Milber Down.

Hygrophorus (Hygrocybe) psittacinus Fr. Bishopsteignton.

Fumaria muralis Sond., subsp. F. Borcei Jord. Plymouth.
F. Bastardi Boreau. Plymouth.

Armoracia rusticana G. M. & S., form with dissected leaves.
Stokenham (see note under No. 5 Honiton botanical
district).

Arenaria serpyllifolia L.,var. viscidula Roth. Buckfastleigh,east.
Hypericum montanum L. Buckfastleigh, east.
Impatiens glandulifera Royle. Totnes (F. H. Davey).
Bubus imbricatus Hort. Buckfastleigh, east.
B. rhamnifolius Weihe & Nees. Buckfastleigh, east.
B. argenteus Weihe & Nees. Buckfastleigh, east.
B. vulgaris Weihe & Nees, var. Lindleyanus Focke. Buck-
fastleigh, east.

B. macrostemon Focke, forma dynatos Focke. Buckfastleigh, east.
jR. Oodroni Lec. & Lamotte. Buckfastleigh, east.
B. Schlechtendalii Weihe. Buckfastleigh, east.

1911.

7. Plymouth Botanical District.

FOURTH REPORT OP THE BOTANY COMMITTEE. 135

R. silvaticus Weihe & Nees. Buckfastleigh, east.
R. hypoleucvs Lef. & Mull. Buckfastleigh, east.
R. leuco8tachy8 Schleich. Buckfastleigh, west.
R. leucostachy8 Schleich. X ulmifolius Schott f . Buckfastleigh,
west.

jR. lasioclados Focke. Buckfastleigh, west.
R. lasioclados Focke, var. angustijolius Rogers. Buckfastleigh,
west.

R. pyramidcdis Kalt. Rattery.

R. Borreri Bell Salt. Buckfastleigh, east.

R. apicidatus Weihe & Nees. Buckfastleigh, east.

R. ccesius L. Buckfastleigh, east.

R. camus L. x vlmifoliu8 Schott f . Buckfastleigh, east.

R.ferox Weihe. Buckfastleigh, east.

R. ferox Weihe, var. diversifolius. Buckfastleigh, east.

R. nemoro8U8 Hayne. Buckfastleigh, east.

Pyrtis Mains L. Buckfastleigh, east.

Epilobium lanceolatum S. & M. Rattery. Partington. Buck-
fastleigh, east.

Sedum reflexum L., var. S. albescens Haw. Buckfastleigh, east.

Matricaria suaveolens Buchen. Stokenham.

Carduvs crispus L. Buckfastleigh, east.

Picris hieracioides L. Buckfastleigh, east.

Myosotis scorpioides L. Buckfastleigh, east.

Mimulus Langsdorffii Donn. Buckfastleigh, east.

Mentha gentilis L., var. Pauliana (F. Schultz). Dartington.

M. PtUegtum L. Stokenham (Miss H. Saunders).

Typha angustifolia L. Stokenham.

A8plenium Ruta-mur.aria L., var. elatum T. Moore. Buckfast-
leigh, east.
Ceterach officinarum DC. Dartington.

Lejeunea cavifolia Lindb. Berry Pomeroy (Miss C. E. Larter).

Alsine rvbra Oantz. Lydford.

Rvbus SchlecUendalii Weihe, var. amplificatus. Lydford.

R. Borceanvs Genev. Lydford.

R. cegocladus Mull. & Lef. Lydford.

Cotoneaster integerrimus Medic. Mary Tavy (well established ;

F. H. Davey).
Anthemis nobilis L. Lydford.
Mimulus moschatus Dougl. Whitchurch.
Populus tremula L. Lydford.
A vena fatua L. Lydford.
Chroolepus aureum Kiitz. Lydford.

Leptonia placida Karst. Lydford (E. Parfitt, 1888 ; from
Dr. H. G. Peacock's list).

8. Tavistock Botanical District.

THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF
THE COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

Thirtieth Report of the Committee — Mr. J. S. Amery,
Sir Alfred W. Croft, Mr. Thomas Wainwright, and Mr.
R. Hansford Worth (Secretary) — appointed to collect
and tabulate trustworthy and comparable Observations on
the Climate of Devon.

Edited by R. Hansford Worth, Secretary of the Committee.

The Committee is glad to have been able, by the kind
assistance of Mr. W. J. Monk, to replace the lost station at
Tavistock, Whitchurch, by a new station at Tavistock,
London and South- Western. Railway Station. The instru-
ments are those which were formerly used by Mr. Glyde.

For some time at least the records from Castle Hill
School, Southmolton, will not be available, Mr. W. H.
Reeve having been obliged by pressure of other work to
abandon his observations. We lose with regret this in-
teresting station.

In order, however, that North Devon shall be repre-
sented, the Committee has, through the intermediary of its
member Mr. Wainwright, been able to secure the assist-
ance of Mr. J. H. Mead-Briggs, of Lynmouth, and the
Rev. H. F. Ramsay, of Simonsbath. If it be objected
that Simonsbath is not within the political county of
Devon, it must be answered that physically it should be
regarded as a Devonshire station.

The rainfall of the year 1911 was very irregularly dis-
tributed over the months ; taken as a whole it was practi-
cally an average fall. Thus, at Druid, Ashburton, 51-56
inches of rain fell, as compared with a forty-seven years'
average of 51-4" But from January to October, in-

clusive, only a month wet above the average,

the compar or this station : —

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

REPORT ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

137

Average of

1911

46 years.

January

. . 1-90

5-57

February

. . 2-94

4-60

March

. . 3-93

3-95

April

. . 2-20

3-22

May

. . 1-75

. . , 2-71

June

. . 2-98

2-64

July

. . 113

3-00

August

. . 1-97

3-64

September

. . 2-72

3-84

October

. . 5-98

6-00

November

. . 7-27

5-51

December

.. 16-78

6-79

The abnormal rainfall in December should be noted.
Anticipating somewhat the next report, it may be added
that at many stations an amount of rain equal to the full
annual average fell in the months October, November,
December, 1911, and January, February, March, 1912.

At Oaklands, Okehampton, it will be noted that more
than half the total rain of 191 1 fell in the last three months
of the year, and this same remark is true of nearly every
station on our list. Holne accomplished a record of 19-55
ins. in December, Princetown reached 23-94 ins. in the
same month, and Post Bridge 20-04 ins.

Miss CM. Radford has favoured us with a record of the
droughts which occurred at Sidmouth in 1911. These
were : —

Absolute droughts, January 24 to February 9, inclusive
(only 0-26 ins. fell in small quantities from January 12 to
February 13), May 12 to May 26, May 30 to June 14,
July 1 to July 28.

Partial droughts, April 3 to April 17, only -01 and -02 ins.
fell ; May 4 to June 15, only five days on which rain fell,
total amount, 0-36 ins. ; August 6 to September 12,
greatest fall in this time was 08, total 0-33 ins. ; Octo-
ber 1 to October 17, 0-34 ins. on five days.

Mr. Charles Barran continues his day and night observa-
tions at Berry Pomeroy, and from 1906 to 1911 inclusive
the night fall has exceeded the day fall by practically
10 per cent.

Mr. Barran writes : "The winter rains after summer's
drought just balanced my average for 1911, and we had,
from October 1, 1911, to March 31, 1912, 40-17 inches of

Digitized by

138 THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF THE

rain, practically a year's rainfall in six months, my average
being 40-90 for the past eighteen years."

An exceptional fall of rain occurred on 27 May at
Bere Alston. Two and a half inches of rain fell between
2.30 p.m. and 4 p.m., when the receiver was found full and
overflowing. At Mount Tamar, 666 yards to the S.E.,
where the conditions were much the same and the receiver
was larger, 3 inches were measured in the same time.
This gives a fall at the rate of one inch per half-hour,
maintained for three successive half-hours.

The sunshine record for the year is excellent, Torquay
making the best return with 2111*9 hours. But Brandis
Corner, although the total was somewhat less, being
1985*5 hours of sun, creates a record of a different char-
acter. For five successive months, May to September
inclusive, there was not a day on which the sun did not
shine, and in six successive months, May to October
inclusive, there was but one sunless day. If the period is
extended to seven months by the inclusion of April, then
there were only three sunless days.

PAIGNTON WATERWORKS, VENFORD CATCHMENT.

Your Committee again applied for information as to
the rainfall on the Venford Catchment area, and per-
mission to publish the same. In the interest of Devon
meteorology this would appear to be of the greatest in-
terest, but the Water Committee of the Paignton Urban
District Council has replied that the Council does not
publish its records. It appeared also, when the recent
Paignton Water Act was before Parliament, that the
records on which the average of 80 inches of rain per
annum was ascertained (as referred to in a previous report
of this Committee) were either lost or were no longer
available. Later in the proceedings, however, Mr. Baldwin
Latham produced the record for one gauge for the year
1901. Independently, the complete records of two gauges
for the year 1910 were also produced, with an eleven-month
record of one other gauge, and a nine-month record of yet
a fourth gauge for the same year.

The four gauges in question are —

(a) " Ringleshutes," situate near the southern margin
of the catchment.

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON. 139

(6) " Combestone " (" Cumsdon"), situate near the
northern margin of the catchment.

(a) and (6) are the gauges on which the 80-inch average

was founded. 1 T

{d) "Home," situate near the eastern margin of the
catchment.

Gauge (d) is an interesting example of the sudden
variations in fall which occur within comparatively small
distances on hilly country ; it in no way represents the
conditions which really obtain on this watershed. The
other three gauges are placed with excellent judgment ;
the location of the first two above named was selected by
Mr. Latham.

The following table gives the details as put forward in
evidence : —

Ringleshutes.

Combestone.

Reservoir.

Home.

1901.

1910.

Ins. fall.

Jan.

.. 8-61 .

. 10-12

.. 10-29 .

Feb.

.. 3-39 .

. 12-00

.. 11-43 .

! 12-40 !

Mar.

8-55 .

. 2-08

.. 2-10 .

. 2-34 .

April

.. 8-96 .

. 5-10

.. 4-90 .

. 5-49 .

! 416

May

318 .

. 413

.. 4-29 .

. 4-55 .

. 3-24

June

2-81 .

. 2-78

.. 2-82 .

. 2-98 .

. 2-10

July

1-78 .

. 4-92

.. 5 04 .

. 5-52 .

. 2-87

Aug.

.. 4-88 .

. 8-86

.. 910 .

. 9-32 .

. 7-78

Sept.

.. 6-56 .

. 0-61

.. 0-62 .

. 0-65 .

. 0-59

Oct.

.. 4-38 .

. 11-25

.. 11-26 .

. 11-63 .

. 9-54

Nov.

.. 2-49 .

. 9-17

.. 9 05 .

. 10-19 .

. 7-90

Dec.

.. 15-56 .

. 16-79

.. 17-31 .

. 18-06 .

. 15-89

71-15

87-81

88-21

83-13 2

55073

elevation (feet).

OBSERVER OR AUTHORITY.

Abbotekerswell (Court Grange) 150 ... Mrs. Marcus Hare.

Ashburton (Druid)
Barnstaple
Rere Alston (Rumleigh),
Brandis Corner
CuUompton

584 ... J. S. Amery.

25 ... Thomas Wainwrigbt.

124 ... Sir Alfred W. Croft, m.a., k.c.i.b.

400 ... G. V. Corbet.

202 ... Murray T. Foster, f.r.Met.Soc.

1 Kingleshutes and Combestone gauges are both at an approximate level of
1130 0. ft, and Reservoir and Home gauges both at 940 O.D.
* Eleven months only, 12 months estimated 94*42.
1 Nine months only, 12 months estimated 74*88.

Digitized by

140 THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OP THE

elevation (feet).

OBSERVER OR AUTHORITY.

Devonport Watershed : —

Cowsic Valley (weekly) 1352
Devil's Tor (near Bear-
down Man) (monthly) 1785
Exeter (Devon and Exeter

Institution) . . .155
Holne (Vicarage) . . . 650
Huccaby .... 900
Ilfracombe . . . .20
Kingsbridge (Westcombe) . 100
Lynmouth (Rock House) » 22
Newton Abbot (The Chest-
nuts) . . . . 100 .
Okehampton (Oaklands) . 505 ,
Plymouth Observatory . .116

Plymouth Watershed : —
Head Weir (Plymouth

Reservoir) . . 720
Siward's Cross (monthly) 1200

Postbridge (Archerton) . 1200 .

Princetown (H.M. Prison) 1359

Roborough Reservoir . . 548
Rousdon (The Observatory) 516
Sidmouth (Sidmount) . .186
Simonsbath . . . 1080
South Brent (Great Aish) . 500
Castle Hill School (South-

molton)
♦Tavistock (L. and S.W. Rly.

Station) . . 375

Teignmouth Observatory . 20
Teignmouth (Benton) . . 320
Torquay Observatory . .12
Torquay Watershed : —

Kennick . . .842
Laployd . . 1030
Mardon . . . 836

Torrington, Great (Enfield) . 336
Totnes (Berry Pomeroy) . 185
Totnes (Northgate)
Woolacombe (N. Devon) . 60

F. W. Lillicrap.

John E. Coombes, Librarian. •

The Rev. John Gill, m.a.

R. Burnard, p.s.a.

M. W. Tattam.

T. W. Latham.

T. H. Mead-Briggs.

E. D. Wylie.

Maj.-Gen. E. H. Holley, R.A., j.p.

H. Victor Prigg, A.M.I.C.E.,
F.R.Met.Soc.

I Frank Howarth, m.i.c.e.

... E. A. Bennett.

... W. Marriott, p .R.Met.Soc.

(Asst. 8ec. Roy.Met.Soc.).
... Frank Howarth, m.i.c.e.
... Lady Peek.

... Miss Constance M. Radford.
... Rev. H. F. Ramsay.
... Miss C. M. Kingwell.

363 ... W. H. Reeve.

... W. J. Monk.
... G. Rossi ter.
... W. C. Lake, m.d.
... Frederick March, f.r.Met.Soc.

S. C. Chapman, m.i.c.e.

George M. Doe.
Charles Barran, j.p.
H. Lovejoy.

R. N. Kivell, for Miss Chichester.

* Records starred in the margin are supplied in whole or in part from an
adjacent station in Tavistock. The new station commences with July 1st.

Digitized by

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

JANUARY", 1911.

STATION'S.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

Humidity, 9 a.m.

c
c

tS
O

Sunless Days.

GREATEST

FALL IN
»4 HOURS,

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

Temperat.
9 a.m.

Maxima.

Minimum.

5
c
£

—

ins

ins.

a eg.

" " *

deg.

aeg.

deg.

0-10

hours.

.. .

Abbots leers well .

1.2*8

.41

...

Ash burton .

1.90

.58

1 1

39*3

36.'i

44. u

40.0

29.8

52.6

6. 1

Barnstaple .

T C T

1 * 5 1

•33

1 1

39-6

35-6

a(\ t
40. 1

40.8

25.0

52,2

7.6

cere Alston

I.28

.40

1 1

39-2

35-i

44.2

39-6

24.0

51.0

Brand is Corner .

2. 09

• 44

l 3

33-0

41*0

37-0

I7.O

46.0

80.3

1 1

Cowsic Valley

...

8. 1

Cullompton
I Evil's Tor

1.23

.41

iR t
35, 1

...

34-o

44. 4

39-2

52.9

65.6

1 4

2. DO

...

Kxeter

C\ *7 yf
U. / ^

.20

40.0

35-6

4j*°

39.7

26.O

53-o

— ' *•

riolne . .

2.39

.78

1 □

...

Huccaby

1.88

•55

...

40. 4

...

Ilfracombe .

1 • 7 /

.71

At R

43,0

39.5

42.9

3O.O

52.0

7-4

...

Kingsbridge

.42

r 3

38.4

Lynmouth .

.65

...

32-5

24.

50.0

Newton Abbot .

I .OI

•3 1

Okehampton

2.05

-34

1 2

28.0

c c
0.0

Plymouth Obs. -

.50

0.1.1

37.0

HO* 7

41.5

51.0

60.0

l 2

Plymouth Wtshd.

Head Weir

2. 32

.66

...

Si ward's Cross .

/ 3

Postbridge

-74

36.7

46. 1

1.02

35-9

32.7

40,7

27.

7-7

...

Robo rough

.48

(S. Devon)

3*8.*6

28.2

48." 7

°5-3

Rousdon

O.98

.21

1 1

34.7

43-2.

39-o

6.8

1 [

Sidmoath .

0. 9 2

■it

1 1

39.3

35-3

44-9

40. L

27.5

53-o

7-5

69.8

>inionisbath

3.88

22.0

47.0

South Brent

2. 04

.70

1 1

...

Castle Hill School

8.0

(Southmolton)

1-93

.32

37.5

33-8

44-4

39-i

22.0

51.0

^Tavistock

1-73

.60

35.o

33.8

44-2

39.o

22.0

50.5

Teignmonth Obs.

0.82

.17

40.4

37-4

46 2

41.8

28.0

54-5

6.9

70.6

Teignmouth

(Benton)

0.S7

.29

39-9

35-5

45.1

40.3

27.I

53-9

7-3

Torquay Obs.

0.78

.21

40.9

36.7

46.3

41.5

28.8

52.0

7.0

74-7

Torquay Wtrshd.

Ken nick .

1 -09

.24

Laployd .

1. 15

•34

Mardon .

I-I7

•33

46.0

Tomngton

1.63

•45

I9.O

Totnes

1.28

.62

(Berry Pomeroy)
Totnes

6
6

8
11

3*8.8

50.8

64.8

i-3°

.36

42.6

45-9

42.4

30.0

7-2

1 j

Digitized by

Google

142

THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF THE

FEBRUARY, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN

SCREEN.

Humidity, 9 a.m.

Cloud, 9 a. in. (0-10).

»»

1 I
i 1

Total Depth.

QREATX8T
FALL IN

24 mints.

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

Tempera t.
9 a.m.

Minima.

Minimum.

Maximum.

Depth.

ins.

deg.

deg

...

deg.

0-10

ours.

AbootSKerswell .

2.64

•75

...

Ash burton .

2. Q4.

.70

37.4,

46.5

41. S

27.0

J J

6\6

...

J3.ii us bo. pie .

I.96

.42

40.2

36.I

47-3

41.7

20.0

7.4

r>ere Alston

2. I 3

* j w

41.4

37.3

46.9

42. 1

21.0

Brand is Corner .

3.03

.72

3 3.0

44.0

38.0

18.O

52.0

00.3 1

Cowsic Valley

4-35

... .

ouiionipton

2 34

. 30

40. 3

IC. 7

47.8

41.8

21.2

t;6 2

7. z
1

71.0 1

ubvii h j_ur •

Exeter . .

O.08

. 20

* J

42.6

3Q. I

47.7

43.4

27.0

^7.0

...

nome . .

4.20

.8 4

...

T-Tn^»r>£> ]\\r
XlLUjLclUJf * .

2.S8

.84

J 5

Tl TVO AAtvi Via

2.43

.48

44.5

40.I

47.4

43-6

29.6

53.2

7.9

...

Kingsbridge

3.24

.60

1 c

...

Lynmouth .

3.01

■ J^r

3^.3

47-0

41. 1

2^.0

e^.o

...

Newton Abbot .

1.86

.4.0

...

Olrplifi mrit'nn
yy ivciictiiijin/ii

% 37

.90

x iymoutn vjos. ■

2.82

.76

43 8

3Q O

47-5

43-3

26.0

8.2

Oo.O

Plymouth Wtshd.

Head Weir .

3 06

1 . 12

I 7

...

IJl V> Oil IA O \Jl U33 •

5.00

IT UOtUIlUgC •

6.23

1.64

...

Prince town . .

7.50

1.80

37-5

34-4

42.4

38.4

25.O

49.0

£'2

Roborough

3.48

^o. uevon/

.94

...

] I

Jaousuon . .

1.88

'39

40.7

36.3

45«8

41. 1

24.3

55.1

6. 9

05.0 10

C i r»i nut li

1.65

•32

41.9

37-5

47.8

42.7

24.I

57.5

7.2

77-0 "

Simonsbath

6.51

1.47

20.0

48.0

Smith "Rrpnt

5-97

1. 61

L/asiie xini ttcnooi

(Southmolton)

2.88

.52

38.0

34.8

46.7

40.7

I9.8

53- 1

7.0

*Tavistoek

2-59

•55

42.1

35.0

47.7

41.4

22.0

54.o

Teicnmonth Ohs
Teignmouth

(Benton)

t-*3

.23

42.3

39-6

48.4

44.0

28.3

58.3

6.7

70 4

1.05

•25

41.9

37.8

47.4

42,6

25.8

f 4

7-0

75-8 «

Torquay Obs.

i.47

•39

43-i

3^9

49*3

44.1

28.4

60.4

7.5

Torquay Wtrshd.

Kennick .

1.65

.28

Laployd .

2. 10

.43

Mardon .

1.87

.36

... .»

Torrington

2-75

■74

17.0

50.0

Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy)

3.i5

.66

Totnes

3-72

1.02

Woolacombe

2.07

•57

43.3

3*8.9

47.1

43-0

26.O

55-4

6/5

70.5 II

Digitized by

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

143

MARCH, 1911.

STAriON8.

RAINFALL.

GREATEST

FALL. IN
34 HOURS.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

§ a

Ai'ootskerswell .
Ashbnrton .
B&msuple .
hh Alston
Bnndis Corner .
Cowsic Valley .
Cullompton
Deril'sTor
Exeter .
Holoe . .
Huectby .
Ilfrtcombe.
Kingsbridge
Lynmouth .
Nekton Abbot .
Okehtnipton
Plymouth Obs. .
PinnouthWtshd.

Head Weir .

Siwtrd's Cross .
Coatbridge .
Prinoetovn
So borough

(8. Devon)
Roosdon .
S idnwoth .
"imonslath
South Brent '
CistleHill School

iSoathmolton)
TiTmock
Teignmouth Obs.
fagnmonth

(Benton)
Huay Obs. .
TonjuAj Wtrshrl.

Kennick . . |

jgjg*. .

l ™r '■

T^ PoiDeroy)

ins.

. ou

£ 7

3-93

1. 10

1.90

•59

3-H

.86

2-54

.58

6.60

2. 35

• s 3

3-45

2.05

•55

r 9

4-23

•94

4.72

1 . 12

2. 19

.87

'i5

4-39

•95

21.

2. I O

3-57

•73

2.73

•59

3- 6 9

1.03

3-9»

1. 1 1

4. 40

4.9S

.91

6.74

1.15

3.97

1.25

2.74

1.04

2.51

.84

4.20

1.24

5.70

1.30

1.94

.63

2.9S

.64

2.49

.50

2-75

•52

2.29

.41

l fl
TT

3.00

.87

3.20

3-04

• 87

213

•55

3.62

.70

3-93

.86

2.27

.76

42.2

42.7

43-3

41.5
43-6

44.6

44.7

41.6
43.0

395
45-2
42.7

42.3
44.0

44.4

deg.

37-3
38.0
37.9
33-0

36.3

39.9

40.4
43-3

38.6

37-5- 34-o

36,2
37*2

35*2
35-8
39-5

37-2
39-0

47.2
49.8
48.1
47.0

39.8

4S.6 42.5
49.2 44.5

deg.

42.2
43-9
43-o
40.0

47.6
50.3

49-o
43-0

47-4
48.8

47.5
48.8

48.4

48.0
49-3

39-0
27.0

27.0
19.0

24.1

32.0

deg.

56.0
61.3
60.0
58.0

6 a 8

56.0

43-9
46.S

34-4 55-4

32.0
43.8 30-0

48.6

38.5

41.8
43-o

42.3
42.3
44.0

42.6
44.2

44.2

27.6

30.3
29.2
22.0

23-4
25.0
29.6

31-0
30.7

35-o

60.6

55-i
57-9
55-0

60.3
5.0

56- 9

57.8

57- 7

58.0

60.4

57-o
59.0 85

0-10

6.3
7.0

7-2

6.g

7-5

7.0

6.8

7*9
6.5

6.0

hours.

118,5
82.2

126.0

109.4
1237

97.:

107.3

137.1

Digitized by

144

THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OP THE

APRIL, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

GREATEST

FALL IN
24 HOURS.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

EXTREMES.

Abbotskerswell .
Ashbnrton .
Barnstaple .
Bere Alston
Brand is Comer .
Cowsic Valley .
Cullompton
Devil's Tor
Exeter
Holne
Huccaby .
Ilfracombe ,
Kingsbridge
Lynmouth .
Newton Abbot ■
Okehampton
Plymouth Obs. ,
PlymouthWtshd,

Head Weir

Si ward's Cross
Postbridge .
Princetown
Roborough

(S. Devon)
Rousdon .
Sidmouth .
Simonsbath
South Brent
Castle Hill School

(Southmolton)
*Tavistock
Teign mouth Obs.
Teignmouth

(Benton)
Torquay Obs.
Torquay Wtrshd,

Kennick .

Laployd .

Hard on
Ton-ington
Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy)
Totnes
Woolacombe

1. 75

2. 20

1.99
2.13
2.50
4.60
2.41
3.20
1.41
3.24
3-27
2.19
2.12
2.52
1.28

3- 37
2. 19

3.22

4.02

5.96

2.75
2 04
1.76

4- 77
3-69

2.43
2.54
1. 19

1. 19
1. 10

1.77
2.07
2.01
2.63

2.22
2.67
1. 61

♦55
.56
.46

•49

.60

.51

.42
.69
.61
■43
•57
■55

■38
.72

■47
.60

1.03
1.04

.68

•5 1

•43
1.03
83

.50
.60
.36

' 3 i
.38

.42
♦54

■51
.70

.48
.52

•35

26 10

deg.

46.6
47.1
47.1

47-5
4&9

48.5

48.7

41.4

45-5
46.8

44-5
45.6
46.9

46.7
47.6

deg. deg. deg.

47.0

39-5
40.2
40.4
34-o

3*8.8
42.5

42.8
43-3

40.3

3 6 -4

38. 7
39-8

37-9
34«2
41.2

39-3
41.5

55-4
53 1
51. 1
51.0

54.2

54-7

51.2
53-o

52.0
46.9

50.6
5i-7

51-6
50-3
53-4

52.9
53-i

47.5
46.6
46.7
42.0

46.5
48.6

46.8
4*8,2

46.2

4i-7

44.7
45-8

44*7
42.3
47-3

46. 1
47-3

41.4

50.4

25-4
24.0
2S.0
17.0

24.9
32.0

31.2
32.0

2S.0

deg.

62.5
59.0
60.0
62.0

66.0

6i."s

58.3
62.0

59-0

57-2

24.4
26.2

26.6
28.2

25-7
29.4

45.9 31.0

57.1
61.0
56.0

62. 1
60.0
62.7

61.4
61.3

57.0

57.2

0-10

6.0
6.2

7-9

7-0

6.4

7.2

hours.

166.5
141. 4

181. o

6.5 152.4
7-4 174.3

7.0

5-5

7.6
6.5

164.5
191.0

6.2

156.0

Digitized by

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

145

MAY, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

Humidity. a.m.

Sunshine.

1 Sunless Days

GREATEST
FALL IN
34 HOURS.

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

Minima.

Maxima, j

Minimum.

Maximum. J

Depth.

m
Q

ins.

deg.

0-10

hours.

O. oo

.50

Ashhnrf nri
Rani « f q n 1 p

i*7S

.80

48.9

62.5

55.6

40.9

74-1

1.22

.27

C7
J/

45-7

64.6

55.2

36.0

78.5

Bere Alston

4. 20

2.61

46.7

66.3

56.5

37.0

78.O

R r-a * "1 1 c nrn^T 1

i-59

.46

1
J

41.0

65.0

53.O

32.0

79.O

259.1

Coxvsic A alley .

i .90

Cullomnton

1.72

.64

45-6

67.2

56.4

34-4

78. 1

6 A

203.8

Devil's Tor

1.90

Kxeter

o-73

.21

49.4

66.2

57*8

41.0

76.O

Holne

2.03

1.02

!!!

Huccaby • •

1-74

.50

I Ifracoiube . •

.78

CO c

61,4

55.9

44.0

*7A A
/4"+

5* 1

Is in (T\i\ rl fro

I\ 1 1 1 J^Sl.M H 1 LJC .

1.02

•52

60. 1

76.0

T VTi run n f 1 i

2.50

1-34
.38

9
3

49.2

547

37.0

...

Okehainpton

1.58

.42

Plymouth Obs. .

0.96

.30

•4

49.1

63.2

56.2

40.0

77 ,0

5-5

246.0

l lymouth \\ tshd.

1.58

Head Weir

.65

Si ward's Cross .

1 . 70

Postbridop

2.52

'.88

2.35

1.25

45.8

60.1

53-°

37.5

72.5

J' J

Roborough

I. 09

(S. Devon)

.85

Rousdou

0. 61

•37

47.0

62.4

54-7

37.3

73-5

C 7

2347

•Sidinoiith

0.89

.42

47.0

6j- 7

55.7

30.O

75-9

6 4

011 R
2 33-°

Simonsbath

2. 50

.84

31.0

72.0

South Brent

I . DO

.84

1 astleHill School

(Southmolton)

I. 15

.48

44.8

65.5

55-1

32. 8

75-9

D. U

*Tavistock

i-37

.66

45.7

66.1

56.0

33-0

76.5

Teignmouth Obs.
Teignmouth

(Benton)

0.61

49.2

63-7

56.5

40.8

75*5

4.2

233.5

0.87

•32

48.2

64.6

56.4

40.0

76.8

5-5

Torquay Obs.

o.55

•32

49.9

64.5

57-2

40.0

76.2

4.0

273-2

Torquay Wtrshd.
Kennick .

1.63

•33

Laployd . .

1.88

•53

Mardon .

1. 81

•55

Torrington
Totucs

1. 16

.46

33.0

7*8.0

Berry Pomeroy)

0.98

.65

Totr.es

Woolacomhe .

1. 11

•57

0.93

•37

57.

49.7

62.7

56.2

43-2

76.4

4.5

262.5

VOL. XLIV. K

ligitized by

146 THIBTIBTH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF THE

JUNE, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

C8
>~.

|
a

o 4

d
•V

Sunshine.

1
s

Total Depth.

GREATEST

FALL IS
24 HOl'RS.

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

§s

Minima.

Maxima.

i
a

Minimum.

Depth.

ins.

deg.

dec

deg.

dec.

deg.

0-10

hours.

AUUULoKcI o i\ cil .

2. 74

•7°

AbllUUI lull . ■

2 q8

.82

60.9

C2 I

65.8

59-0

4C.2

79-i

A C

...

Dm IioLtl|)lc .

1 2

60.5

CI "2

66.4

58.8

■27 O

81.6

7 T

4.4

Bere Alston

.68

61. 1

Si.6

68.9

60.3

_ _

52.0

**'

Brand is Corner ,

A 1A

it n
4j ,u

*"*

68.O

56.0
...

30.0

8l.O

218.0

Co wsic Valley .

3.80

/*'

Cullompton •

•33

1 J)

62.2

5O.2

09.4

59-8

51.6

0.4

2 TO. fl

Devil's Tor .

4.00

...

Exeter

I Q7

6 3-3

C2 Q

69.O

60.9

6l.O

81.0

Holne

T 3
1 J

H uccaby .

1 20

Ilfracombe . »

1 1 A

7/1
* / 4

I I

60.2

CA 1

54 - 1

59.4

a(\ c
4 U * j

76.0

4-7

Kingsb ridge .

I QA

I I

Lynmouth . •

.V44

.80

1 3

CO 2

66 3

61.2

42.O

77.0

* * *

Newton Abbot .

? A1

7 1

• / 3

j J

Okehampton .

.73

Plymouth Obs. .

T GC

1 2

62.6

^ J- 1

6c 7

59.4

A1 O

81.0

4.9

22^1.0

PI xrm nil +-Vi Wt oVi A

riyniouin \v isnu.

T-T»nr1 WoiT"

xieau vv en ,

3- 2 5

.80

T C

...

Si ward's Cross.

J / 4

rootoiiuge .

A CO

4* jy

"82

Princetown *

5.I5

•97

56.0

49.4

6i.*8

55-6

41. I

77-9

f c

t D

6. 1

Roborou gh

I H Tl P V ATI ]
^ KJt JLvC V \Jll J

3*I7

.81

4.0

Rousdon * .

1.62

.49

16,

59-2

50.9

64.4

57-7

44-3

78.1

229.5

OltllllOUUl. .

2.19

.58

60.9

50.2

65. S

5S.0

41. s

79.8

7 1

214.0

Sinionsbath

5.60

1.20

36.0

74.0

O'Hll il IM> 111 •

3.80

.83

PoatT« Will QpVirkrvl

(Southmolton)

3.84

•93

57-2

4S.7

66.4

57-5

33- 1

Si. 1

5.0

* Tavistock

2.91

.56

60.3

50.1

68.8

59-5

39.0

80.5

Teignmouth Obs.

2.44

.44

60.8

53.3

66.0

59.6

43.8

77.2

4.6

237.6

Teignmouth

80.3

(Benton)

2-34

.42

61.3

51.9

66.4

59.0

42.0

S-o

246.4

Torquay Obs.

1.88

.48

61.0

53-5

65.8

59-7

46.0

78.2

5.0

Torquay Wtrshd.

Kennick .

3.92

.91

r 5

Laployd .

4.26

.92

Mardon .

3-41

.92

Torrington .

3.62

.76

34-o

Si'.'o

Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy)

2.28

•45

Totnes

2.50

• 47

"Woolacombe

2.30

.72

59- S

53.3

65.0

59.2

46.6

79.0

4-3

245-9

Digitized by

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OP DEVON.

147

JULY, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL,

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

3
hi

i
i

Sunshine.

Total Depth.

GREATEST

FALL IN
24 HOURS.

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

Tcmperat.
9 a.m.

Minimnm.

Maximum.

ins.

(leg.

aeg.

deg.

0-10

hours.

. 0.58

.58

04.O

...

. 1.13

•79

2 9

O7.O

57.0

74-5

65.7

45.7

2.4

. . •

• 0.25

67.3

CI 7

/■t.u

61 c

46.0

87.0

4.0

. 1. 16

.86

66.6

56.8

77 2

67.O

45-°

90.0

378.1

. 0.52

.24

49.O

75-°

44.0

87.O

...

. 0.60

• 0.30

.20

70.5

53-5

79.0

66.3

44.1

90.2

4-3

335-6

. 1. 10

*' "

...

. 0.38

.30

69.2

57*5

77.0

C>7.2

64.0

S6\o

. 1. 01

•45

...

. 0.74

.27

...

09.0

6.0

...

. 0.24

.09

66.4

59-2

73.4

66.O

53- 2

. 1. 00

.83

fit A

S5.0

. 0.54

.22

en r
59-5

7i-3

52.0

...

. 0.48

• °-33

.24

85.0

356.0

• 1.45

1.34

68.5

58.4

73-3

65.9

47-°

4. 1

1 1.23

.80

* 1-35

...

. 0.74

•35

82.5

. 1.20

•75

7.
j

62. K
->

54- 5

7r» t

70. 1

4<v9

4.2

) 1.27

1.04

46.6

83.9

. 0.28

.28

66.5

55-1

72.9

64.0

3-3

3447

. 0.60

•53

67.6

tft A

7>4

flA O

48.2

84.4

3.6

364.9

. 0.64

.26

45-0

81.0

. 1.48
1

1. 00

) 0.56

.28

63.4

si.8

74-7

63.2

42.I

86.2

/ *f

1.07

.81

70. 1

eft 1

7°-5

66 t.

50.0

88.3

3-9

. 0.62

•57

66.7

58.2

74-3

66.2

51.8

82.6

2.5

366.1

o.73

.64

67.6

57.0

75-3

66.1

48.8

84.8

3.1

382.7

0.41

•35

67.9

58.5

74-3

66.4

50-3

83-2

2.5

0.90

.76

0.92

• 74

1.04

■9i

86.0

0.54

•32

44.O

0.87

1. 00

!88

0.23

.10

66.6

57-5

72.3

65.0

52.'8

87.0

3-4

326.8

Abbotskerswell

Ash burton .

Barnstaple .

Bere Alston

Brandis Corner

Cowsic Valley

Cullompton

Devil's Tor

Exeter

Holne

Huccaby .

Ilfracombe .

Kingsbridge

Lynmouth .

Newton Abbot

Okehampton

Plymouth Obs.

PlymouthWtsh<
Head Weir
Si ward's Cross

Postbridge

Princetown

Roborough
(S. D<

Rousdon .

Sidmouth .

Simonsbath

South Brent

Tavistock
Teign mouth Obs
Teignmouth

(Benton
Torquay Obs.
Torquay Wtrshd

Kennick .

Laployd .

Mardon .
Torrington •
Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy;
Totnes • •
Woolacombe

Digitized by

Google

148

THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF THE

AUGUST, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN

SCREEN.

llumidity, 9 a.m.

Cloud, 9 a.m. (0-10).

Sunshine.

Total Depth.

GREATEST
FALL IN
24 HOURS.

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

id
U
1*

Maxima.

Minimum.

Maximum.

M
a

Abbotskerswell .

ins.

deg.

U-IU

hours

o.8i

.22

1 1

Ashburton .

1.97

.65

1 1

66.2

57.6

72.6

65-1

50. 2

St A

3-4

Barnstaple .

2.00

.63

66.9

56.6

73-4

65.0

43*°

St 1

4*7

Bere Alston

3-54

.76

1 1

64.9

56.8

73-3

65.5

44-0

04.O

Brandis Corner .

2.20

.58

...

52.0

73°

...

62.0

39*°

St n

230.4

Cowsie Valley .

5.80

...

Oullompton

2.67

1.24

67.6

55-1

76.7

65.9

43-3

09.8

5*7

219.7

Devil's Tor

4.90

...

Exeter

1.42

.67

68.0

57-9

75-4

66.6

47-5

54.0

Holne

2.02

.71

...

Huccaby .

2. 86

•77

...

Ufracombe .

2.73

.58

: 5

67.2

61V1

-IS

71.6

66.3

54-5

s-» ->

5-5

Kingsbridge

1. 01

.20

Lyn mouth

2.49

■57

1 5

59-9

70.1
...

65.0

52.6

02.0

Newton Abbot .

o.bi

.22

...

Okehampton

1.76

.46

...

*■■

Plymouth Obs, .

2,51

.83

1 1

67.3

59.3

72,2

6*5.8

45.0

Si r\

S- 2

250.0

Til - i tit i i j

Plymouth W tshd.

Head Weir

3.92

'85

1 2

...

Si ward's Cross .

4-75

Postbridge .

4.OO

1. 00

' ° "

Prince town ,

6.77

1.45

61.6

55-7

08.5

62.3

40. 1

S2.3

0. 1

Roborough

(S. Devon)

3.77

1.02

Rousdon

0.41

■ 1 4

65.6

57-6

71.7

64.7

50.I

84! O

4.4

220. 1

Sidmouth .

°-75

.29

j j

67.0

57-8

72.7

65.3

5 r -4

86 7

OU. j

7 "5
/ J

7C2 C
J ' D

Simousbath

4. 15

I.46

42.0

92.0

South Brent

2.92

.72

...

Castle Hill School

(Southmolton]

2.34

•57

62.8

53-9

74.5

64.2

41.7

88.9

6.0

Tavistock

3 93

.82

68.5

56.5

73-7

65.1

43- 2

85-3

5-1

Teignmouth Obs.

0.62

.21

66.7

59-0

73-7

66.3

50.2

82.1

4.3

244.5

Teignmouth

(Benton]

0.67

.20

66.7

58.4

74-4

66.4

48.9

85.7

4-7

Torquay Obs.

0.48

.21

67.3

59.6

73-3

66.5

50.9

83.4

4-o

260.7

Torquay Wtrshd.

Ken nick .

3.H

115

Laployd .

2.77

.84

Mardon .

3- 3o

1.38

Tor ring ton

2.83

I.69

41.0

82.O

Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy)

0.73

.21

Totnes

1.08

•23

Woolacombe

2.47

•52

67.0

59.S

72.1

66.0

54-o

86.8

4**8

222.0

o
o

Digitized by

Google

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OP DEVON.

149

SEPTEMBER, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

Humidity, 9 a.m.

Cloud,9a,m. (0-10).

Sunshine.

Sunless Days

Total Depth.

GREATEST
FALL IN

Wet Days.

MEANB.

EXTREMES.

24 HOC

|Date. \?'

Tempcrat.
9 a.m.

Minima.

Maxima.

Mean.

Minimum.

p
p
S

ius.

ins.

deg.

0-10

hours.

2.29

.60

2.72

.62

60.8

52.6

68.0

60.3

43-9

85.0

4.8

1 CYA

•55

1 2

cq r

AQ 2

u/.y

58.6

36.0

07*0

76
70

2-73

•73

58.2

49.2

66.6

57-9

37-0

79.0

3.03

•54

45-o

67.0

56.0

32.0

89.0

197.0

2.6o

I.60

•33

60.5

46.7

70.2

58.5

34-2

88.' 8

5.6

183.8

3-30

...

I. IO

!a8

1 J

Aft 1

57-2

40.0

78.0

3*14

.87

2.46

.74

2.31

.52

62.7

56-4

66.4

61.4

47-2

80.4

5-4

2.78

.65

3-47

.83

! 3

53.3

68*1

60.7

45-o

82.0

. . .

1. 91

• 44

...

•50

I 2

1 3

2.28

.50

6*3.8

52.4

67.8

60. 1

41.0

84.0

5-2

2150

3-07

.90

T 5

3-3o

6.09

2. 28

2 I

1 1

4.42

1.35

56.6

50.1

63.0

56.6

39-3

83.5

6.2

2.76

.81

1.23

.27

1 1

60.7

52.0

66.2

59-1

40.6

8o.*8

5*0

194.6

1.55

.42

I >

1 3

61.6

a. 8

66.9

<iQ.4.

41.0

78.3

/ j

c c

2H 6

4.09

.60

1 B

36.0

78.0

2.88

.68

3- 27

.62

54-4

46.9

6;. 3

57-1

3 2 -9

89.2

6.0

2.67

.70

60.3

49v3

64.5

56.9

36.7

84-5

5-4

1-45

•31

1 1

59.2

52.3

67.5

59-9

42.1

80.2

4.4

195-5

•36

61.0

51.2

68.7

59-9

41-3

81.5

5-7

1.8 1

.42

61.7

53-4

68.1

60.8

44.0

80.4

4.0

210.8

2.21

•65

2.20

•53

2.28

•75

2.59

.40

33-o

80.0

2.14

•47

2.27

.65

1 1

2.29

.49

61.9

54-9

66*8

6o*.8

47-0

88*o

4.9

186.4

Abbotskerswell .

Ashburton .

Barnstaple .

Bere Alston

Brandis Corner .
Cowsic Valley .
Cullompton
Devil's Tor
Exeter
Holne
Huccaby .
Ilfracombe .
Kingsbridge
Lynmouth .
N ewton Abbot .
Okehampton
Plymouth Obs. .
Plymouth Wtshd.
Head Weir
Si ward's Cross .
Postb ridge .
Princetown
Robo rough

R usd St* DeV ° D ^
Sid mouth .
Simonsbath
South Brent
Castle Hill School
(Southmolton)
Tavistock
Teignmouth Obs.
Teignmouth

(Benton)
Torquay Obs.
Torquay Wtrshd.
Ken nick .
Laployd .
Afardon .
Torrington .
Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy)
Totnes

Woolacoinbe

Digitized by

150

THIRTIETH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OP THE

OCTOBER, 1911.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

Humidity, 9 a.m

Cloudy a. in. (0-10)

GREATEST

FALL IN
24 HOURS.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

STATIONS. 1

Wet Days.

Temperat.
9 a.m.

Minima.

Maxima.

%
*

Minimum.

Total D

A
ffl
M

ins.

deg.

aeg.

deg.

dpp*

aeg.

0-10

Abbotskerswell .

5- 2 9

• 77

...

62.7

Ashburton .

6.oi

.80

51.2

Af 8

40*

56.3

S*-5

16 I

6.6

Barnstaple .

3-5 2

•45

d 8

47-3

c8 *7

5°*7

53-o

28.O

66.0

7 2

Bere Alston

4-75

.96

rr\ 8

45* 1

57-3

51.2

1C\
j u ' ^

64.0

Brandis Corner .

4>6o

.69

l 7

43,0

57-U

50.0

2C O

68.0

Cowaic Valley .

7-35

"•

5°-3

26.1

67! 8

Cullompton
Devil's Tor

4-37

•67

50.0

44.0

51.2

8.0

5-90

64-5

Exeter

3*77

% M

2*6

52.5

Af* 8

40.0

57«o

52.2

31. u

Holne

6. 75

•99

T Si
1 O

Huccaby .

5-53

1. 17

l 9

...

c8 A

65*5

Ilfracombe .

3*55

.61

?8
1

VA fx

50.1

54-2

AO 2

7 n

j ,VJ

Kingsbridge

5*74

.66

t n

48.0

64.0

Lynmouth . ♦
Newton Abbot .

a e8

4-5 5

• 97

51.6

4*37

•74

t8
10

Okehampton

5- 10

.81

1 c

...

e8 A

67.0

Plymouth Obs. .

3.60

• 79

T.A fx

54-

47-3

52.9

8.1

Plymouth Wtehd.

Head Weir .

5.10

.85

Siward's Cross .

ft A C
0.45

Postbridge .

7*59

1.22

46.7

■ * *

64.2

Prince town

8.15

1.20

43-o

52.3

47-7

32.5

8.9

Roborough

(S. Devon)

5-32

.98

56*6

62.7

8*4

Rousdon

3*76

.94

51.4

45*9

5i-3

33-6

6.9

Sidmouth .

3*64

.88

52.7

46.5

58.I

52.3

31.0

63,9

7.2

Simonsbath

6.03

1. 21

27.0

59.0

South Brent

6.92

1,06

Castle Hill Schoo:

26.1

64-3

8.0

(Southmolton]

4.42

.56

48.5

43*9

56.6

50.2

Tavistock

4.29

■93

53-1

46.7

52.7

49*7

28.2

67-3

6.9

Teignmouth Obs.

3*7i

.67

52.3

48.7

58.4

53-5

33-

63.1

7.0

Teignmouth

64.4

(Benton'

3*75

•53

52.0

47.o

57.5

52.2

32.1

7-4

Torquay Obs.

4.20

.62

53-8

49.0

58.6

53-8

36.2

64.4

6.5

Torquay Wtrshd.

Kennick .

4.94

•94

Laployd .

5.46

.68

Mardon ,

5.06

•99

Torrington .

4- 95

.78

25.0

61.0

Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy

5.32

1. 01

Totnes

5,66

.72

38.8

66.0

Woolacombe

3.20

.49

54*2

49.5

58.5

54-o

6.7

hours.

1 17. 1
92.6

105.0

101.8
K>5.3

91.9
103. 1

130.2

Digitized by

Google

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

151

NOVEMBER, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN

SCREEN.

j£

B
s
W

i
5

i
1

Total Depth.

GREATEST

FALL IN
24 HOURS.

Wet Days.

MEANS.

EXTREMES.

Temperat
9 a.m.

Minima.

Maxima.

Mean.

Minimum.

Maximum.

Depth.

Date. |

ins.

deg.

0-10

hours.

Abbotskerswell .

5-4^

•75

if%

Ashburton .

7.27

1. 31

1 1

2 5

44-5

39-1

49.0

44.0

29-3

5-6

Barnstaple .

5,20

i.03

2 1

42.0

37-1

5°-7

43-o

27.0

7.4

Bere Alston

5.81

fin

1 1

42.9

37-4

49-5

43-4

24.0

Brandis Corner .

O.9O

1.00

2 1

3O.O

4b.O

42.0

2 1 .0

...

77.3
...

Cowsic Valley .

IO.4O

.00

...

Cullompton

3-9*

1 1

2 5

42.O

36-4

5°-4

43-4

23.1

6.7

63.4
...

Devil's Tor

6.20

...

Exeter

3- 70

.02

1 1

2 3

44-3

39-4

49.1

44.2

'q
2o.O

...

Holne

0. 29

T Aft

1.40

1 1

...

Huccaby .

6.86

I.2S

1 1

Ilfracombe .

4.92

.58

4»-5

4 ~» fx

43-°

51.0

47-3

34.2

7-7

Kingsbridge

5-49

J -33

1 1

2 3

...

Lynmouth
Newton Abbot .

6.08

.66

37-3

52. 1

4+-7

21.0

...

4.42

1 1

2 1

...

Okeharupton

f> fi&

D. OO

.04

...

Plymouth Obs. .

4. 76

1.05

j j

47. 1

40*3

CI 1

5'*3

45-

3O.O

58.

8.2

85.0

PlymouthWtshd.

Head Weir

6.54

.86

■5

Siward's Cross .

7.60

Postbridge .

TO Si-?

1 2. o2

r -35

2 3

Princetown

II. 91

1.52

39-9

35-9

44-9

40.4

25.6

53-

8.2

Roborough

(S. Devon)

6.O6

• y*t

r T

2 ?

Rousdon

3-92

•95

44.6

39-2

49.1

44-2

26.4

5*6-

6.0

88.6

Sidmouth .

4.00

I I

45-2

39. s

50-5

45- 2

27.2

58.

6.5

91.4

Siinonsbath

9.42

1. 21

25.O

South nrent

8.42

I.72

Castle Hill School

(Southmolton)

5. 7*

.74

2 3

41.2

36.3

49.0

42.6

21.8

58.

7.0

Tavistock

5*73

•77

1 1

44.7

37.5

49-3

43-4

24.4

57.

6.7

Teignmouth Obs.

4.05

.85

44.9

40.7

51.6

46.1

30.0

58.

f r\
O.9

fic f.

55.0

Teignmonth

3.88

.80

28.2

(Benton)

45-3

40,0

50-4

45.2

57-

6.2

Torquay Obs.

4.24

.76

2 3

45-*

41. 1

51.6

46.4

30-3

58.

6.0

96.9

Torquay Wtrshd.

5-67

.83

Ken wick . •

2 4

Laployd .

6.42

.90

24.

Mardon .

6.20

.96

1 1

a 5

Torrington

5-49

•5i

20.0

Totnes

(Berry Poineroy)

5.50

.88

Totnes

6.01

1. 00

46.3

5*8

64.3

Hoolacombe

4-*3

•53

47.3

42.3

50-4

32.2

6.5

Digitized by

Google

152

THIRTIETH REPORT ( THIRD SERIES) OF THE

DECEMBER, 1911.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

GREATEST

FALL IS
24 HOURS.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

Abbotskerswell
Ashburton .
Barnstaple .
Bere Alston
Brandis Corner
Cowsic Valley
Cullompton
Devil's Tor
Exeter
Holne
Huccaby .
Ilfracombe .
Kingsbridge
Lynmouth .
Newton Abbot
Okehampton
Plymouth Obs.
PlymouthWtshd.
Head Weir
Si ward's Cross,
Postbridge
Princetown
Roborough

(S. Devon)
Rousdon .
Sidmouth .
Simonsbath
South Brent
Castle Hill School
(Southmolton)
Tavistock
Teignraouth Obs.
Toign mouth

(Benton)
Torquay Obs.
Torquay Wtrshd
Kennick .
Laployd .
Mardon .
Torrington .
Totnes

(Berry Pomeroy)
Totnes
Woolacombe

ins.
13.87
16.78
7.38
11.47
11. 61
18.90
9.83
i3- 2 5
9.98

19-55
17.96

7-93
10.74
10.08
10. 25
12.43
9 78

13.21
18.06
20.04
23.94

12.01
7.70
8.67
14.50
15.63

8.05
12.02
9.68

8.00
IO.36

13.12
I6.7I
14.43
7-73

12.71
12.93
6-45

ins.
.94
1.60
1.02
1.40
1. 19

1.07

1.06
1.87

1.51
1. 01
.80

.51
.96

i-57
1.3°

1. 15

1.79
2.28

1.29
• 94
•99
1.27
1.40

.87
1. 41
1.06

.86
1.35

1-37
1.74

U H
.78

1.26
1.24
.85

17 30

6 31

deg.

45-2
44.4
45-4

43-4
45.8

48.4

51.3

42.0

45-4
45-9

43-2
45.6
46.4

46.0
46.9

deg.

41.5
41.2
40.6
41.0

38.9
41.7

44-9
44.1

43-4

38.4

41.4
42.0

39-3
47.9
43-4

41.6
43-4

deg.

48.8
51.2
50.7
48.0

SOS
49.6

51.7
50. 1

5i.3

46.0

49.1
50.7

49-8
50.3
5i.9

50.9
5i.9

deg.

45-2
46.2
45.6
44.0

44-7
45.6

48.3
47 1

47.4

47-5

44-3

34.7
31.0
28.0
28.0

25.7
29.0

£5
37.0

32.0

42.2 32,1

51.0

45-3
46.4

44.5
49.1
47.6

46.2
47-7

47-6

32.9
30.6
29.0

26.9
28.2
3i'9

33- 1

34- 4

26.0

36.0

deg.

52.1
55.2
54.0
52.0

537
54.0

55.0
54.0

49.0

5*i-8
53.6
50.0

54.9
55.6

53- o

55.0

0-10

5-7
7.6

7.3

7.8

8-3

9-3

7.0
7.6

55.0 90
53-9 90
55-2 c

9.0
7-8
88 7.3

6.9
6.5

6.6

Digitized by

COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OP DEVON.

153

SUMMARY FOR THE YEAR 1911.

RAINFALL.

STATIONS.

GREATEST
FALL IN
34 HOURS.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

EXTRKMES.

ibbotskerswell .

Uhburton .

Urn staple .

tere Alston

trandis Corner .

• wsic Valley .

ullorapton

Aril's Tor

dieter

Jolne

inccaby .
Ifracombe .
ungsbridge
HB mouth .
fewton Abbot .
)kchampton
'lymouth Obs. .
?]ymouth W tshd .
Head Weir
Si ward's Cross .
Postbridge .
Prince town
fcoborough

(S. Devon)
Eousdon
*idmouth .
Simonsbath
Soath Brent
CutleHill School
(Southmolton)
Tavistock
Teignmouth Obs.
Trign mouth

(Benton)
Torquay Obs. .
Torquay Wtrshd

1LS.
41-77
51.56

33-42
45.84
44-95
70.95
34.95
53.75
2S.23
60.94

54.19
33.18
41.36
42.91
3304
45.97
37.33

5I.3S
63.25

77.38
88.16

48.52
27.17

29.13
66.29
61.85

38.59
43.83
28.81

27.61
29.57

43.01

49.14
45.62

38.05

•94
1.60
1.03
2.61
1. 19

1.24

1.06

1.87

1. Si
1. 01

1-33
1.34
.96
i-57
1-34

1. 15

2. 28
2,28

1.29
1.04
•99
1.47
1.72

•93
1.41
1.06

.86
1.35

1.37
1.74

1-55
1.69

17/12
6/12
29/11

27/5
6/12

5/8

20/12
6/12

6/12

8/12
1 1 / 1 1
10/5
20/12

6/12
29/7

6/12

21/9
6/12

6/12
12/3
14/12
27/2
ii/ii

29/6
6/12
6/12

23/12

6/12

17/12
17/12
6/12
i/S

40. So 1.26 6/12
44.50 1.24 6/12
29.251 -85 9/12

167
182

175
171
172

200

171
180
180

i74
171
182
i54
162
i77

204
186

190
153
175
204
182

194

184
142

162
161

195
190
187
180

149
164
180

deg.

52.1
51.6
51.6

5 2 >o
53-o

53- 7

54- 4

47.6

51.3
52.4

48.6
52.0
52.2

5 2 -4
49-9

53-2

deg.

45-5
44.2
44.6
40.0

42.9
46.0

48.5
45.1

46.5

42.5

44.6
45.2

42.3
44.1
46.9

45-4
47.0

deg.

57o
58.4
58.3
57-0

59-7

58.7

57.6
69.2

5 8.'i

53-3

56.6
57-9

58.5
58.8

47-5 57.5

deg.

51-5
51.2

51-5
48.5

51.3

52.3

53-o
52.1

52.4

47-9

50.6
51.6

50,1
50.9
52.7

51.9
52.9

52.5

deg. |deg.

25.4185.0
27.0 87.6
21.0 90.0
17.0 89.0

21.2 90.2

26.0 86.0

30.0
21.0

26.0

89.0
85.0

85^0

22.1 83.5

24.3 84.0
24.1 86.3
20.0 92.0

19.8 89.2
22.0 88.3
28.0 82.6

25.8
28.4

17.0

26.0

85.7
83.4

86.0

88.0

0-10

5-i
6.2

7-i

79 5-9
79 6.5

78 5.6

Digitized by

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE
ASSOCIATION.

On a bright afternoon towards the end of October, 1861,
three gentlemen, Mr. W. Pengelly, Mr. C. Spence Bate, and
the writer, each armed with a formidable geological
hammer, were to be seen marching from the Hoe at Ply-
mouth along the Millbay Road with the intention of
breaking a few stones in the quarry behind St. George's
Hall, Stonehouse, which was rapidly being removed and
the ground levelled in order to be built upon.

The travellers attracted considerable notice from the
passers-by, on account of the loud bursts of laughter that
were continually issuing from them ; caused by their
relating reminiscences of some stories full of wit and
humour which had been heard at recent meetings of the
British Association.

Just as they arrived at the corner of the road where the
head-quarters of the Royal Western Yacht Club then stood,
Mr. Pengelly suddenly remarked, " I say, you men, I have
been thinking lately that it would be a very good thing
if an Association for the County of Devon on the lines of
the British Association could be formed." We were
startled by the boldness of the idea, but said it should
have our warmest support if we found it practicable. Of
course, during our labours among the blocks of stone, a
good deal of conversation was held as to the advisability
and practicability of carrying out Mr. Pengelly's suggestion.

A few days later Mr. Bate called upon me and asked
me whether I had given Mr. Pengelly's suggestion any
further thought. " Yes," I answered ; " very little else
has been in mind, and I have come to the conclusion that
our friend's idea is quite feasible."

BY REV. W. HARPLEY, M.A., F.C.P.S.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ASSOCIATION. 155

We agreed that we should on every opportunity com-
municate to our personal friends what was contemplated,
and inform Mr. Pengelly what we proposed doing. He
fully approved, and said that he would take similar action
among his personal friends. This was continued through-
out the winter months, and on comparing notes we found
that we had enlisted about twenty persons who approved
of the scheme and promised to join the Association if
formed. We considered that we had fair grounds to
convene a meeting and pass a formal resolution that an
Association be formed. A meeting was held at the Athe-
naeum, Plymouth, on Tuesday, 22nd April, 1862, at which
were present W. F. Moore, Esq., President of the Plymouth
Institution, in the chair ; also Mr. Pengelly, Torquay,
Mr. Vicary, Exeter, Mr. Spence Bate, Rev. W. Harpley,
Rev. J. E. Risk, Mr. J. N. Hearder, Mr. Oxland, Mr. A.
Balkwill, and Mr. A. Rooker.

Mr. Pengelly, at the call of the President, moved the
following resolution : " That an Association be formed
called the Devonshire Association for the Advancement
of Science, Literature, and Art." This was carried unani-
mously, and the following was then proposed as a statement
of the object of the Association : "To give a stronger
impulse and a more systematic direction to scientific in-
quiry, to promote the intercourse of those who cultivate
science, literature, and art in different parts of Devonshire,
with one another and with others ; and to obtain a more
general attention to the objects of science, especially in
relation to this County."

It was agreed that the first meeting be held at Exeter,
and Mr. Spence Bate and myself were requested to act as
secretaries to the Association for the time being. And
now began for me a very anxious time. It fell to my lot
to find a President. I wrote to several of the leading men
in the county and invited them to fill the office, but, alas ! .
without avail. All rather curtly declined ; I need not
mention their names. I began to despair, but one morning
the post brought me a brief but very welcome letter from
an unknown correspondent. He must, however, have
known my difficulties. He simply wrote, " Try Sir John
Bowring." I did so, and was successful. Sir John readily
and cordially accepted the office. From that time every-
thing went smoothly. There was no difficulty in getting
gentlemen to fill the other offices, and thanks to the good

Digitized by

156 ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OP THE ASSOCIATION.

citizens of Exeter the Association was warmly received
and cordially welcomed on 14th August, 1862. Sir J.
Bowring gave the Association a favourable start by an
admirable address or, to use his own metaphor, " launched
the good ship " successfully. She has sailed through tem-
pestuous seas once or twice, but has always weathered the
storm. I hope she may sail on through many years
successfully, under her skilful pilot now at the helm.

I must apologize for this short account, but I trust it
will make it clear how the Association came into existence,
and so relieve the anxiety of many members who have often
urged me to give the story of the Origin.

Digitized by

Google

WILLTAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,
FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION.

o face p. 157.

Digitized by

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,
FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION.

BY MRS. HESTER FORBES JULIAN (nee PENGELLY).

Having frequently been asked by members of the Asso-
ciation to contribute a paper on the life and work of my
dear father, it seems specially appropriate and suitable
to do so in this year, which not only marks the Jubilee of
the Devonshire Association, but also the centenary of its
founder, William Pengelly, and the celebration of the
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the
Royal Society, of which he was a distinguished Fellow.
It seems also specially appropriate that this meeting
should be held in our own Cathedral city, for we all feel
that in coming to Exeter we are coming home.

Warmly as we acknowledge, and highly as we appreciate
the kindness experienced elsewhere, and the friendly feel-
ing which exists between this Association and the different
towns visited in Devonshire, yet it is to Exeter as the
birthplace of the Association that the members look back
with gratitude. It would therefore have been a matter
of much regret to us all if we had not been able on this
our fiftieth anniversary to hold our meeting in our mother
city, and the capital of the county.

William Pengelly was born at East Looe, in Cornwall,
on January 12, 1812, in the same year as many distin-
guished scientific men, and also as Charles Dickens and
Robert Browning. He was self-trained, and owed nothing
to fortune ; in his early years he knew many hardships,
yet his abilities and industry, his open mind and genial
nature won him a host of friends and a great scientific
reputation. Both his parents were Cornish. His father,
Richard Pengelly, was captain of a vessel, whilst his
mother was a Proiit of the same family as Samuel Prout,
the celebrated artist.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

158

WILLIAM PBNGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

She came from Millbrook, in the parish of Maker,
Cornwall, the birthplace also of Samuel Prout's father.

When only two or three years old, young Pengelly
was sent to the dame's school in his native village, where
his progress was so rapid that at the age of five his mother
removed him to a school for bigger boys, kept by Mr.
Rundle, though the schoolmaster had been at first rather
unwilling to take so young a pupil. Here he remained
for a few years, quickly rising to the head of the school,
but the only advantage his precocity gained him was to be
kept hard at work preparing the lessons of the elder boys,
in addition to his own, whilst they were at play. At the
age of twelve the future geologist left school for ever, and
began his seafaring life on the vessel commanded by his
father. Like the great American geologist Dana, he gained
some of his experiences " before the mast."

It was during his first year at sea, in the autumn of
1824, that he went through a storm of unusual severity,
to which he alludes as the " great gale of November,
1824, so fearfully destructive of life and property, es-
pecially at Plymouth. At the time of this memorable
storm," he continues, "I was a sailor-boy, and we rode out
the tempest in one of the branches of Plymouth Harbour.
Though the only damage we sustained was the loss of our
bowsprit, the fact that it was my first winter at sea, and
my first great gale, enabled it to produce an ineffaceable
impression on my mind."

Whilst on one of the voyages in his father's ship he
first learned that there is something more in rocks and
stones than is apparent to the non-observant eye. This
was his earliest geological experience, and occurred when
their vessel was weather-bound on the Dorsetshire coast,
and it is interesting to have the account of it in his words.

" I received," he writes, " my first lesson in geology
at Lyme Regis, very soon after I had entered my teens.
A labourer, whom I was observing, accidentally broke a
large stone of blue has, and thus disclosed a fine ammonite
— the first fossil of any kind that I had ever seen or heard
of. In reply to my exclamation, ' What's that ? ' the
workman said with a sneer, ' If you had read the Bible
you'd know what 'tis.' ' I have read the Bible. But what
has that to do with it ? ' 'In the Bible we're told there
was once a flood that covered all the world. At that time
all the rocks were mud, and the different things that were

FATHER OP THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 159

drowned were buried in it. That there's a snake that was
buried that way. There are lots of 'em, and other things
besides, in the rocks and stones hereabouts.' ' A snake !
but where's his head ? ' ' You must read the Bible, I tell
'ee, and then you'll find out why it is that some of these
snakes in the rocks ain't got no heads. We're told there
that the seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's
head. That's how 'tis.' "

In 1826, when he was fourteen years old, my father
visited the Scilly Isles, and this expedition was naturally
a period of intense enjoyment to him.

It is generally believed that the physiography of a
man's birthplace and early home exercises a most powerful
influence upon his character and his career. And we can-
not doubt that, in the case of William Pengelly, the en-
vironment of the boy helped to form the thoughtful,
self-reliant man and the geologist.

Having passed all his childhood in the picturesque
fishing village of Looe, with the sound of the sea for ever
in his ears, it is not surprising that he acquired a passionate
attachment to the sea, a feeling which never left him
through life, and which was doubtless rendered stronger
by hereditary influences, for on his father's side he was
descended from a long line of seafaring men of courage
and adventure.

Accustomed to a seafaring life until he was sixteen,
during four of his most impressionable years William
Pengelly's habits and thoughts were influenced as well
by its bright, cheerful, and inspiriting aspects as by the
darkness and dangers of storms, and by the hardships of
a sailor's work. With trusty comrades he weathered the
tempests, and his natural gaiety, real good-nature and
high moral principles enabled him to be cheerful and
upright amongst rough but well-intentioned comrades.

During these years at sea he was exposed to many
perils. Soon after joining his father's ship he had been
rescued from drowning, and together with the rest of the
crew suffered shipwreck during a violent gale ; whilst on
two subsequent occasions he was again saved from drown-
ing, once after so long an immersion that animation could
only be restored with extreme difficulty, and after pro-
longed exertions on the part of his messmates. The
courage and self-reliance gained at sea, from the discipline
and hardships endured, doubtless helped to impart that

160

WILLIAM PBNGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

vigour and energy to his mind and body for which he was
subsequently distinguished.

It was his nature to be perfectly honest and straight-
forward, a hater of oppression or unfairness in any form,
and absolutely fearless when convinced in the cause of
truth as he saw it. From early manhood his course was
marked by consistency of Christian principles, and by
unswerving integrity of purpose and action when the
path of duty lay clearly before him. Heredity, that
biological law by which living beings tend to repeat them-
selves in their descendants, would probably have kept
William Pengelly longer at sea had not this been frus-
trated by his mother's earnest desire that her sole sur-
viving son should return home. For the death of his
younger brother, who had been mortally hurt in some
school games, made the mother anxious about her sailor-
boy. In deference to this wish, he gave up his seafaring
life and went to live with her at Looe, and his filial piety
was rewarded by the success of his efforts in his task of
self-education.

Then began a noble struggle with poverty and various *
disadvantages. When it is remembered how little external
instruction or intellectual training he had received from
others, literally nothing beyond that given at the dame's
school and from the village teacher of a remote Cornish
fishing-place, it may well appear remarkable that he
should have ultimately succeeded in winning for himself
a place amongst the scientists of the age, and have gained
those coveted honours — the Fellowship of the Royal
Society, and the Lyell Medal of the Geological Society.
For the next few years my father lived quietly at Looe,
and records, in a letter to an intimate friend, the history of
his difficulties.

" 'I could a tale unfold' of struggles, long-continued
and severe, during my early pursuit of knowledge. I
could speak of the intellectual isolation of my early
years when panting after information ; no one at hand
to direct me in my inquiries, to solve my numerous ques-
tions, or to cheer me onward in the path I had resolved
to pursue. No bookseller's shop within sixteen miles,
and but little money to spend in it if there had been.
My only chance of obtaining a book was through an
old pedlar who occasionally visited our village, and of
whom I bought my first Euclid. Well do I remember the

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 161

delight with which, on one occasion, I purchased twenty
volumes of books at a second-hand bookshop at Devon-
port — aye, and the pride, too, with which I carried my
treasure in a bundle on my shoulder to my village home
sixteen miles across the Cornish hills."

He had now begun to study in earnest, working out his
fate indomitably, but as yet without inkling of that
science which was to become the passion of his life. His
mind ran at this period upon mathematics. Now that
he was master of part of his own time, he remedied his
deficiencies to a great extent by unremitting exertions. He
acquainted himself with many branches of learning suffi-
ciently for ordinary purposes, and in mathematics made
remarkable progress. He belonged to that slowly diminish-
ing band of men whose early years were passed out of the
sphere of educational influences, such as we understand
them, and who by sheer force of character and indomit-
able courage rose to positions of honour and authority in
the scientific world.

Many will, as heretofore, rise from poverty to affluence,
from obscurity to fame, but circumstances such as the
following are happily growing rare.

" I have at this moment " (he writes many years later
in a letter to a favourite pupil) " a very vivid recollection
of myself at a late, lonely, and humble supper ; the little
table at which I wrought theoretical and practical mathe-
matics ; the very small pile of books (but oh ! how valued,
and then how really valuable !), the wretched light, the
fireless grate, the damp, cold stone floor, the aching head,
the swollen feet, the shivering frame, and that which
enabled me to bear the whole, the determination to know
something of the beautiful and astonishing Universe.
I thank God that I was enabled to persevere, that He has
crowned my efforts with success."

William Pengelly had not only an intense desire for
acquiring knowledge for himself, but also a great love of
imparting it to others, and it was this which decided him
to adopt the vocation of a teacher.

While still a youth he removed to Torquay, where he
opened a small day school. It was founded on the Pesta-
lozzian principle, which is that of teaching from objects
and by graduation, and was one of the first in which the
blackboard and chalk were used in giving instruction.
This was in the thirties, and the school rapidly increased

VOL. XLIV. L

162

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

from six scholars to thirty, and eventually to about
seventy. The success obtained seems remarkable when
it is remembered that he started with no advantages of
birth or education, was supported by no influential con-
nections, and had only such friends as his own merits and
abilities attracted. Young, inexperienced, and alone, he
commenced his life as a schoolmaster and lecturer, render-
ing high service to his generation, and giving, indirectly, a
powerful impetus to the whole system of education and
scientific thought in the south-west of England. The
beautiful Devonshire watering-place became his permanent
home. Here he passed about sixty years of happy and
active maturity, for his life was destined to be preserved
until he attained upwards of fourscore years. He thus
became a naturalized Devonian, and soon grew warmly
attached to the county of his adoption ; but still in heart
and spirit, in sympathy and social characteristics, he
remained a Cornishman. It is said of Macaulay that he
loved his country as a Roman the " city of the seven hills,"
as an Athenian the city of the "violet crown "; and this
applies to Cornishmen in regard to their native county.
But as William Pengelly's name is always associated with
his geological work in the Devonshire caverns, it is as
a Devonian that he is generally regarded. One of his
earliest friends in Torquay was the late Mr. Edward Vivian,
and the similarity of their tastes in literary and scientific
matters tended to make the tie between them unusually
strong. In 1 837 my father was instrumental in re-establish-
ing and organizing the Torquay Mechanics' Institute, for
which he laboured with unabated energy for more than
twenty years, contributing greatly to its success by the
delivery of gratuitously given lectures, and by affording
other valuable services. In 1839 he started evening
classes for the working men and lads of Torquay, whom
he taught gratuitously after his long day's professional
toil. He was, from the outset, devoted to schemes of
usefulness, ever anxious to encourage a love of learning,
and eager to assist in every educational work among the
people, and in the general dissemination of scientific
knowledge. It was about this time that his marriage to
his first wife, Mary Ann Mudge, took place. His wife's
health was always delicate, and he suffered great anxiety
■on this account ; whilst the loss of several of their children
in infancy was an added grief to him. Of his three sons,

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 163

only the youngest, my stepbrother, Alfred Pengelly, lived
to grow up to manhood. Under these severe bereavements,
William Pengelly's submission and Christian fortitude were
strikingly evident. Personal sorrow was never allowed to
limit his efforts to give pleasure and instruction to the
many who gathered round him. In his holidays he now
visited the great scientific institutions of London, and the
time spent at the British Museum, the Royal College of
Surgeons, and at the Museum of Economic Geology at
Craig's Court was an intense enjoyment to him. He was
able also to make long tours in Wales, and through the
Northern and Western Highlands of Scotland, and the
contemplation of the beauties of nature afforded him un-
failing pleasure, a happiness which was greatly increased
when shared with others. His love of nature was not only
passionate, but it was also thoughtful and imaginative.
Shortly after settling at Torquay his attention had been
turned to scientific studies. Astronomy greatly interested
him, and many of his earlier lectures were on that sub-
ject ; but the reading of a chapter on Geology, in a work
published by the Brothers Chambers, gave him his first
insight into the objects of the latter science, and led him
to devote attention to the subject. From that moment,
in fact, his career was determined, though some time
elapsed before he undertook in the caves of Devonshire
those investigations on which his fame chiefly rests.
The neighbourhood of Torquay has always been an in-
teresting locality to the geologist, and when he began his
labours it was not long after the founding of the Devonian
System by Sedgwick and Murchison, with the assistance
of Lonsdale. And the results of important researches in
South Devon had also been published by De la Beche and
Godwin-Austen. When William Pengelly's interest had
once been excited, he prosecuted his geological studies
with vigour and enthusiasm. Whilst on one of his early
holiday visits to Scotland he made the acquaintance of
the late Professor Jameson, who showed much kindness to
the young geologist, and finding it was his intention to
visit the Isle of Arran, gave him some important informa-
tion respecting its geology, and parted from him with these
words : " On your return I hope you will call on me again,
when the first question I shall ask will probably be, ' Did
you write your notes on the spot, or at the inn at the
close of the day ? ' If you reply, ' On the spot,' I shall

164

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

be glad to have them, but if not, I am afraid I shall not
think them of much value.*' My father never forgot this
hint, and as time went on love of scrupulous accuracy in
scientific work, accuracy both of observation and of
statement, became a passion with him. To what nicety
he carried his own precision of statement may be judged
from his paper entitled, " Is it a Fact ? " written for the
Devonshire Association Meeting in 1872.

From about the year 1840 onward, my father worked
assiduously at the rocks and fossils of Cornwall and Devon,
in sympathy and correspondence with Hugh Miller, Charles
Peach, and many eminent scientists. The geological struc-
ture of the county, and the fossil fishes of Polperro and
elsewhere, excited his scientific energies, and his researches
being trustworthy in their exactitude soon gave him a high
standing amongst the intellects of the day. Gifted with
a spirit of research and clear reasoning powers, he attained
comparatively early in life to considerable eminence as a,
man of science, and was brought into intimate intercourse
with many of his most distinguished contemporaries, in-
cluding Sir Roderick Murchison, Dr. Bowerbank, and
Professor Huxley, Sir Charles Lyell, Sir Richard Owen,
Professor Sedgwick, and Professor Milne-Edwards, of
Paris. One of William Pengelly's earliest published papers
was on the Ichthyclites of East Cornwall ; his friend Charles
Peach had, in 1843, first identified certain remarkable
fossil remains as being those of fishes. And my father
wrote and worked in support of his friend, in spite of the
contradiction of Professor McCoy and other geologists.
But after twenty-five years of opposition, he and Peach
had the satisfaction of seeing the correctness of their
conclusions confirmed by Professor Huxley in 1868.

In 1844, with the assistance of Mr. Vivian, Dr. Battersby r
and a few other friends, William Pengelly founded the
Torquay Natural History Society, and it was largely-
due to his untiring efforts and never-abating energy that
its success was established. He was unwearied in his
work of contributing to its permanent usefulness, by
assisting with gratuitously given lectures, papers and gifts
of fossils, and for nearly forty years of his busy life he was
the hard-working and indefatigable Honorary Secretary
of the Institution. From a small gathering, first assembled
at 5 Higher Terrace, the Society, under his guiding hand,,
became a well-known body*

FATHER OP THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 165

It was mainly through his great exertions and influence
that the commodious building in Babbacombe Road was
erected, and equipped with a valuable library of standard
works in many branches of science, as well as in general
literature and philosophy — a library such as can seldom
be met with in a town of the size of Torquay. The museum,
with its collection of Devonian types, was the outcome of
his zeal and interest in all departments of Natural History,
and is of unique value arid surpassing interest in illus-
trating the antiquity of man, as evidenced by the geological
deposits rescued from Kent's Cavern by his labours, and
arranged with loving and disinterested care by his own
hands.

Though others were associated with him in founding the
Society, which was, and still remains, the intellectual
centre of Torquay, yet on his shoulders rested the whole
scheme of its inception and completion, and manfully
he bore the burden of its management through many
long years. The Torquay Natural History Society may
be said to have originated through his eager wish to
associate with himself those of his neighbours who were
interested in the study of the rich local treasures of geologi-
cal remains which revealed themselves to his searching
gaze. How much has since been done, through the agency
of this Society, which for so many years enjoyed the
founder's care and supervision, need not be mentioned
here.

My father's private pupils had become so numerous
in 1846 that he finally gave up his school and became
a tutor of mathematics and the natural sciences, and this,
as far as bread-winning was concerned, was destined to
be his work for nearly forty years.

His services in this respect were called for by some
very illustrious families, the Russian Imperial family
amongst them, and by members of more than one other
Royal House. His pupils were indeed representatives
of all classes, from Royalty downwards, and many of
them afterwards attained distinction and became well
known in different spheres of life. The lucidity and power
of arousing and retaining attention which he displayed,
coupled with the attachment he often inspired in his
pupils, made him remarkably successful as a teacher.

One of the earliest of the many testimonials which
he received was a valuable microscope, presented by his

166 WILLIAM PENGBLLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

pupils as a mark of their regard. He had now a little
more time for social engagements and general society,
and this was a great pleasure to him, for he was extremely
fond of intellectual companionship.

Amongst his friends at this period may be mentioned
Sir John and Lady Shelley, at whose house he met many
distinguished scientists. Also Sir Culling and Lady
Eardley, who were very anxious for him to accompany
their son to Palestine ; but this attractive invitation he
had regretfully to refuse. Other very valued friends were
Lord Hatherton and his son-in-law, Viscount Newark, who
greatly enjoyed attending the lectures that the young
geologist was delivering at Torquay ; and the Duchess
of Manchester also took much interest in his scientific pur-
suits, and showed him great kindness and hospitality.
Her death, in 1848, was a great loss to him. "She was,"
he writes to a friend, " an excellent woman, eminent for
her piety and good works ; it was really a treat to have
a chat with her, as I had three times a week during the
winters of 1846 and 1847."

With the abandonment of his school, the great chapter
of William Pengelly's scientific life may be said to have
opened. Henceforth he was less tied to routine work, and
was consequently more free to apply himself to geological
investigations, and to the advancement of scientific know-
ledge. It is interesting to find that in 1846 he and his
friends, Mr. Vivian and Dr. Battersby, received a small
grant from the Torquay Natural History Society to
enable them to make some investigations in Kent's
Cavern, which had long been known and already partially
explored by the Rev. J. MacEnery in 1825, and Mr. R. A. C.
Austen, afterwards Godwin-Austen, in 1840. The results
of these fresh investigations by William Pengelly and his
colleagues were communicated to their own Society, and
to the Geological Society of London ; and an account of
all the earlier work done at the Cavern has been given by
my father with his usual patient care in the Transactions
of the Devonshire Association. Although interesting
results were obtained, and it was proved that the flint
" implements " and the remains of extinct animals did
occur together in the same deposits, public opinion was
unprepared to accept some of the most striking con-
clusions, and it was not until nearly twenty years had
passed that, through my father's exertions aided by the

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 167

influence of Sir Charles Lyell, a Committee' was appointed
in 1864 at the Bath meeting of the British Association
for the regular and systematic exploration of the Cave.

William Pengelly was now contributing geological
papers to different scientific societies, but it was more
as a lecturer than as a writer that his activity was mani-
fested. He was indeed a born lecturer. While still a youth
he had been a welcome speaker at local institutions, in his
native village and at Torquay ; and as his reputation
grew he frequently lectured at different towns in Devon-
shire, Cornwall, and elsewhere.

His winter courses on geology and astronomy at Tor-
quay attracted crowded audiences. His speech was fluent,
lucid, and incisive, whilst his genial presence and exuberant
humour made him a general favourite. He had the
magnetic gift of attracting his hearers, and his own scien-
tific enthusiasm always proved contagious. His know-
ledge was widely sought for and freely imparted to all
earnest workers. Few men have served their generation
better. As a Natural Science lecturer he placed his ever-
growing knowledge unreservedly at the disposal of the
many, and was ineffectually remonstrated with when
friends urged that he could not afford to be always working
without fee. An attentive audience was, he felt, sufficient
payment, and always gave him great encouragement. He
writes to a friend in December, 1849 : " I should like
you to be at Exeter when I lecture there ; it would do you
good to see how cordially they receive me, how atten-
tively they listen, and how heartily they applaud." Soon
after we find him writing : "I accidently met the Earl
of Wicklow and Lord Hatherton to-day, who asked me
whether I delivered the lectures, on which I am at present
engaged, on my own account, or am engaged by the
Natural History Society. On being informed that I
delivered them gratuitously, they thought me wrong in
doing so. Lord Hatherton advised me to pack up and
settle in some larger town, where I should doubtless do
better than I am doing here as a lecturer, adding, that no
man in Torquay is so underpaid as I am, and though it
might be all very well to preach down money in the pulpit,
it nevertheless is a good thing and a necessary one in this
world. I said I quite thought it a valuable thing, that
I was very well satisfied with Torquay, that the public
had been very liberal to me, and that it became me to be

168

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

liberal in return." So highly were his lectures esteemed
by his large circle of friends, that in December, 1850, he
was presented, at a conversazione held in his honour, with
a valuable telescope as a mark of their regard ; the docu-
ment accompanying the presentation sets forth their
sense of his high scientific attainments, and of the value
of the lectures which he had delivered during a long
course of years at the rooms of the Torquay Natural
History Society and the Mechanics' Institute at
Torquay, and at the same time expresses the esteem in
which they held him personally. The signatures affixed
to the document include those of the Earl of Beverley,
Viscount Newark, Lord Hatherton, Lady Sinclair, Sir
John Morrenden, Sir Culling E. Eardley, Lady Eardley,
Lady Shelley, Dr. Sutherland, Rev. D. Pitcairn, Mr.
E. Vivian, Mr. March Phillipps, etc. My father, after
warmly thanking his friends for their gift, concluded his
speech in the following words : " This telescope is a
really magnificent instrument ; I prize it highly, it is to
me most valuable. But I prize this paper much more,
and attach a still higher value to it. It contains the ex-
pression of your esteem. Happen what may, I will never
part with it, but regard it as a valuable heirloom in my
family. The list speaks, too, as with a voice from the
tomb. The death of Lord Newark — one of the subscribers
— is not without significance. It reminds me that the
most prosperous earthly career must terminate, and that
there are subjects infinitely more sublime than science,
which should pre-eminently occupy the attention of
every human being. Once more, allow me to thank you
most sincerely for so kindly enabling me to ' consider the
heavens.' I hope and believe that the effect will be to
impress me more deeply with the greatness of God and
His infinite condescension and benevolence in visiting
man and being mindful of him."

The spring of 1851 was saddened by the death of Mrs.
Pengelly, who had long been an invalid, and after this
bereavement he lived very quietly, helping forward the
educational institutions of Torquay, attending to his
private pupils, and steadily pursuing his course as a
geologist.

He had already been elected a Fellow of the Geological
Society of London ; and in the work both of that and of the
Palaeontographical Society he took the warmest interest.

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 169

His enthusiasm and industry soon brought him the
notice, and the familiar friendship, of famous workers in
the same field. His letters from them show how opinions
were matured on questions of geological difficulty or
doubt, whilst his published correspondence with Sir
Charles Lyell proved what influence William Pengelly's
experience and philosophical acumen had on the estab-
lishment and progress of geological science, and that he
was an adviser in whom the author of The Principles of
Geology and the Antiquity of Man placed a large and
generous confidence. From this time onward his scientific
life and studies were intertwined and bound up with the
work of this great geologist, his intimate and valued friend
and constant correspondent. And though so greatly their
junior in years, he was a correspondent and fellow-worker
not only with Lyell, but also with Murchison and Sedg-
wick, those great geologists who did so much in the nine-
teenth century to revolutionize the ideas of the history of
the earth and of man.

It was almost at the same period that he formed two of
the other great friendships of his life, with Canon Kingsley
and the late Lord Lister, friendships to be severed only by
death. Early in the spring of 1854 Charles Kingsley came
with his wife to Torquay for the benefit of her health.
My father had long admired his noble character and warm-
hearted enthusiasm in the cause of popular education,
and a strong and lasting friendship soon sprang up between
them. They had much in common, not only as enthusiastic
students of Nature, but also from the great interest both
took in furthering the well-being of the working classes.

My father may be aptly described as a friend of the
people and a lover of truth, in the widest sense of the terms.
His advice and help were ever at their service ; not to
flatter them, but to render them true and real assistance,
to elevate their condition if he could, to endeavour to
raise them to a higher standard and a happier life. In
addressing some young men as to self-help on one occasion,
he concluded his remarks with these words : " Let them
be their own best friends, for he that does not succeed by
self-application deserves no success at all."

Joseph Lister, then quite a young man, was often at
Torquay at this period with his father, Mr. Jackson
Lister. The interest of his scientific researches, and the
earnestness of his efforts to relieve human suffering,

Digitized by

170

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

greatly endeared him to William Pengelly and created a
strong friendship between them, an attachment which
grew stronger by recurring intercourse. " I cherish his
memory with affectionate admiration," wrote the great
surgeon in a letter to me after my father's death.

This was his first connection with the Society of Friends,
for the Listers and Mr. Robert Were Fox, of Falmouth, and
his daughters, Anna Maria and Caroline Fox, with whom
my father now became intimate, and the Burlingham
family, all belonged to the Society of Friends, and he soon
afterwards made the acquaintance of Mr. and Mrs. Spriggs,
to whose youngest daughter Lydia he became attached.
Mr. Spriggs was descended, both on his father's side and
on that of his mother (who belonged to the Savory family),
from Quaker ancestry. One of his mother's favourite
nieces was the beautiful Hester Savory, so much admired
by Charles Lamb that on her death he composed the
following well-known lines : —

Mr. and Mrs. Spriggs were both warmly interested in
philanthropic and charitable undertakings. They felt
that the benefits they received were supplies granted for
the good of others, and never to be thoughtlessly expended
in self-indulgence. Their assistance was ever at the service
of the poor and needy, and such as had no helper. In
earlier years they had been brought into friendship and
intercourse with the great abolitionist, Thomas Clarkson,
and the saintly social reformer, Elizabeth Fry, whose
efforts purified the foul prisons not only of England, but of
all Europe. William Pengelly's second marriage added
greatly to his happiness. In all his undertakings he was
now sustained, encouraged, and assisted by the loving
and ever-ready help of her whose help is of the highest
value to a hard-working, energetic man. Whether in the
way of making diagrams and drawings, or copying and
translating manuscripts for him (for she was a good linguist
and amateur artist), or as hostess to familiar friends and
the numerous persons of distinction who visited their
house, my mother was ever her husband's stay and sup-
port. His work she looked upon as her work, and her

To Hester,

" When maidens such as Hester die,
Their place ye may not well supply,
Though ye among a thousand try,

With vain endeavour."

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 171

enjoyment also. Although she was many years his junior
and, like all her family, a consistent Conservative, whilst
he was a Liberal, neither the difference in age nor in
political opinion ever occasioned the slightest diminution
in the warmth of their attachment. My mother after-
. wards joined the Church of England, but her family had
been members of the Society of Friends for nearly two
hundred years, and this circumstance probably gave rise
to the statement, which frequently appeared in print,
that William Pengelly came 1 of a good old Quaker stock.
This is, of course, entirely erroneous, for neither on his
father's side, nor on that of his mother (who was a Prout),
had he any connection with the Society of Friends. It
is a mistake, therefore, to describe him as of Quaker origin
or ancestry. In fact, he had little regard for ancestry of
any sort. It is generally believed that he belonged to the
same family as Sir Thomas Pengelly, a Cornishman, who
rose to be Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 1726. In
answer to the numerous letters which he received on the
subject, he invariably replied, " I don't care to claim any
connection with him," and when asked by correspondents
if he had visited the parish of Whitchurch, where many of
the Pengelly family had resided, he wrote : "It appears
to have been a great home of the Pengellys; and the
church, I am told, is rich in their monuments, but I have
never seen it."

Soon after his second marriage, and mainly through
his wife's persuasion and influence, he began, in 1856, to
attend the meetings of the British Association, and also
to pay more frequent visits to London to be present at
the gatherings of the Geological Society. He writes to
her describing one of the Geological meetings: "Two
papers were read, one by Mr. Moore on the Rocks of
Wigtonshire, which was discussed by Col. Portlock,
Murchison, and Salter ; the other was by the famous
Babbage on the formation of sedimentary outliers, etc.,
which called up Portlock, Lyell, Salter, Stephenson the
engineer, Prof. Tyndall, Huxley, etc. It was a magnificent
meeting, and made me wish for a town residence. I re-
newed my acquaintance with many old friends."

From the Cheltenham meeting of the British Associa-
tion, he writes as follows: "Aug. 11th, 1856. — Then
came Vivian with Kent's Cavern, and introduced his
own views as to the formation of the Cavern, which gave

172

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

me an opportunity of replying, and this I did at some
length. Robert Chambers took up the theme, so did
Professor Rogers of America. Beete Jukes, the Chairman,
pronounced in my favour, and Vivian acknowledged very
handsomely that he thought me right. There were two
other papers and the sitting ended."

" Aug. 12th, 1856. — Five o'clock. My paper has been
read (on Beekites). Tennant considered Beekites as one
form of silicious concretions, and thought the fossil character
of the nucleus purely accidental. I am coming home to-
morrow, if all be well. My home is very, very dear to

He attended all the meetings of the British Association
from 1856 to 1889, with the exception of that held in 1884
in Canada, and began almost immediately to take a
prominent part in the proceedings of the Geological
Section. He was very soon placed on the General Com-
mittee of the Association, and was also for many years on
the Council. In 1877 he was President of the Geological
Section at the Plymouth Meeting, and he presided at
Anthropology at the meeting held at Southport in 1883.

Those who were not quite satisfied with the educational
system of the nineteenth century were much interested in
a speech, showing considerable insight into the problem,
which he delivered at the opening of the Abbey Road Public
Schools at Torquay during January, 1857. After a long and
able speech by his friend Sir Culling Eardley, the Chairman,
William Pengelly, briefly addressed the meeting, and ex-
pressed his belief that the present age was not one " of
education — it was an age of instruction; the difference
was momentous. . . . The fact was, that the majority
of scholars of the present day were taught to be rather
passive recipients of knowledge than active inquirers.
What was required was to teach comparatively few things,
but to teach them thoroughly. Parents should be less
concerned about the rapid passing over of a great number
of rules in arithmetic than that what their children learnt
should be thoroughly learnt, so that when they left school
they should be in a position to acquire knowledge for them-
selves. It was true that vast improvements were con-
stantly being made in the various departments of science ;
but he did not think that public enlightenment had kept
pace with the progress of science. People were surrounded
on all hands by wonders, and what was wanted was to

me.

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 175

get them to think. Once successful in that respect, the love
of acquiring knowledge naturally followed."

William Pengelly was at this time President of the
Torquay Mechanics' Institute, and a testimonial was.
presented to him, by the members, of a copy of the volumes
of the Encyclopedia Britannica. He had already received
several public testimonials, but he was much gratified by
the form which this one took.

It is worthy of note that he was one of the first to give
cordial support to the early closing movement, which was
just then beginning to arouse public attention. In July
of this year he delivered an address at Torquay on " Early
Closing " in connection with " Mental Improvement," and
his able advocacy gave increased impetus to a movement
which attracted many sympathetic and thoughtful minds.

The friendship between the Baroness (then Miss)
Burdett - Coutts and my parents began soon after their
marriage. In the autumn of 1856 my mother writes fre-
quently to her family of the pleasant evenings they spent
with Miss Burdett-Coutts at Torquay ; they were often
also her guests in London. It was at a party given at
her town house in Stratton Street, Piccadilly, that my
father first met Charles Dickens, with whom he afterwards
became well acquainted. He writes home from London,
in 1857 : "... At length the guests began to arrive ;
first came a clergyman named Stookes, I had met his
sisters at Miss Coutts' at Torquay ; then Charles Dickens,
beard, white waistcoat, fancy shirt and all — he is splendid
company certainly, but strikes one as being altogether
an actor ; then came my friend Captain Gordon, and
then Wheatstone ; Sorby was to have been there, but
did not turn up through some mistake. At dinner we
talked of Education, Extension of the Electoral Franchise,
etc. Dickens talked with good sense on all topics. Dinner
over, puns and riddles flew thick and fast. ..."

Later in the year my father, accompanied by his wife's
brother, attended the British Association at Dublin, visiting
Belfast on the way. This was the first of his tours in
Ireland, a country which he often revisited. His letters
to my mother show how thoroughly he always enjoyed
being on the water, and also give some account of the
scenery of the Giant's Causeway and of the scientific
gathering in Dublin. ". , . We reached Fleetwood a
little after time," he writes, " but as the steamer always

Digitized by

174

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

waits the arrival of the train, that did not matter. We
were taken by the train quite to the steamer's side, and
in a very few minutes found ourselves on board. W., and
not a few other landsmen, looked gravely at the sky and
feared a rough passage, and when they found the boat
pitching more freely than they had expected, they believed
their fears fully realized ; some of the old salts, on the
other hand, talked of a * nice breeze/ of a ' splendid
passage/ and in reply to the remark that * it was rough/
said that ' were it always smooth all the old women in the
country would be sailors.' ... I got up finally at half-
past four and went on deck, hoping to catch a glimpse of
the Isle of Man, which I had failed to do last night, but
I was again disappointed. I found Ireland ahead, and
Scotland on the weather-bow, and it seemed to carry me
back to my sea-boy life to , watch the gradual coming on
of day, the steady development of the land we were
approaching, the various craft we passed, and the sea-
birds that floated and wheeled around and by us. Soon
after six we entered Belfast Lough, and one by one the
passengers came on deck, all looking more or less seedy.
About half-past seven we landed at Belfast, which we
found having all the appearance of prosperity, activity,
wealth, and taste ; it did not come up, or come down,
whichever you like, to my idea of an Irish town, and it
was not possible to believe it Ireland. . . ."

"Portrush, 20th Aug., 1857. — Yesterday we started
pretty early from Bush Mills and walked a second time
to the Causeway. Arrived there, we courageously declined
the services of the guides who prowl about. We were
quite prepared, from reports, etc., to be disappointed, and
so indeed we were, but then it was a most agreeable dis-
appointment. To attempt description would be to display
my weakness. Whether regarded as a geological phe-
nomenon, as a subject for a picture, or rather a series of
pictures, or as a great Cyclopean terminus, the Causeway
is a singularly splendid object. Having penetrated as
far as possible under the cliff, we retraced our steps, and
then I rambled on the margin of the precipice to a much
greater distance, and as point after point opened I became
sensible that we were leaving much, too much, unexplored,
so that we agreed to alter our plans: to remain in the
North until Saturday, and to reach Moyallen that evening,
to give up Killarney and the West, and consequently to

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 175

hope for a second Irish trip. After breakfast we started
by boat for Ballycastle, a distance of nearly twenty miles.
I was much pleased to find has with ammonites in con-
tact with trap, by which it is much hardened, yesterday,
on the beach here. This is a most charming spot ; there ,
is a splendid sea-walk with a glorious open sea, having
no land nearer than America. . . ."

" Dublin, 28th Aug.— After breakfast I called on W.
and then repaired to the Section rooms, where I met
sundry old friends. I took my specimen from Cornwall,
which, in spite of McCoy, I have always pronounced to
be a portion of a fish, and showed it privately to sundry
bigwigs; they all individually, and without knowing the
opinion of either of the others, pronounced me right, and
without hesitation too. Moreover, they all regarded it as
a triumph and a great fact in geology. You will not wonder
at my being overjoyed about it. I showed it to Phillips,
Bowerbank, Bailey, Jukes, and Lord Enniskillen (to whom
R. Were Fox introduced me). Next to Sir P. Egerton,
who is not here, Lord Enniskillen is the highest authority
we have on fishes. The papers yesterday were not with-
out interest, but were not likely to be popular. ... In
the evening came a soiree in the museum rooms of the
Royal Irish Society, and a brilliant scene it was. Science,
fashion, beauty, ugliness were met in one room. There
I saw Sedgwick and Rogers, who had not appeared before.
I met, amongst others, Mr. Pirn, his wife (J. J. Lister's
daughter), and her brother, my old friend Joseph Lister. 1
They wish me to dine with them to-morrow. It involves
a short journey by rail ; still, I think I may go. I was
promoted at the Association, being placed on the General
Committee, and also on that of the Geological Section."

It was in 1858 that my father's detailed researches in
the Devonshire Caves may be said to have commenced.
In that year the Windmill Hill Cavern was discovered at
Brixham. He at once visited the spot to enter into
negotiations for its thorough investigation. This was
undertaken finally by the Royal and Geological Societies,
through a Committee, of which he was a member, and the
actual superintendence fell entirely to him. Of the value
of his work and of the results gained to Science, I prefer
to employ independent testimony. In the report of the
exploration we read : "It is to Mr. Pengelly that the

1 Afterwards Lord Lister.

Digitized by

176

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

Committee are indebted for the active and constant
superintendence of the work, and for the record of each
day's proceedings. [He], in fact, saw personally to the
execution of the whole work, noted all the physical fea-
tures, and arranged and tabulated all the specimens found
in the cave, devoting to the investigation an amount of care
and time without which it would have been impossible for
the London Committee to have obtained the exact
record" which was presented and read to the Royal
Society. (See Philosophical Transactions, clxiii, p. 483.)

Professor Bonney, the distinguished geologist, writes
thus of the work at Brixham : " The results proved that
in Devonshire a race of men in a low state of civilization
had been contemporaneous with a fauna which has now
disappeared from Britain, and in some cases is actually
extinct."

Professor Boyd Dawkins, the eminent authority on
Cave Explorations, writes in Nature for April, 1894 : " The
result of the exploration established beyond all doubt
the existence of Palaeolithic Man in the Pleistocene Age r
and caused the whole of the scientific world to awake to
the fact of the vast antiquity of the human race. From
this time Pengelly's energies were mainly directed towards
cave exploration." In his valuable book on Cave Hunting,
the Professor also writes : " The discovery in 1858 and
the exploration of the now famous cave of Brixham by
the Royal and Geological Societies, marked the dawn of
a new era in cave-hunting. Under the careful supervision
of Mr. Pengelly, flint implements were discovered under-
neath stalagmite and in association with the remains of
the hyaena, woolly rhinoceros and mammoth, in undis-
turbed red loam under conditions that prove man to have
been living in Devonshire at the same time as those
animals. This singularly opportune discovery destroyed
for ever the doubts that had overhung the question of the
antiquity of man, and of his co-existence in Europe in
company with the animals whose remains occur both in
the caverns and river-deposits."

A paper on the cavern, which William Pengelly com-
municated to the British Association at Leeds in the
autumn of 1858, was received with much interest by his
scientific colleagues. He writes to my mother, in Septem-
ber, 1858 : "I have read my paper (on Brixham Cavern)
to a crowded house — all the great geologists came in ap-

FATHER OP THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 177

parently. Owen followed in very eulogistic strains,
characterizing the exploration of the cavern as the only
satisfactory and good attempt of the kind that ever had
been made. I was very much complimented at the close
by sundry persons. Robert Chambers introduced him-
self, and proposes having a chat with me on the ques-
tion. . . ."

Early in the following summer, on May 27th, 1859, my
father gave an evening lecture at the Royal Institution
of London, on "The Ossiferous Caverns and Fissures of
Devonshire," concluding the discourse with an account
of the flint knives of human manufacture and remains of
extinct animals found together in the Brixham Cave, and
the remarkable evidence these facts afforded of the an-
tiquity of man. This question was warmly debated at the
meeting of the British Association at Aberdeen in the
autumn of the same year. And here we are carried back
to the atmosphere breathed by Lyell, Murchison, Owen,
Phillips, Huxley, and Ramsay, and with their help William
Pengelly fought for the infant doctrine against all the
forces of bigotry and intolerance. It is mainly due to
their efforts that more enlightened opinions are now
held. It was a steady light, replacing the gloom.

In letters home he describes to my mother some of the
heated discussions which took place at Aberdeen.

" Aberdeen, 17th Sept., 1859. — Yesterday was a great
day here ; I speak as a member of section ' C ' (Geology) ;
the fourth paper was by Rev. Dr. Anderson (author of
a book in my library under the title of The Course of
Creation), on Human Remains in Superficial Drift, in
which he attacked all the evidence which has recently
been produced of Man amongst the Mammoths, and a very
great deal which no one ever regarded as bearing on the
question. After wading through a great amount of
rubbish, he boldly attempted to castigate Lyell for his
opening address ; next, he ridiculed Horner's argument of
the pottery, etc., in the silt of the Nile. . . . Then he ran
off to Germany to cudgel Bunsen; then back again r
pitched me into Brixham Cave, and did his best to bury
the cave and myself in ridicule, and finally he gave us a
yard or two of bad pulpit. There was a considerable
amount of orthodoxy in the room, and he got a very undue
share of applause. And now per contra. Lyell handled
him as a gentleman, and a philosopher alone can do it.

VOL. XLIV.

178 WILLIAM PENG ELL Y, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

Next Phillips, having rubbed his hands in oil. smoothed
him down, but in such a way as to scarify him; then
Ramsay seized him by the button-hole and informed him
of a fact or two connected with caverns, and finally
handed him over to me, upon which I seized him by the
collar, dragged him into Brixham Cave and showed him its
facts and their whereabouts. Then came Symonds (Rev.
W. Symonds, Rector of Pendock) and pulpited him. A
few papers followed, and then I read my paper, which was
well received. . . . Last night Sir Roderick (Murchison)
delivered a lecture on the Geology of the North of Scot-
land — a very able performance. . .

" Aberdeen, September 21st. — . . . At the soiree Ander-
son and I had a somewhat long and animated discussion
on the flint knives. He informs me that Professor Mac-
donald is to lecture on ' Man ' to-night (Wednesday), and
is intending to ' pound me to dust.' . . ."

The year 1859 was memorable for the publication of
Darwin's great work on the Origin of Species, and was,
indeed, a period of surpassing interest to geologists and
naturalists, " the morning twilight which heralded the
dawn of modern science."

My father was one of the earliest converts to the theory
of creation by evolution, as well as a champion of the
doctrine of the antiquity of man, and he laboured as a
pioneer of that doctrine through all the burden and heat
of the battle.

Prince Albert was President of the Association at Aber-
deen, and the gathering was most interesting and was
well attended. Writing home, my father says : " The
meeting is a very large one ; this is doubtless partly owing
to the Prince, and truly he does seem to be very amiable
and intellectual." During the progress of the meeting
William Pengelly was one of those members honoured by
Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort with an invitation
to Balmoral.

On September 25th, 1859, Mrs. Pengelly writes to her
mother : —

" William returned home last night, tired out with
his long journey from Aberdeen, but he seems thoroughly
to have enjoyed the British Association papers and dis-
cussions. At the reception at Balmoral he was close to the
Queen and Prince Albert and the Royal children during
.all the time of the Highland games, which were got up for

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 179

the special entertainment of the savants. Prince Albert
was in full Highland costume. William says Balmoral is
the most beautiful spot. ..."

Many years later Mr. Pengelly had the honour of re-
ceiving a visit at his residence, Lamorna, Torquay, from
the Queen's grandsons, Prince Edward and Prince George
(now His Majesty King George V), who greatly enjoyed
seeing the geological collections.

On other occasions the Emperor Napoleon III, with the
Prince Imperial and the Queen of Holland, visited my
father at his Torquay home, and manifested much in-
terest in the fossils and scientific specimens shown to them.
Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Marie, sister
of Alexander II of Russia, daughter of the Emperor
Nicholas and widow of the Duke of Leuchtenberg, was at
Torquay with her family in 1859. Her sons studied several
branches of science with Mr. Pengelly, and became much
attached to him, and invited him to accompany them on
their tours in Scotland and elsewhere. This he was unable
to do, owing to his numerous engagements, but they joined
him on short geological trips. Prince Nicholas, the eldest
of the princes, took much interest in geology. He was
afterwards appointed by his uncle, the Czar, Inspector of
the Mines in his dominions, and said, " the work often
made him think of Mr. Pengelly," to whom he sent warm
and affectionate messages by the Russian Ambassador,
Baron von Brunnow, whom my father frequently met at
the house of the Baroness Burdett-Coutts, and he describes
in letters to my mother (who was visiting her parents) his
first impression of his pupils and of one of their geological
expeditions. "... I started off in proper time for the
rush on the Russian princes. I saw them in the Apsley
Grounds shooting with Mr. Stuart, the surgeon. The boys
soon came to me, and I began with the younger, a nice
chatty little fellow, so very chatty indeed that had I felt
inclined I might have known how many pairs of stockings
he had, or anything else in his power to communicate,
but of course I checked his loquacity.

" I only remember that his mother is expected here next
month. The eldest boy is equally agreeable, but less
chatty. This engagement promises to be very pleasant,
they are thoroughly simple. . . ."

" June 22nd, 1859. — I arranged some fossils and reached
Apsley House as appointed at three o'clock. On arriving

180

WILLIAM PENGBLLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

here I found two carriages, into one of which the Princes,
Dr. Tillner (who speaks English and is probably a German),
and I got. In the other carriage were Col. Rehbinder and
Prof. Bauer. We were about an hour in the Brixham Cave
and saw it pretty thoroughly, and the whole party were
pleased. We then proceeded in the same order to Anstey's
Cove. . . . From Anstey's Cove we took different routes ;
the Colonel and Professor returning directly home, whilst
our carriage drove round to drop me at my own door. ..."

We get some glimpses of the Russian Imperial family
in letters from Mrs. Pengelly to her mother : —

" Aug. 17th, 1859. — This morning we had a two hours'
visit from the Princess Eugenie, the Countess of Tolstoi,
and one of the tutors ; we were extremely pleased with
them all. The Princess is not pretty, rather small features,
a very good forehead, and evidently very intelligent, and
extremely interested in what is told her. They looked at
the corals and fossils, etc., which they seemed to under-
stand thoroughly ; and asked leave to come again and
bring the younger ones, who were much disappointed at not
coming with them this morning. ... I had a good deal of
conversation with the Countess Tolstoi ; she told me the
eldest Princess was on a visit to the Queen at Osborne,
with her mother, the Grand Duchess, and that they were
greatly pleased with the Isle of Wight. She said the young
princes and princesses were so happy here. I said, ' I
suppose on account of being so near the sea.' ' Oh ! no,'
she said; 'they have a palace on the seashore, a very
magnificent one, but they enjoy being here and living in a
plain, simple way.' The Grand Duchess telegraphed to the
Emperor the day after her arrival here, ' This is Para-

Mrs. Pengelly to her mother : " William went yesterday
to Newton with the Russian party, to a little picnic in the
Bradley Woods valley ; they seemed to enjoy it very much,
and the little Princess kept saying, ' Oh ! it is so nice !
I am so happy.' She had a hammer which the tutor had
brought for her and which soon broke. ' Oh ! ' she said,
4 this is too fine, too pretty. I must have a large one like
Mr. Pengelly's.' William says she is a witch, for he never
found so many good fossils before. Like so many of his
pupils, she enjoys her lessons greatly and is much attached
to him. Countess Tolstoi says she keeps running to the
window to see if he is coming. One day he had a very

disc' . . .

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION, 181

pleasant interview with the Grand Duchess. The Princess
Eugenie said the other day after leaving us, * I would
rather have Mr. Pengelly's fossils than all my diamonds.' "

A little later, the Prince of the Netherlands (brother
of the King of Holland) with the Princess and their
daughter, the Princess Mary, visited Torquay, and wrote
asking my father to read geology with the young Princess.
He was at that time very closely occupied, for in addition
to his other pupils he was giving the Russian princes and
their sister, Princess Eugenie, several lessons a week.
Princess Mary, however, was so anxious to have his in-
struction, that she agreed to take her lessons before eight
in the morning, and proved a most intelligent and in-
teresting pupil.

Mrs. Pengelly to her mother : " I went on Friday to see
the Grand Duchess by invitation, and we were introduced
to the Princess Mary, who has now arrived here and is
very nice. We paid a most pleasant visit, but, I am sorry
to say, the Princess is not at all well ; she is certainly
a most interesting girl. ...

"... William has been with the Prince and Princess of
the Netherlands and the Russian princes to the Cavern.
He is much pleased with the latter, especially Prince
Nicholas, the eldest, who is reading Dr. Kane's Arctic
Travels with him with great interest. They are coming
to us one evening to look through the telescope."

Mrs. Pengelly to her mother: "April 13th, I860.— We
had such a nice pleasant visit from the Princess Mary of
the Netherlands, who is a pupil of William's now, and a
most agreeable one ; she is about eighteen, an extremely
simple, open-hearted girl. To-day we have had a visit
from Miss Coutts and her party, and William is gone there
to dine to-night. The last time we went the Prince and
Princess Waldeck were there, and Sir Charles and Lady
Lyell, etc. . . . Princess Mary and Mademoiselle von
Doom often walk down to town to meet William, when
he is on his way to give lessons there, though it is before
eight in the morning. ..."

How pleasantly the Princess remembered her lessons
with my father will be seen from the following letter,
which he received from her some time later.

Princess Mary of the Netherlands to Mr. Pengelly:
" Huis de Parar, near The Hague, April 1st, 1865. — Princess
Mary of the Netherlands thanks Mr. Pengelly for. his letter

182 . WILLIAM PBNGBLLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

and for the beautiful volume of Lyell's Geology, which she
has received through the agency of Mr. Murray. The
Princess recalls with much pleasant recollection the delight-
ful months which she spent at Torquay, and the many
geologizing and jollygizing hours for which she was in-
debted to Mr. Pengelly. Miss von Doom desires to be
kindly remembered to him."

My father's pupils now literally included all ranks, from
the prince to the peasant. A little later my mother writes
of those whom he taught gratuitously at the night school,
after his hard day's work : —

" William is much interested in many of the young men ;
they seem so much in earnest, and take such pains to get
on. One who only knew his letters when he came three
weeks ago, can read words of three syllables now. They
come so nicely dressed and so neat, and everything is
made comfortable for them."

Mr. Pengelly thus records an incident which amused
him : " One youth had apparently such an insuperable
amount of difficulty in mastering the mysteries of the
alphabet, that it seemed likely he would never be able to
learn to read. The boy's father was, however, very anxious
for him to be put into the writing-class, and when met
with the remark that ( it was useless to teach anyone to
write who could not read what he had written,' replied,
'You teach 'un to write, and I'll get somebody to read it
safe enough.' "

When on his geological rambles my father frequently
had rather curious experiences, some of which I can fortu-
nately give in his own words. One day he had reached a
lonely wayside inn, about midday, and inquired from the
rather forlorn-looking landlady if she could get him a
simple lunch.

" Can't 'ave it, zur," was her reply. " Why not ? "
" 'Cause me and my old man'th vailed out." " I'm sorry
for that, but what has it to do with my having refresh-
ment ? " "I tell 'ee, we've vailed out, and he'th carried
away the kay ; so you can't 'ave it. You may have some
of they there orts — whortleberries — if you like ; but
there's nort else." I declined the " orts," and proceeded on
my journey, which after a walk of twenty miles brought
me to an inn where the host and hostess lived amicably.
Finding that a bed was obtainable, I ordered tea with ham
and eggs. Slipping off my collecting-basket, but leaving

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 183

my hammer in the belt in which it was carried, I took a
seat on the kitchen " settle," and thereby joined three men,
apparently masons, who had just "left work" and were
enjoying a glass and pipe before going home. They all
eyed me intently ; but for a time no one spoke. At length
one of them took the pipe from his hps and emitted the
accumulated smoke in that long, thin thread which seems
to betoken a desire to make the most of a good thing.
When his lips were at liberty he said : " Ax your pardon,
sir, for making so bold ; but what trade be you ? " "I
can't say I have a trade." " 'Cause of your hammer,
sir, I took the liberty." " Oh, my hammer ! I can only
say I break stones on the road." The trio exclaimed in
a chorus : " We won't believe that." " If you'll open my
basket, you'll see the stones I've broken." I had spent the
day before in a richly fossiliferous greensand district, and
had collected many very fine specimens ; whilst the rocks
of the locality in which the inn stood were, so far as was
known, utterly destitute of fossils. Taking me at my
word, one of the masons opened the basket and took out
the first stone that came to hand. It proved to be a piece
of greensand, with an unmistakable shell firmly embedded
in it, yet standing out in bold relief . Instantly their pipes
were snatched from their hps, their mouths fell open, and
they all stared at the specimen as if they would at once
penetrate the mystery connected with it. Never had I
seen looks in which ignorance, wonder, and admiration
were so obviously blended and so thoroughly pronounced.
At length one of them exclaimed : " Why, how did
thekky " — a provincialism for that — " shell get there ? "
Obviously fossils, with their wondrous teachings, were
new to them. My attempt to reply to their question
eventuated in a sort of conversational lecture ; and, so
far as my experience goes, no audience was ever more
attentive or more interested. The next morning the
landlord appeared after breakfast, remarking : " The men
was very much pleased with what you told 'em last even-
ing." " I thought they were interested." " Oh, ees —
uncommon, I 'sure 'ee. I hope no offence, sir ; but if
you'd stop 'ere for a few days, or a week, and talk to the
men in the evenings, you shud be welcome to meat,
drink, washing, and lodging free gratis. I'm sure lots of
men wud come an' hear 'ee, and I should zell an uncommon
zight o' beer." " Your offer is extremely handsome, and

184

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

most tempting ; and I am much obliged to you for it. But

make any alteration. Thank you very much ; but I must
get on."

William Pengelly had, I think conspicuously, that special
mark of a fine nature that no surroundings made the
slightest difference to his demeanour. He was equally
happy in his expositions when chatting with the rustics,
whom he met at country inns on his geological rambles,
as when engaged in learned discussions with eminent
scientists, or explaining points of interest to Royal person-
ages. All classes, from the highest to the lowest, seemed
glad to gather round him and listen to his instructive
conversation. And from the early days when as a sailor-
boy he was accustomed to read aloud to entertain his
shipmates, until the time when, as a scientific lecturer, he
had the power of holding the attention of large audiences
by his eloquence, his first thought seemed ever to be the
pleasure and instruction he was able to afford to others,
his last consideration the personal benefit he might derive
for himself. Early in the year 1860 my father completed
the formation of a fine collection of Devonian fossils,
which, unfler the name of the " Pengelly Collection," was
presented to the Oxford University Museum in connection
with the Burdett-Coutts Geological Scholarship.

The following resolution was passed in a congregation
of the University on February 16th, 1860 : —

" The collection of Devonian fossils presented by A.
Burdett-Coutts shall be named ' The Pengelly Collection,'
in honour of the gentleman whose scientific knowledge has
enabled the foundress to make the collection."

In the summer of 1860, and again in 1861, my father
gave geological lectures at the Royal Institution of London,
and writes home in May, 1860 : " The subject was too
large, yet it seemed to give satisfaction, and I was fre-
quently applauded. The specimens were greatly admired
after the lecture. The audience contained a great number
of truly great men — Babbage, Faraday, Murchison (in
the chair), Tyndall, Grove, Bigsby, Daubeney, Wheat-
stone, and others. ..." A few weeks later he attended
the British Association at Oxford, and was present at the
historic duel between Professor Huxley and Bishop
Wilberforce. So many accounts of this controversy have
been given already elsewhere that I need only quote a

my plan was to reach M-

to-night, and I don't like to

FATHER OF THE . DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 185

sentence from one of .his letters concerning it, in which
Mr. Pengelly says: "Then left section C and went to D
(Zoology) to hear a discussion on a paper which has direct
reference to Darwinism. The room was densely packed.
The Bishop of Oxford, Huxley, Professor Beale, Lubbock,
and others spoke on it. The excitement was intense,
quite as great as at a political meeting. ..."

Professor Bonney, in his interesting summary of my
father's scientific work, divides it into three groups : one
dealing with the investigations of the Bovey Tracey deposits,
another with the examinations of caverns, and the third
including his miscellaneous geological labours, which were
carried on for a long period of years. The work at Bovey
was undertaken and concluded early in the sixties, after
the exploration of Brixham Cavern was finished, and before
the beginning of the extensive operations at Kent's Hole.
Miss Burdett-Coutts, with characteristic liberality, assisted
the work at Bovey. My father's scientific colleagues con-
sidered that his systematic examination of the deposits
proved of great interest, and induced him to communicate
a paper to the Royal Society on the work. It was entitled,
The Lignites and Clays of Bovey Tracey, and was supple-
mented by an account of the Fossil Flora of Bovey Tracey,
by Dr. Oswald Heer, of Zurich, the eminent fossil botanist.
It will be remembered by geologists that Mr. Starkie
Gardner's subsequent studies modified opinions as to
some of Professor Heer's conclusions, but Mr. Pengelly's
work has always been held to be of great scientific value
by experts. In answer to a letter from Mr. Starkie Gardner,
in 1879, my father writes : " I am afraid it is not within
my province to give an opinion as to the Miocene or Eocene
age of the Bovey lignite. The question seems to be one
for you and Professor Heer to settle."

Writing to a friend, in 1880, of Mr. Starkie Gardner's
opinions, Mr. Pengelly says : "He has already, and more
than once, published the opinion that Dr. Heer made sundry
errors in the specific identification of the plants, and that
he erred also in assigning a Miocene age, instead of an
Eocene age, to the Bovey formation. Dr. Heer, I believe,
maintains all his positions."

It is very interesting to know that the recent investiga-
tions at Bovey by the eminent geologist, Mr. Clement Reid,
confirm Dr. Heer's conclusions. I had the privilege of hear-
ing Mr. Clement Reid's remarkable paper on the subject at

186 WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

the Royal Society in June, 1910. The President, Sir
Archibald Geikie (late Director-General of the Geological
Surveys of the United Kingdom), spoke most favourably
of Heer's work, and paid an eloquent tribute at the same
time to my father's work and memory. I wished that he
could have lived to know that half a century after he had
concluded the Bovey investigations, the conclusions of his
valued Swiss friend and colleague would be so favourably
reviewed.

Bovey Heathfield is a district of great interest to geo-
logists ; it is, in fact, the bed of an ancient lake, which
extends for a considerable distance.

Professor Bonney, in describing it, gives this short sum-
mary of my father's elaborate and painstaking treatise on
the subject : —

" The upper part or ' head ' in the section of the Bovey
Tracey basin differs much in character from the under-
lying mass, which it covers uncomfortably. At the top
usually come a few inches of peat, which is succeeded by
a fine white sand, and this by a mass of sand with clay
rather irregularly interstratified. At the bottom comes a
sandy clay containing rock fragments, which are usually
angular and subangular, and are sometimes rather more
than a foot in diameter. These evidently have been derived
from the neighbouring hills. On the western side of the
basin they are mostly granite or fragments of the rock
through which it has been extruded. On the eastern side
flint and chert from the cretaceous strata, as might be
expected, become more common.

" The ' head ' was generally fossiliferous, but some
leaves were found in one of the clays. Among these
Professor Heer recognized the willow — perhaps three
species, one being Salix cinerea, another probably Salix
repens, and the dwarf birch, Betula nana, which still
lingers in the Scottish Highlands and is so common in more
arctic regions. These plants fully confirm the idea, which
had been suggested by the rock-fragments just mentioned,
viz. that the ' head ' had been formed when the climate
of Devonshire was much colder than it is at the present
day, and ought therefore to be referred to some part of
the so-called glacial epoch. This discovery at Bovey
Tracey is especially interesting, because trees of that epoch
are so rare in the south-west of England.

" The underlying deposit, which, as already stated, is

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 187

evidently much the older of the two, yielded a far more
ample series of plant-remains which, however, were not
to be obtained from all the beds. The mass consisted, for
a thickness of about seventy-two feet in descending, of
beds of clay, lignite, and sand ; the last, though one layer
was thicker than any of the deposits, being the least
common. The remainder of the mass was formed of clay
and lignite only, and the whole was free from stones.
Thirty-one beds of lignite were cut through in the principal
section, varying in thickness from a few inches to rather
more than six feet. Thirteen of these yielded distinguish-
able plant-remains, and these were also obtained from
two of the beds of clay. From the collection which was
sent to him, Professor Heer determined fifty species ;
among them were ferns, conifers, figs, cinnamon trees, an
oak, and a laurel, with vines, andromedas, a bilberry, a
gardenia, a water-lily, and sundry leguminous plants —
the commonest specimens being a fern, Pecopteris lignitum,
and a conifer, Sequoia Couttsice. Professor Heer, as the
result of his examination, referred the lignitic group of
Bovey Tracey to the lower Miocene period."

My father was a geologist, and, of course, never claimed
to be considered also a fossil botanist. That he was a
remarkably accurate observer is shown by Sir Charles
Lyell writing thus to him in September, 1861 : " I was
surprised to hear that Professor Heer could be two hours
in your collection and find no additional species. It
shows how well you chose the set you sent to Zurich, and
how good an eye you had acquired for nice botanical dis-
tinctions." Again, a few days later, Sir Charles writes :
"It is very remarkable that Professor Heer failed to
detect any new species in your collection, which you had
certainly mastered the contents of very thoroughly."
Sir Charles communicated my father's paper on The
Lignites and Clays of Bovey Tracey to the Royal Society,
and writes, " I need not say that I shall be honoured by
having to communicate such memoirs." He also volun-
tarily undertook all the active work of my father's
candidature, and in 1863 Mr. Pengelly was elected as a
Fellow of the Royal Society. Several very distinguished
scientists were amongst the fifteen candidates admitted in
that year, of whom, I believe, only two now survive, my
father's friends Sir William Crookes and Sir Henry
Roscoe.

188

WILLIAM PENGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

My father was very busily engaged with pupils and
lectures at this time (1863), but managed to visit London.
He writes : —

" I find I must go to town next Thursday, the 18th,
to be presented (admitted is the right word) to the Presi-
dent of the Royal Society. My intention is to go up
on Thursday and back on Friday. Miss Coutts, finding
that I must be in town, asked me to go there, and be
present at her ball on the 11th, to-night. I should have
liked it, and have no doubt it will be a brilliant affair.
The Princess Mary and the Duchess of Cambridge are
to be there ; brave moral courage ! Remember these
facts. State in my epitaph that I was proof against the
discussion on the Abbeville jaw, and Miss Coutts' ball,
yet, that I could have enjoyed both."

Not the least of Mr. Pengelly's services to his adopted
county was the foundation of the Devonshire Association
for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art, an
enterprise which some of those to whom he at first proposed
it, and who afterwards became his colleagues, pronounced
to be hopeless. He, however, was determined to persevere,
and received great assistance from his valued friends
Sir John Bowring, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, and the Rev.
W. Harpley. Mr. Spence Bate, though willing to support
the undertaking, took a gloomy view of the prospect of
a successful gathering, as will be seen by the following
letter : —

" C. Spence Bate to W. Pengelly.

" 8 Mulgrave Place, Plymouth.

"Tuesday, April 15th, 1862.— My dear Pengelly. —
The scheme had better vegetate a little longer. I see
nothing but failure shining brightly. You can call the
meeting, if you like, for Plymouth at two or three o'clock,
but I fear the Devonshire Association will be made up of
Plymouth members, and what a farce it would be to have
our first meeting in Exeter and no Exeter men there.
It is your baby, and my advice is that you nurse it still
a little. But whenever it is ready to be weaned, I shall
be happy to assist you in getting it to run.

44 Yours faithfully,

" C. Spence Bate."

The first meeting, held at Exeter in 1862, proved, how-
ever, remarkably successful, under the able presidency of

Digitized by

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 189

Sir John Bowring. My father contributed a paper on
The Lignites and Clays of Bovey Tracey, and one on The
Age of the Dartmoor Granites .

The second gathering was held at Plymouth, and the
third, in 1864, at Torquay ; whilst a year or two later my
father was President at the meeting held at Barnstaple in
1867, of which we read in the Report of the Council that
" it was the most successful hitherto held."

One of his oldest friends and colleagues who attended
writes thus of his presidency : "In the year 1867 Mr.
Pengelly, who had recently been elected a Fellow of the
Royal Society, filled the office with considerable eclat;
his inaugural address, being mainly a brilliant and lucid
review of the then existing knowledge of the Geology of
Devonshire, was listened to as the demonstration of a
master with unmistakable interest." At the close of his
address he referred to some of the unsolved geological
problems within the county, and concluded with these
words : " The solution of at least many of these questions
must be reserved for another generation of inquirers, and
to the young men of the present day I earnestly commend

One of his successors in the "chair," in 1871, was his
intimate friend Canon Kingsley, whose acceptance of
the office was conveyed in the following characteristic
letter to my father : —

"... Many thanks. I accept joyfully the honour which
is offered me, and the date thereof. I only feel a dread at
so great a pleasure, so far off, and at what may happen
meanwhile. For * life is uncertain,' say fools. * Life is
certain,' say I. Because God is educating us thereby.
But this process of education is so far above our sight that
it looks often uncertain, and utterly lawless. Wherefore
fools (with M. Comte) conceive that there is no living God,
because they cannot condense His formulas into their
small smelling-bottles. I am just sending off my eldest
son, who has learnt his trade well at Cirencester and in
the River Plate, to try his own manhood in Colorado,
U.S. You will understand, therefore, that it is somewhat
important to me just now whether the world be ruled by
a just and wise God or by 0. . . . P.S. — It is also an
important question to me with regard to my own boy's
future, whether what is said to have happened to-morrow

them.

190 WILLIAM PBNGELLY, F.R.S., F.G.S.,

(Good Friday) be true or false. But I am old-fashioned
and superstitious, and unworthy of the year 1870."

The Association took firm root, and has now continued
flourishing for half a century. In 1872, another of my
father's friends, Archbishop Temple, then Bishop of
Exeter, presided at the second meeting held in his own
Cathedral city. In 1886 the gathering met at St. Mary
Church, the important parish adjoining Torquay. Mr.
Pengelly, who had long been the Honorary acting
Treasurer, and who had been in many other ways closely
associated with the work of the Society for nearly a
quarter of a century, now felt that the time had come
when age and increasing infirmities forced him to take
a less active share in connection with it. The success and
prosperity of the Association bore witness to the wisdom
of his financial management, for both in public and private
affairs he made it a rule never to allow expenditure to
exceed income.

Up to the last my father continued to take the warmest
interest in the Association which he had founded, and for
which he had worked so long and so unremittingly.

In July, 1893, the meeting was again held at Torquay,
and although Mr. Pengelly was at this time a confirmed
invalid (and died in the following spring of 1894), it afforded
him great pleasure to receive visits from the leading
members, including his old friends Dr. Brushfield (the
President), Lady Bowring, Monsignor Brownlow (afterwards
Roman Catholic Bishop of Bristol), the Rev. W. Harpley,
Mr. Brooking Rowe, Colonel Amery, and others.

In a letter to my mother, Lady Bowring, the widow of
the first President of the Devonshire Association, ex-
pressed the great pleasure this visit gave her.

Monsignor Brownlow often visited my father at Tor-
quay during his illness, and endeavoured to cheer him
by chatting on those antiquarian subjects to which he
had devoted so much attention, and on which, at Mr.
Pengelly 's request, he lectured at the Torquay Museum.
His volume on Slavery and Serfdom in Europe, published
in 1892, is an important contribution to the subject, and is
dedicated to my father.

During the fifty years of its existence the Association
has met continuously in Devonshire, with the exception
of the one meeting held, in 1909, at Launceston, in Cornwall,
the native county of the Founder, William Pengelly, who

FATHER OF THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION. 191

was a link uniting Devonshire and Cornwall. But as I
believe the Rev. W. Harpley is preparing a paper for the
Jubilee Meeting dealing with the past history of the
Association, I gladly leave the subject in his able hands.

These rough notes for a biographical sketch of my
father were written just before Easter, when my dear
husband, Henry Forbes Julian, started on the ill-fated
Titanic. I had intended revising them, and concluding the
paper with a description of Mr. Pengelly's most important
work, the exploration of Kent's Cavern. But since the
great change which has altered all my life, and my recent
illness, I must leave the notes as they are, and beg the
indulgence of the members.

My husband took much interest in the approaching
Jubilee Meeting, and hoped to return from America in
time to attend it at Exeter, and to receive and entertain
all the members of the Devonshire Association and of
the Torquay Natural History Society (the two Societies
founded by my father) at the Pengelly Memorial Hall
in the Torquay Museum, to enable the members and our
other friends to inspect the fossils there, to meet together
and visit Kent's Cavern and celebrate my father's cen-
tenary. Alas ! that such a wish must remain for ever an
unfulfilled desire. Touching tributes to my husband's
heroism in sacrificing his life to secure the safety of the
women and children have reached me from Their Majesties
the King and Queen, from Queen Alexandra, and from
many hundreds of people, including the poor as well as
the rich.

His self-sacrificing death was a noble culmination to a
strenuous and upright life. Of the loss to metallurgical
science it is not for his wife to speak. Of the loss to
herself she cannot speak.

NOTE,

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

BY MISS KATE M. CLARKE.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

This was one of the three religious houses founded by
William Rufus. The others were the Priory of Arme-
thwayte, in Cumberland, and St. Leonard's Hospital, York.

St. Nicholas' Priory was a cell of Battle Abbey (De
Bello), which had been founded by William the Conqueror
on the ground of the Battle of Hastings ; the high altar
was raised on the exact spot where Harold's standard
had been planted and thrown down, and beneath which he
died, fighting to the last. 1

In the British Museum is a beautiful manuscript history
of Battle Abbey (Cotton ; Dom. A n). The account is
headed by an illuminated miniature of William I, holding
the sceptre with the dove. In this manuscript it is stated
that King William had granted to the monks of Battle the
church of St. Olaf, in Exeter, with some land adjoining. 2
Printed in Dugdale's Monasticon, Vol. Ill, p. 243.

On this land the church and monastery of St. Nicholas
were built, probably at the entire expense of the convent
of Battle. Tanner gives the date as 1089. William Rufus
did not care much for religious communities, and his
patronage does not appear to have been of much financial
value ; but he granted the new convent a charter, trans-
ferring to them the land which had belonged to St. Olave's,
and confirming them in the same privileges which his
father had granted to the church of St. Martin of Battle,
" where he conquered the enemy." This deed is printed
in Dugdale's Monasticon.

1 At the end of an old book of ecclesiastical constitutions in the
Bodleian Library (Junian 121) it is said that Pope Gregory VI put
William of Normandy upon conquering England, and under pretence of
penance caused him to give much land to abbeys.

2 " The Abbot of Battle has in Exeter one church of St. Olaf, and
seven houses which rendered custom, that is to say, four shillings and
eightpence yearly, and one house which did not render (custom) " (Exon.
Domesday Reprint (196), 178).

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER. 193

The Priory, which was of the Benedictine Order, was
made a cell of Battle Abbey, and to it were transferred
the monks who had previously been attached to the church
of Cullompton, which also the Conqueror had given to
Battle Abbey. Dr. Tanner (Notitia Monastica) says
they were but six in number at the foundation ; probably
the number was increased later.

In Monasticon Diocesis Exoniensis Dr. Oliver states that
Gunterus, a monk of Battle, was sent to make arrange-
ments, but that Cono, another monk, was the first Prior.
The manuscript account of Battle Abbey, mentioned above,
is Oliver's authority for this statement, but does not seem
quite to establish it. The possession of St. Olave's Church
is mentioned, followed by the statement that the brethren
had built another church in honour of St. Nicholas,
which was to be subject to the church of Battle, and pay a
yearly tribute of sixty shillings. This sum was regularly
paid for about one hundred and fifty years.

Henry I granted to the church of St. Nicholas and the
monks of the same, for the peace of his soul, and those of
his father and mother, his brothers and ancestors, the
manor of Relisdon (Rowlestone Barton), which had been
held under the crown at a rent of twenty-five shillings a
year by Harald of Exeter, and was known as " Harald's fee."

In Oliver's Monasticon is printed a letter (ex Alfordi
Annales Eccl. Anglicance, torn. IV, p. 168) of the year
1103 from Archbishop Anselm to Osbern, Bishop of Exeter,
asking him to extend more consideration to the monks of
St. Nicholas, and try to work with them in a brotherly
way, as all were labouring to the same end. Not un-
naturally, there was perhaps a feeling among the clergy of
the Mother Church that the new-comers must be kept in
their place ; at all events, the Bishop forbade them to
ring their bells — in the Benedictine Order there was a great
deal of bell-ringing — and also denied them the right of
burial in their monastery. However, the Archbishop's
letter had due effect, and the Bishop wrote a letter giving
the monks leave to ring their bells whenever they liked,
night or day, except on Christmas Eve, Easter Eve,
and St. Peter's and St. Paul's Mass Day ; while on Palm
Sunday and Ascension Day the monks were to join the
Cathedral canons in procession. This letter, which is in
Anglo-Saxon, is written on one of the fly-leaves of the
Exeter Book, the gift to the Cathedral of Leofric, first

VOL, XLIV. N

194 RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

Bishop of Exeter, and he and his successor, Bishop Osbern,
wrote on the blank pages various events of interest and
importance. Oliver prints the letter in a footnote in the
Mona8ticon.

It may be not amiss to mention that a bishop always was
entitled to exercise authority over the monasteries within
his diocese. Probably the right of burial claimed by the
Prior was never granted, but when it was required a licence
had to be obtained from the Bishop or the other Cathedral
authorities. In the Cathedral Archives is a notification
of licence from the Dean and Chapter to the Prior and
Convent of St. Nicholas, of date January 19th, 1476, to
bury the body of John Hamlyn in their monastery
(No. 2371, Cathedral Archives).

In the Archives of the City of Exeter are seventy-four
records relating to St. Nicholas' Priory, and several more
in miscellaneous rolls and collections. In the Cathedral
Archives are twenty-seven. Nearly all refer to property
held by the Priory, and land granted by pious donors.
The earliest, which is in the City Archives, is a deed of
Bishop Osbern, the same bishop who had forbidden the bell-
ringing (1073-1104). This deed is a confirmation of the
grant in frank-almoign which Bailandus Ladubed made
to the church of St. Nicholas, Exeter, on the day he
became a monk in the same church, viz. the land of
Pochelle (Poughill, as now spelt), and the church of the
same vill, which was in his fee. 1 The Bishop says that
those who shall maintain this gift shall have his blessing,
and whoever shall try to take away from it, or in any wise
to impede it, as far as may be permitted to his frailty, shall
be excommunicated from the company of saints. The deed
^ has the seal of Bishop Osbern (No. 149, City Archives).

A deed of about 1154-8 contains the earliest mention
of the Guildhall in the Municipal Records. It appears that
Godefried de Mandeville, Chaplain, and Reginildis his

1 I am not certain as to the identity of Poughill. In Domesday are
two entries. In the first the name appears as Pocheella; the manor
belonged to the Earl of Moreton, and Alured the cup-bearer held it of
him (Domesday (215), 195; Reprint, p. 308). This must have been
Poughill, near Crediton, as the entry comes between Stockleigh and
Colebrook. The second entry states that Pochehilla is a manor of
Rualdus Adobad (414 6), 386 ; Reprint, p. 994). This was Poughill, in
Cornwall ; it is included in the Devonshire lands of Rualdus, with much
more in the same district, including Brige (Brige Ruald, Bridgerule),
Tuckabere, and other places whose names remain. The name of the
grantor as written in the deed of Bishop Osbern is plainly Ladubed •
the initial of the Christian name is R, though Oliver gives it as Bailandus,
and the Calendar also ; an amazing mistake.

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS* PRIORY, EXETER. 195

fellow (consocialis), gave some land next the church of St.
John to the church of St. Nicholas, and that Bernardus
and Paganus, with their wives and sons, made a claim
to this land, which, however, by this deed, they relinquished,
" and put their claim upon the altar of St. Nicholas in the
presence of many persons, and having quit-claimed the
said land to St. Nicholas, were made Brethren and Sisters,
and participators in all the benefits of the said church.
They swore also on the text of the Holy Evangelists
and the relics of the Saints never to claim the said land,
and to defend the Hospital against the claims of any
other person.' ' In return the Prior and monks gave them
thirty shillings, and to two of the sons threepence each,
and to the others twopence each. To William Hoel, reeve
or provost (prcepositus) of Exeter, his right (jus summum),
to wit, thirty pence, and to the four Catchpoles one penny
each, before the citizens in the Gildhalle. There are many
signatures of people of importance (City Archives, 150).

A little later (c. 1200) there is another reference to the
Guildhall in a deed wherein Reimund de Aqua grants a
house and land to the Priory, though he and his heirs are to
hold it of the monks at an annual payment of half a mark
for all service. "This gift I have made in the Gildhalle
of Exeter between the four benches (inter quatuor banchos)
before the citizens of the city" (No. 163, City Archives).

Another deed of about the same date shows the grant
of Adam de Marisco of all his land in Cumba (Combe St.
Nicholas) ; he made the gift, by placing a sod of the land
on the altar of the church, on condition that he, his
brothers, and the souls of his father and mother should be
partakers in all benefits of the said church for ever. The
seal bears the device of a centaur, not a knight on horse-
back, as given in the Calendar (No. 162, City Archives).

There are several gifts of property in Ireland, mainly
in the kingdom of Cork, of which the donors were successful
invaders. Most of these are in the names of Milo de Cogan
and Robert Fitz-Stephen, 1 both of whom were leaders of
mark in Strongbow's first expedition. One of their gifts to
St. Nicholas' Priory was the church of St. Sepulchre, outside
the town of Cork, for the safety of the souls of King Henry
and his son John, who was Lieutenant of Ireland, and of

1 Robert Fitz-Stephen was the son of Stephen de Marisco, or Maurice,
constable of Cardigan Castle. Adam de Marisco, who granted Combe,
may have been a relation.

196 RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

their own souls. This grant was witnessed by Gregory,
Bishop of Cork, who put the monks of St. Nicholas in the
aforesaiii church of St. Sepulchre because it was deserted
(vastata) (No. 157, City Archives).

The names of other donors of lands in Ireland and
elsewhere appear in a mutilated roll (No. 53). The hand-
writing is of the time of Edward I.

There is no mention in any of these deeds of Richard I.
No doubt one reason for this was that he was seldom in
England ; but, in fact, he disliked the Benedictine Order
extremely, while his brother John seems to have favoured
them. John was in Exeter four times between 1201 and
1207, and he gave to St. Nicholas' Priory the manor of
Bradeham or Brodeham, between Littleham and Budleigh,
which was of the yearly value of fifty shillings. The con-
vent had previously held it of the King, but had paid that
amount of rent for it. He also gave to the convent the
moiety of the tolls of Crolditch Fair — an annual market
which had been established long before the Conquest,
afterwards called Lammas Fair ; and instituted a new
fair on St. Nicholas' Day, all the profits of which were to go
to the convent. The other half of the tolls of Crolditch
Fair the King kept for himself. The city authorities y
having previously taken the entire profits, were naturally
aggrieved at losing them, and tried to get the privilege
restored, but did not succeed until after the Dissolution,
when Henry VIII, having appropriated the fees to his own
use, transferred them to the city.

King John is shown in a beneficent aspect in a brief
he sent to the Sheriff of Devon in 1205, when there was a
famine : " that by the oversight of the Priour of St.
Nicholas and four liegemen of the same town, three
hundred poore people be fed from the 11th of Maie till the
daie of the Assumption of our Ladie, (Aug. 15th,) so that
everie one of them have dailie one lofe (foure loaves shall
be worth a penny) and so much pottage made of the meale
and herbes, while herbes may be founde ; and when they
cannot be gotten of beanes or of peason, wherebie they
may be susteined that they perish not. And it shall be
allowed you at our Exchequer." (Taken from Oliver's
Historic. Collec., p. 2.)

Surely one of our historians should undertake the task of
clearing the character of King John !

In 1247 Gottfried, prefect elect of the city of Bethlehem,

Digitized by

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER. 197

promises forty days' indulgence to all persons who for
cause of prayer or pilgrimage shall come to the convent of
St. Nicholas of Exeter, or shall give of their goods towards
the fabric or reparation of the same, provided they are
confessed and contrite. The seal represents the Nativity
(No. 176, City Archives).

The Prior at this time was named Alanus. In 1249 he
obtained a reduction of the sum annually paid to Battle
Abbey from sixty shillings to twenty shillings. Nevertheless,
at the time of the Dissolution the tribute had risen to the
sum of seven pounds ; how this came about does not appear.

The various royal charters made the Priory practically
independent of the city, and a good deal of friction arose.
In 1260 a composition was arranged. The Mayor and
citizens on one side, and the Prior and convent on the
other, agreed, under a penalty of £50, to abide by the
decision of twelve jurors who met in the great Church of
Exeter on St. Katherine's Day (No. 194, City Archives).

It is manifest that St. Nicholas' Priory was steadily
growing in importance, but it was always dependent
on Battle Abbey. In 1282 the Prior was summoned to
answer (quo warranto clamant habere visum franci plegii
et emendes assisae panis et cervisiae fractse in Brodeham)
by what warrant he claimed to hold the view of frank
pledge and have the fines for the breaking of the assize of
bread and ale in Brodeham, without the licence and will
of the King or his predecessors the kings of England.

The plea of the Prior was, firstly, that his predecessors
had always had the liberty, but that as he, the Prior,
was liable to be removed by the Abbot of Battle, he could
not answer the charge, but he, the Abbot, ought to be
called on to reply. That the Priory of St. Nicholas had
received charters from William I, Henry I, and Henry II,
the last confirming to the monks all the customs which
William I and Henry I had granted by charters to the
Abbey of Battle, and which stated that the church of St.
Nicholas, Exeter, belonged to the Abbey of Battle (Rot. de
quo Warranto, p. 164. Printed in Dugdale's Monasticori).

In the reign of Henry V this business of bread and ale
appears again (Roll 53, Part I), in a dispute between the
city authorities and the Prior as to the right of regulating
the sale of these important commodities. There seems to
have been some hard swearing ; the point was whether the
City bailiff or the Prior's bailiff was entitled to weigh bread

198 RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

in the district of St. Nicholas' Fee, and take the profit of
fines. The Prior seems to have lost his case. The prelude,
or possibly the sequel, appears in another deed : " The
whiche holy agreeth that what Baker or Brewer beying
a citezen of this cite after a reasonable warnyng, if any
of them grynde any corne or malte to the pryour of Seynt
Nicholas milles they shall forfete to the Cite for every
Sacke ther gronde vi 8, viii d -" (Act Book, No. 1, f. 48,
dated 29th November, in the 8th year of Henry V (1420).
City Records.)

In the City Archives is a paper book of ten pages dated
June 2nd, 1442, entitled " The Charter of the Priorie of
Saynte Nicholas in Exeter," and is from King Henry VI
to the Priory. It consists of an " inspeximus " of earlier
charters and privileges, all of which are confirmed. In the
margins are notes in English in the handwriting of Hoker,
the Chamberlain and historian of Exeter. These give a
brief abstract of each charter referred to, though all appear
to be much to the same purpose. The gist, as gathered in
Hoker's notes, is that St. Olave's and St. Nicholas' were
to be free from all earthly service ; that St. Nicholas' was
as free as the Abbey of Battle, and that the Abbey goods,
and by inference the Priory goods also, were to have all
liberty without denial of the King or any other person.
This seems to mean that they were free from taxation or toll.

It is satisfactory to learn from various sources that
good Archbishop Anselm's letter had borne fruit, and that
the Seculars and Regulars were on perfectly good terms,
and anxious to help each other. In 1310 the Prior of St.
Nicholas by a deed grants participation in all masses and
divine celebrations in the monastery to all persons aiding
in the fabric of the Church of Exeter (the Cathedral),
which the Bishop and Chapter are unable to complete
without aid. 1 This deed is in the Cathedral Archives
(No. 2150).

The convent had friends, too, in another diocese. In the
Register of John Drokensford, Bishop of Bath and Wells,
the following entry appears, addressed to the Bishop's
officials, archdeacons, etc. : "The Tower of St. Nicholas'
Monastery, Exeter, having fallen, and also endangered the
Church, allow the collectors to plead case for contribution

1 There are similar grants from other monasteries, namely, Buckland,
Buckfastleigh, Torre, Newenham, Tywardreth, Totnes, Modbury, and
Bodmin.

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER. 199

in churches after the Gospel on Holy Days, and promising
twenty days' indulgence to any person contributing."
Wyveliscombe, 4 Nov., Feb., 1322-3 (?). Shortly after
is a mem. : " Renewed for one year the begging letter in
favour of St. Nicholas, Exeter, 9 Kal. April 1324-5 "
(Regis. Drokensford epis. Bath and Wells, fol. 1826, also
MS. Harl., 6974, p. 74).

The disaster to the tower had occurred in 1321.

In the Register of Brantingham, Bishop of Exeter, a.d*
1371, occurs a Commission to the Prior of St. Nicholas'
Priory, Exeter : " To collect the Subsidy granted to the
King by the two Convocations (£50,000) within the
Archdeaconries of Exeter, Barnstaple, and Totnes ; the
moneys received to be paid in regular instalments to
Master John Wyliet, Chancellor of the Cathedral, and
Master Waulter Baunton, Canon ; payment to be enforced
when necessary." Dated at Chudleigh, 20th July, 1371.
On November 26th in the same year a second Commission
to the same effect was issued.

On November 8th, 1400, William Mershe, the Prior,
wlio had been appointed only a few months, left the
convent seal in a box on the Chapter House table, and it
was stolen. Bishop Stafford issued a description of the
seal (Register, Vol. I, fol. 51), and threatened excommunica-
tion unless it was restored within fifteen days ; all leases
and deeds sealed with it after November 8th to be null and
void. The Bishop also directed that if the seal were re-
gained it was to be broken up and another made.

There are many entries of obits ; for instance :

"On June 24th, 1295, Richard de Neweton citizen of
Exeter made a grant to Roger the Prior 1 and the convent
of St. Nicholas of a tenement on St. David's Mount in the
fee of St. Nicholas ... on condition that they yearly
celebrated the anniversary of his father, Richard, on the
morrow of the Exaltation (Sep r# 13th) with solemn full
peal of bells (cum classico solempni) ; that all the monks
be present in person if it might conveniently so be, at the
office of Dirige (dirge), and every monk should have that
day a pottel of wine, value three halfpence, for his labour,
and 12d. in money " (No. 197, City Archives).

The supply of water was naturally very important,
and there are many deeds referring to the subject. About
1260 the Prior and Convent of St. Nicholas gave leave to

1 This Roger was elected Abbot of Battle in 1318.

200 RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

Martin Durlyng, his heirs and assigns, to draw water in the
cemetery of the said Prior, through his gardens, lying on
the west of the way leading from the High Street to the
Friars Minors, as far as his house (No. 192, City Archives).

Oliver mentions a deed of May 3rd, 1346, from which
it appears that the Dean and Chapter conveyed the water
from St. SidwelTs to an enclosed building in St. Peter's
Yard; thence it branched into three channels, one for
the church, one for the city, and the other for St. Nicholas'
Priory, the city and Priory each agreeing to pay eight
shillings yearly to the Chapter for this accommodation
(Monas. Dioc. Exon., p. 115, note).

This large allowance of water is an indication of the
important position held by the Priory.

In 1387 an Indenture was made between the Mayor
and citizens of Exeter and the Prior and Convent of St.
Nicholas, whereby the convent had leave to dig the ground
and lay pipes for conducting the water from a tenement
which they held in Paul Street (which lately belonged to
Petetf de Fonte) to the Priory. This deed binds the Prior
to relay and repair the pavement whenever it may be
opened to repair the said pipes, and guarantee against
any damage arising therefrom (City Archives, 205. Printed
in full in Monas. Dioc. Exon., p. 123).

This water system must have been effective, for it was
still in use two hundred years later. The last Prior, William
Cullompton, leased two stables with adjoining gardens in
Paul Street to Martin Paffin and his wife for a term of
fifty-eight years, but reserved the right to free ingress and
egress to examine and repair the pipes by which water
from St. Paul's Well was conveyed to the Priory.

The convent, partly by gift, partly by purchase, gradu-
ally became owners of a good deal of property in the city of
Exeter. A list, made in 1416, of the rental of the Priory
of St. Nicholas shows that the convent held :

Seventy-nine houses, tenements, shops, curtileges, etc.

Outside East Gate . . . Three

Inside East Gate, in the northern part of

High Street . . . Fourteen

In the Southern part of High Street
Outside the West Gate
In Smythen Street (vico fabrorum)
In Prestre (Preston Street)

Nine
Three
Two
Seven

Digitized by

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER. 201

In South Street

Five

In Combe Street

Three

Outside the South Gate (one subdivided)

Five

In Curre Street (Gandy Street)

Two

In St. Paul Street .

Thirteen

In North Street

Two

Behind and outside the well .

Two

In front of the Holy Church of the Bow 1

Two

Between the Friars Minor and the wall,

called Brytan (Friernhay) .

Seven

Outside the North Gate

Here the list ends, unfinished.

The Priory also possessed manors and farms in the
country, which no doubt yielded a good profit. From a
statement of accounts for the year 1476 the monks appear
to have done a good trade in peas and straw. In the
Christmas term of three months they sold six bushels and
two pecks of peas ; the price was lOd. and 1 Id. a bushel.
Of the eighteen entries eleven are of peas. There
are four entries of the sale of straw, to the amount
of four shillings and a penny, but the quantity of straw
is not mentioned. Two of the items are of Is. 4d. and
2s. paid by the Rector of St. Olave's for board (tabula),
and the remaining one is a payment of 3s. 4d. from John
Meryfield for the tomb of Johanna, his wife. The rental is
printed in Oliver's Monasticon.

The Priory held the presentation to the following
livings : Poughill, Brampford Speke, Cullompton, Cadbury,
Alphington, Pinhoe, Tawton Episcopi, Netherexe, and
Rackenford, besides St. Olave's, in Exeter. This list,
given by Oliver in Historical Collections, is gathered by him
from different sources.

Charity in its widest sense was an obligation in the
Benedictine Order, and the monks of St. Nicholas did
not shirk it. The following is from the Chamber Act Book,
year 1561.

"St. Nycholas Almes.

" The order for the Relevynge of the poore people yn the
monasterie of St. Nicholas : Late dissolved.

" There was n th in the saide monasterie a certeyn house
called the poore manne's parlore : To the which place

1 Probably St. John's Church (see No. 150. page 195).

Digitized by

202 RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

there repaired dayly vij poore before dynner tyme, and to
everie of them was delyvered on the fleshe daye a ij d loffe,
a parell (pottle ?) of ale and a pece of fleshe. And if it
happened that any one of the saide vij dyd not or coulde
not come then his parte and portion sholde be sent hence
unto him. And on the frydaies lykewise at afternone
as soon as dinner was done the all such poor as were
tenantry every of them sholde have also a ij d loffe, a
parell of ale, a pece of fyshe and a j d in money. And this
almes was called by the names of vij psalmes. And if it
happened that any of the saide poore dyd not or coulde
not come to the saide parlore at the tyme prefixed, that is
to say before dynner, then his parte and portion shoulde
be sent hence unto him.

" And likewise at the afterdynner there came to the saide
parlore all other poore folke which were either tenantry
to the saide monasterie or dwelling within there for called
St. Nycholas ffee and they sholde have meate and dryncke
sufficient.

" Also upon every day called St. Nycholas Day there was
provision made of breade, and then there was delyvered to
every poore bodye one loffe. And likewise upon every
(Shro ? Tuesdaye) 1 there was used a generall almes, which
was l d in money to every poore bodye comynge " (Hoker,
City Records, 806).

The last Prior was William of Cullompton, appointed
1523. He was suffragan to Bishop Veysey, with the title
Bishop of Hippo, and between the years 1533 and 1535
he held several ordinations in the Priory church.

Almost to the end disputes continued between the city
and the Priory as to the privileges claimed by the Prior.
An agreement of 1526 sets forth that the Prior and his
successors are to have a view of frankpledge, otherwise
called a lete, of all persons within the walls of the mon-
astery, and of the principal tenants, but in certain houses
each party is to have power to regulate behaviour and
punish misdemeanants. The Mayor is not to arrest the
Prior, nor any of the monks, nor any servant of the
monastery, but is to have certain jurisdiction over the
tenants of the Priory, and he is to be allowed to take
any one flying from custody to the monastery. The Prior

1 Good Friday scratched out and (shro, shrove Tuesdaye) substituted.
But Oliver says general alms were given on Good Friday {Mon. Dioc. Ex.,
p. 116). .

Digitized by

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS* PRIORY, EXETER. 203

is to have ho stocks nor pound in St. David's, except on his
own ground (No. 220).

The last recorded deed seems to show that before the
end a good understanding had been obtained. It is
from the Prior and Convent to Henry Hamlyn, Mayor of
Exeter, the Bailiffs by name, and the Commonalty r
and is a release of all manner actions, suits, complaints,
debts, and demands arising before the 10th of August,
19 Hen. VIII. The seal of the Priory is attached ;
the design differs from the earlier one, so it may be con-
cluded it was made to replace the seal which was stolen,
and which Bishop Stafford ordered to be broken up (221).
The seal is printed in Oliver's Monasticon.
The Priory was suppressed in 1536 ; the Prior sur-
rendered the house to the King's commissioners and received
a pension of £20. The revenue of the convent at the
suppression is given as £154 12s., of which £7 was due to
the Abbey of Battle.

Bearing in mind the extensive charity distributed by
the Convent, it is not surprising that there was great
dismay at the news of its dissolution. There is a graphic
account in Hoker's history of the desperate but futile
efforts of a band of women, who without question were
prototypes of the militant suffragettes of to-day, to prevent
the suppression. The whole story is repeated by Oliver
in the Monasticon.

In the Chamber Act Book of 1539 is an entry that
William Burgeyn was to ride to London on the business
of a charter ; " also that he be a suter to my Lord Privy
Seal and to the counsell ffor the purchase of all the lands
and tenements consernynge the priory of Seynt Nycolas
beyng as well withyn the citie as the parishe of Seyt David
without Northgaytt of the Citie of Exeter."

According to Oliver and other historians, the Corporation
in this year, 1539, bought the stones of the Priory church,
which had been pulled down, and used them to repair the
city walls and Exe Bridge ; but as to the rest of the
property the embassy of William Burgeyn was not suc-
cessful; for in 1545 the King, in consideration of the sum
of £899 and 23 pence, made a grant to John Haydon,
gentleman, of Ottery St. Mary, and Thomas Gibbes,
gentleman, of the lands and tenements formerly possessed
by various religious houses of Devon and Cornwall,
including those of St. Nicholas' Priory : they and their heirs

204 RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER.

to hold the property by fealty only and not' in capite.
The grant also included the profits of Lammas Fair, " and
all the stallage, picage, toll, and custom of the said Fair,
and the Court of pie-powder of the said Fair, and all
rights, jurisdiction and profits of the same ; the amend-
ment and correction of weights and measures, assize and
assay of bread, wine, ale, and other victuals, fines, for-
feitures, etc., belonging to the said Fair in so ample manner
as the late last Prior of St. Nicholas, Exeter, or any of his
predecessors held."

I have quoted the foregoing passage in full, as it shows
that the Prior really was entitled to the privileges of which
the City authorities had sought to deprive him.

The initial " H " of the royal grant is ornamental,
worked by brush in very black ink, enriched by pen draw-
ing, and encloses a portrait of Henry VIII, washed in in
ink and worked up by the pen. The King is throned
and crowned, holding the sceptre and orb ; his titles are
written in corresponding style across the top, with the
addition of various royal and Tudor badges. (1) The
Garter, with motto, encircling shield charged with the
cross of St. George ; (2) a lion with a mitre on its head,
holding a banner with the fleur-de-lis ; (3) a Tudor rose
surmounted by a crown ; (4) the Welsh dragon, holding a
banner with the Tudor rose ; (5) the three feathers of the
Prince of Wales, surrounded by a circle of rays ; (6) the
portcullis with two chains.

The seal is in a bag, and feels as if it were broken.
It is attached by a thick cord of white and green, the
Tudor livery colours (No. 1449, City Archives).

The following year, 1545-6, the property was sold by
the grantees to Sir John Willyams, Knight, Treasurer of
the Augmentations, and Henry Noryce, Esq., for the
same sum as had been paid to the King, namely,
£899 Is. lid. The seals of the vendors, bearing their
initials, are attached (No. 1452, City Archives).

In the third year of Edward VI (1549) the property
passed into the hands of Exeter citizens. Sir John
Willyams and Henry Norice sold it for £1477 2s. 3d. — a
very respectable profit — to John Blackaller, John Mid-
wynter, William Hurst, William Bukenam, Thomas
Prestwood, and John Peryam, their heirs and assigns
for ever ; also the profits of Lammas Fair ; but the
vendors retained one tenement, one orchard, one dove-

RECORDS OF ST. NICHOLAS' PRIORY, EXETER. 205

house, and certain lands in St. David's without the North-
gate, of the yearly rent of 17s. 4d. (No. 1464, City Archives).

Although the wording of the deed implies that the sale
was made to the five citizens as private persons, it seems
that they were acting on behalf of the city, for in Hoker's
Commonplace Book for 1549 appears the following entry :
" The mannor of St. Nycholas was purchased this yere."

At the time the sale was made Thomas Prestwood
was Mayor, and William Hurst Receiver, In the Receiver's
accounts for the same year (1549) are entries of rents from
tenements formerly in the possession of St. Nicholas' Priory.
The property mentioned in the Receiver's roll is described
as the Manor of St. David's Down, and of the land rents
of certain houses formerly the property of different
religious establishments. The entry is repeated in every
roll up to the reign of Charles I, and probably later, though
from lack of time a thorough search has not been made,
but it does not appear in the latest rolls of 8 and 9
George I.

Among the tenements enumerated are none that can be
identified as the Priory house itself. This had probably
been the subject of a separate grant, and in 1635 the
Corporation were trying to buy it, as the following entries
show : —

" This day Mr. Sanders is desired to ride over the next
weeke to speake with Sir John Pole about the purchase of
St. Nicholas in the name of the Chamber, and to retorne
his answere " (11 Charles I, May 13th, 1635, Act Book,
No. 8, fol. 20a).

On July 13th of the same year : "Mr. Hakewill, Mr.
Walker, Mr. Mallack, and Mr. Saunders and every of them
are desired to confer with Barronett Pole and Sergeant
Mallett about the purchase of St. Nicholas, and to certifye
the house of their proceedings therein soe soon as con-
veniently they may."

There is no record of the result of the conference.

Now, after the lapse of centuries, the city possesses
the precious remnants which happily have been allowed
to stand, and though their lost importance can never be
restored, they will at least be relieved from the ignominy
to which they have been subjected for so long.

The writer offers most sincere thanks to Mr. W. A. Gay
for his valuable assistance in finding and transcribing
many of the records referred to above.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM
THE ACT BOOK OF THE CHAMBER OF THE
CITY OF EXETER, 1559-1588.

In compiling this paper I have endeavoured to let the ex-
tracts that I have chosen speak for themselves without
more editorial comments than are actually necessary,
and by keeping to this policy I hope to prevent the work
of the twentieth century from disfiguring the masonry
of the sixteenth.

In the sixteenth century the City was governed by a
mayor, four bailiffs, and a council of twenty-four. The
method of choosing the mayor for the year was as follows ;
the council selected two candidates, and then the freemen
of the city had the modest privilege of deciding which
of these two nominees they would prefer. But it is
evident that this method did not command universal
approbation : —

" Henry EUycott dyd saye & declare that about twelffe-
monethe past one will m pynnefolde of the Citie of Exon
goldesmithe being in talke w th him Dyd thinke himselfe
much agreeved w th the corporacion & saide that the masters
will rule & chose a maior at there pleasure but saiethe he
in oxforde one a tyme the masters wolde chose ij men to
be maiors after the custome of the Citie. And when the
tyme of the election came when the Citizens sholde have
chosen one of the too persons so named they named not
one of theme but named a third man being a poore man
& none of the comon council, who when he refused to take
thoffice they wolde not in any wyse he shold refuse it
for why saiethe they y° shall not lacke we will beare yo r
chardges emonge vs. And then saide the same will m
pynnefolde the same man contynewed in spyte of them

BY PROFESSOR WALTER J. HARTE, M.A.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY. 207

all in thoffice for that yere. And even so I am afraied
when the masters 1 come to the election of a new maior
they wilbe so served."

The office of a mayor was an onerous one, and in 1586 : —
" It is ordered that from hence forth none shalbe chosen
to be mayer of the Citie of Excester w th in ix yeres after
the day that he was before chosen and elected to be mayer
of this Citie, that is to saye that he shalbe free for eight
yeres."

r Moreover many expenses were involved, so—
" where the burden of the office of the mairalty ys very
greate and dothe dayly encrease more & more w th in this
Cittie that fromehensfourthe to the better incoragemente *
& helpe of suche persons as shall hereafter be chosen to
the office of the maieraltie of the said Citty every person
who shalbe chosen to the said office and sworne in the same
shalbe allowed towardes ther Charge & dyet for the yere
the full some of one Hundred Poundes for his pencon."

When the Mayor was obliged to be absent from the City
a deputy, called lieutenant, was appointed. In October,
1587, the Council chose

" m r Thomas brereton to be lyvetenant yn the place
& lewe of m r John peryam elected ontyll he come to take
his othe and that towardes his chardges he shall have weekly
xl 8 whereof xxx 8 to be defalted and deducted out of the
pencion of m r peryam mayer elected and x s to be payed by
m r Yarde recever his first chardge to begynne upon the
next monedy. foloweng."

As now, the Mayor wore a scarlet gown, but the present-
day Alderman is no longer so gloriously apparelled : —
" hensforthe every the mayere for the tyme beinge and
every Alderman beinge a Justyce of peax shall were vpon
every festyvall day hereafter named his Scarlett gowne &
Robe that is to saye vpon Christes daye Easter day
wytsoneday Ascension day the Coronaton day beng the
xvijto of november and Thers Day beinge the vjth of
August/'

Let us now turn our attention to the Aldermen. There
were eight of them, and they were chosen by the Chamber
for life. When a vacancy occurred the Council co-opted
a new member. In September, 1582, the Council
"elected in the Lewe & steede of mr John Peter late one

1 i.e. €tt Exeter.

208 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

of thaldermen of the Cittie of Exon decessed & late one
of the nomber of the xxiiij of the Cittie aforesaid Thomas
Spicer a free man of the same Cittie to be of the same
nomber."

The duties of the Aldermen were varied and peculiar : —
"Articles to be enquyred of by every alderman of this

Citie yn his worke & Circuite.
"1. Imprimis whether there be any inhabytant w th in
his warde who lyvethe suspeciouslye. 2. Item whether
there be any skolding brawling women or dronkerd in his
warde. 3. Item whether there be any stranger or suspecte
person wthin his warde and to know how long he hathe
ben there, from whense he came & whether he will : 4. Item
whether there be any vagabondes, upright men 1 qwyer
byrdes mightye beggers bawdes whores or any myslyving
people. 5. Item how many journey men everye artyficer
kepethe and whether he or they be in convenaynt
there master for one whole quarter in one whole yere
accordenge to the statutes or ells do worke by taske or tale
work. 6. Item how many apprentysses every artyfycer
hathe and whether they be bounde for vij yere accordinge
to the Custome. 7. Item whether every Journeman &
apprentyse do lye every night in his masters house.
8. Item whether they do refrayne from vnlawfull games and
do vse shotinge at tymes fytt & convenient. 9. Item
whether they be seemly apparelled according to there
estates w*out sylke greate hoses or ruffled • shortes : and
whether do one the holy dayes go to there churches.
10. Item whether suche as be hoxsters be of good name &
fame or do kepe any bawdrey or evell rule or do vse night
watchenges or vnlawfull games yn there houses. 11. Item
whether they do sell be lawfull measures marked & sealed.
12. Item whether they have ale or beere of sundry prices
as one for a j d the quarte & a nother for a obel the quarte :
or do sell contrary to thorder of the Justyces. 13. Item
whether they do vse any typling, comon eatyng & drynck-
inge or lodging w th in there houses. 14. Item whether they
shote & make fast there dores at x of the clocke at
night yn the somer & at ix in the wynter. 15. Item
whether any huxter be not admytted by the Justices &
bounde by recognysances. 16. Item whether any do
regrate forstall or engrosse any victualles as namely any

1 Upright men. Chiefs of bodies of beggars (Halliwell-Phillipps).

Digitized by

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 209

poultrye or whyte meates as butter eggs chesse or other
lyke and by what meanes the prices are enhaunsed.
17. Item whether any buyer or seller do vse any false
weightes or measures. 18. Item whether the streetes &
lanes be clensed and voyded of ordure donge roble or any
other fylthe w ch is or may be ennoyance to the comon
welthe of this Citie. 19. Item whether there be any
ruynose or decayed houses w ch stande dangerose for them
that shall passe that way : or whether they require .to
be pulled downe. 20. Item whether the streetes be well
pavied or not. 21. Item whether they kepe any Jakes
house of offyce or dungehill swyn fylthe or any like thinge
to the annoyance of there neighbors or any other. 22. Item
whether any man may have any chestes boordes or tres-
selles standinge before bolkes 1 or stalls otherwyse then is
to be permytted. 23. Item whether every inhabytant have
in redynes a batt clubbe or like wepon to kepe the Quenes
peaxe &c."

It will scarcely be a matter of surprise that some found
these duties greater than they could bear ; and amongst
the twenty-four, who were appointed for life, we find men
shirking their duties and giving the authorities a con-
siderable amount of trouble too. Thus three meetings of
the Council were held to consider the case of Mr. Raymond.

" Also whereas Thomas Reymond one of the nomber
of the xxiiij or common counsell of this Cittie hath absented
him selff from out of this Citie and hathe not resorted nor
served yn the place as one of the xxiiij as to him apper-
teyned. It was ordred by an acte made by the mayer &
common counsell the iiij of July the xxiiij yere of the
Quenes Ma^ Reigne that sommons shold be sent & given
vnto the saide Thomas Reymond that he shold make his
repayre vnto this Citie and make his apparunce before the
forsayd mayer and xxiiij at and vpon the xvi th of July
then next folowenge. And ef the sayde Thomas Reymond
dyd or sholde vpon thes sommons refuse to make his
apparans and to come at the Daye apoynted That then it
was ordered that he shalbe agayn somoned to appeare
before the sayde mayer & xxiiij at and yn the council
chamber vpon the xxiij th of July next folowing vpon payne
of x 11 . Also furthermore where as the sayde Thomas
Reymond dyd contemptuously refuse to make his repayre

1 Bulkgt stalls of a shop (Halliwell-Phillipps).
VOL. XLTV. O

Digitized by

210 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

& apparunce at the foresayde Dayes according to the som-
mons aforesayde It was also further ordred by the saide
mayer & xxiiij vpon the xv th of September the xxiiij yere
of the Queenes Ma*? 8 Reigne that a third sommons shalbe
made and geven for his commyng & apparaunce at or
before the common Council of this Citie vpon the xxiiijth
of September next at viij of the clock of the forenone of
the same day vpon payne of c 11 . And for as muche as the
saide Thomas Reymonde accordinge to the foresayde
severall actes was somoned to make his apparance before
this mayer & xxiiij and yet most contemptuously hathe
refused to make his apparaunce and to do what to him
apperteynethe as one of the common counsell or xxiiij but
hathe contemned to yeld him selff obedient to make his
repayre accordinge to the saide orders : whereby the place
of this house hathe beene and yet is destytuted of a meete
& a sufficiant man to supplye yn the sayd rome. And hathe,
and contynually dothe absent him selff and dwelleth out
of the same Citie whereby he cannot nor may be choysen
to the office of the mayroltie nor to any other service yn
the behalff of her Ma^ or otherwise wthin the saide Citie.
It is ordred that for his forsayde contemptes over and
bysides one cx 11 before assessed by the foresaide acte of
the xv th of Septembere he the sayde Thomas Reymond
shall paye for his fyne one other hundreth pounds. And
also be dismyssed of the nombere of the xxiiij.".

Other members found themselves unable to perform their
duties, but as they treated the Council with respect they
managed to escape more easily.

(On) " The xxvij th of September 1584 forasmuche as
hew wylsdonne one of the comon counsell of this Citie
cannot for sundry causes make his dutefull repayre to this
house when he hath beene called therevnto And he
respectynge the good successe thereof the good increase
whereof he most hartely wisheth hathe most humblye
made his request to this house aswell by messages as by
his letters that he may be dysmyssed out of this company
and that some one other meete and dyscrete man may be
chosen & elected to supply yn his rome & place : wherefor
it his request being accepted It is wholly agreed and con-
dyscended that the saide hew wylsedonne shalbe acquitted
& dyschardged out of this companye and yn his place they
have elected & chosen John ho well the yongere to be one
of the nombere of the xxiiij. And nevertheless it is agreed

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 211

that the foresayde hew wylssedonne shall duringe his
abyding & dwellinge yn this Citie shall have his canell 1
breade or iiij loves as yn tymes past."

One of the four Bailiffs, who held office for a year, acted
as the Receiver, and he figures largely in the proceedings
of the Council, as he had the custody of the City funds.
Mr. Ellacott finds that he is unable to perform the duties
of Receiver : —

" Whereas henry Ellacotte by vertue of one Acte made
in this house in the xxij of September A Eliz xxi° was
discharged of thoffice of the Receuershipp and of the
mairaltie in consideracon of the some of lx 11 in money
by him paid & also one hogshed of wyne to be by him
yerely paid to the maior for the tyme During the lyffe
of the said Henry Ellacott. The said Acte is now con-
firmed."

As the City was constituted a County in 1537, it had its
own Sheriff. This office involved the holder in con-
siderable expense.

" Also it is agreed that everie sheriff of this Citie &
Countie now chosen or hereafter to be choysen shalbe
charged at his owne chardges to kepe the Justyces dyet
of this Citie from hensforthe at three sessions for everie
year ; namely yn the Christmas Session yn the Easter
Sessions and yn the sessions after mydsomer the whole
three dynners to be kept vpon the monedys."

The expenses are still retained by the holder of the office,
but we have changed the colour of his gown.

" Also it is ordered that every sheriff of this Citie & Countie
now choysen or hereafter to be choysen w ch hathe borne
the office of a Receiver shall have a skarlett gowne before
the feast of all sayntes next after the tyme & daye of his
election upon payne of tenne pounds : and to weare the
same yn the lyke order as mr mayer & the Justices."

Now let us look at a few extracts relating to some of the
minor officials. The sergeants had to find sureties before
they were admitted into office.

" One the xxvijth of September was the day of the
-election of the new maior at w° h tyme the sergeantes were
chosen & dyd the moneday folowinge put yn suertyes for
the trew usinge & behavyng of them selfes in there offyces
as foloweth : —

1 This is called by Hooker canon bread. They received it at Christmas
and at Easter They were also entitled to eightpence for wine.

212 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

Nicholas Harrys j

Rychard farewell

Wm. Hurst

Jo. Toker cordyner

Jo. Davy |

Each of the gates had its porter. In 1582 the Council : —
" have elected and Chosen to be a Porter of the Southegate
of the Cittie of Exon in the steede of Roger Courtes Porter
of the same gate late decessed Wilton Halcott if he so
longe do vse him selfe well & do put in sufficient surties
for vsinge his office well & doo thoffice in his owne person
so longe as he shalbe abell."

The City also had a keeper for its warlike stores.
In 1582 — " it is agreed that will m knolls sergeant shall
have the kepeinge & custodie of all the Cities ordynances
armures powder and artyllerys & shall take & yeld the same
by an Inventory indented whereof the one parte to remayne
yn thes chamber. And he shall kepe & dense the same
from tyme to tyme. And shall have for his paynes the
yearly fee of xxvj 8 viij d so longe as the house shall lyke of

In 1587 it was proposed to appoint a public preacher,
but the proposal hung fire.

"At the foresaid daie A Mocyon was made in the house
for the establishenge of a preacher for the cathechisinge &
in suche order as m r Bright did use the same in the citie
vpon the w ch yt was thought fytt to have such A preacher
to be procured to have the contynuance yf the same
conveniently may be done & so Referred to A farther
consideracon."

Although the government of the City was in the hands
of a close oligarchy, the members elected to represent the
City in Parliament were chosen by the whole body of
freemen. The following extract shows that they were
expected to look after the interests of the City as well
as the good of the whole country.

"A remembrance of certeyn articles for Mr. Thomas
Williams & Mr Geffray Tothill burgesses for the Citie at the
parlayment in January 1562.

it.

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 213

"1. ffirst that the charter for the godly order of orphans
graunted by the Quenes Ma tie to this her Citie w ch for wante
of prescription hathe not his force and is lyke by the •
dethe of the Quene to have his ende that therefore the same
may be confyrmed & ratyfied by acte of parlament.

" 2. Item forasmuche as the custome of the Citie w° h
makethe everye childe lyke heire to the parent is most
noyfull to this comon welthe and by the same meanes
greate ruyne growethe bothe to this Citie & all other good
Cities & townes havinge the lyke custome as when xx or
xxx or xl persones shalbe ioynte heires to a very smale pece
of lande that therefore the same custome may be repelled
and the successyon to be hadd as by the order of the comon
Lawe accordinge to the lyke grante made for Kent by a
statute A 3 henr. 8 cap 3.

" 3. Item that the statute of apprentyses w ch per-
myttethe onely the inhabytants of London & norwiche
to have apprentices oneles the parentes of everye suche
childe may dyspende yerely xx s of freeholde that the same
statute may be enlarged for this Citie & others. 1

" 4. Item that the knoledginge of the statute merchant &
of the staple may be renewed in this Citie as yn tymes past.

" 5. Item that the statute for amendinge of highe wayes
may have his contynuance w th a proviso that every man
accordinge to his lyvelehode yn everie parishe may be a
contrybutor to the same and that the poore be not as
heretofore charged as farre forthe as the ryche.

" 6. Item that the statute for the releffe may be amended
and a iurysdiction to be geven to all Justices maires &
other hedd officers of the temporaltie to vse coercon agayn
suche as shall obstynatly refuse to be contrybutoryes to the
same f orasmuche as the lawes ecclesiasticall ar not sufficient
for the same."

The authorities were prompt to enter a protest when
their rights and privileges were invaded : —

" One saturdye beinge the xxij th of februarie 1560 will m2
by the permission of God bisshop of Exon did send for John
hill servant to mr Hewes pollarde of the Countie of Devon
Esquier & the saide John being before him at the palace

1 The 7 Henry IV, c. 17, forbade men in towns taking the sons of
rural labourers as apprentices — to prevent a rural exodus. This statute
was set aside as far as London and Norwich were concerned by 8 Henry VI,
c. 11, and 11 Henry VII, c. 11. This Act was amended in. 5 Eliz., c. 4.
1 William Alleyn.

214 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

house w th in the Citie of Exon dyd forth* 1 * commende &
sente him by a speciall warrant to the kinges Goale of the
Castle of Exon contrarie to the liberties of the Citie And
further the saide bisshop beinge the daie f olowenge warned
and advertised by michaell germyn of the Citie of Exon
that he coulde not lawfullie send any out of his palace to
the Kinges Castle of Devon for y* his house was w th in the
Countie of the Citie of Exon where as he was no Justice
he made awnswere that he was a Justice & wolde stande
to that he had done."

One of the privileges of a freeman of Exeter was that he
should be sued only in his own Courts. In 1560,

" Thorns ffursdon victualer of this Citie of Exon was
accused that contrarie to his othe of a freeman & lybertyes
of this Citie did sew one Thomas griffethe of the same Citie
a freman at Ockhemton out of the Jurisdiction of this Citie
w ch the said Thomas denied not. Wherefore it was agreed
that the saide Thomas sholde be disfranchased as also re-
ceive further punishment for periurie.
" w ch Thomas was by the Justices sett at the fyne of xx 8 &
restored to his freedome agayne the ix of September, 1560."
Only freemen were permitted to carry on a trade in the

"Order was taken the xv th of may 1562 w th Thomas
Strybbinge that whereas he dwellethe w th in theChurchyarde
& there kepethe a taylors shop that therefor he shall come
to the courte to be kept on moneday next after Trynytie
soneday next comynge to be made free of the Citie. w ch
if he refuse to do then there be a fyne sett upon his hedde."

Naturally enough, the masters of the Guilds must be
freemen : —

"Mem. that the vj th of October 1561 the companye of
the bakers presented Marke baggwell to be master of there
company being no ffreeman of the Citie wherefore the[y]
must be amerced."

The City walls must have been a notable feature in olden
time, and care was taken to keep them in repair so that
the inhabitants should be reasonably secure from assaults
from without.

"... it is ordred that the Cities walls w th out southgate
now fallen downe and yn decaye shalbe newly repayred &
amended at the chardges of the Citie."

The security of the citizens at night was provided for
as follows : —

City.

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 215

'* Order taken the iij d of December 1561 by m r William
hurst maior & the Justyces that every Inneholder Taverner
& keeper of a victualinge house shall in every darke night
yn the wynter have a candle light & lantern hanginge
out at the f oredore of his house w ch shall so contynew there
from the begynnynge of the night vntyll ix of the clocke
And lykewise every other inhabytant or Citizen shall do
the like everye thirde night as it shall in order come to his
course & stemme 1 upon p^yne that who so makethe def aulte
to lay for every def aulte iiij d And for the dew observyng
of this order it is ordered that the keeper of the bull ringe
shall in the evenyng of every darke night go throughe out
the Citie and crye a candlelight & lanterne And if he fynde
any to be faultye to present there or his name at the Mone-
day next folowenge at the Courte in the guyldhall."

Then we have regulations for keeping the Midsummer
watch, with the order in which the companies were to
march.

" The watche shalbe kepte in a decente & iust order &
forasmuche as there be too new companyes increased it is
thus ordered that the companyes shall followe in order as
folowethe that is to say the fyrst in order shalbe the
boochers the ij of the smithes & cutlers the iij of glovers &
skynners the ihj of the company of bakers the v of the
shomakers the vi of the tookers & wevers the vij the
Taylors the viij the merchantes & the last the company
sent to mr maior of the Citizens being of no companyes."

Here we will insert a proclamation for the preservation
of monuments : —

" The xxv th daie of September [1560] beinge thursedaye
a proclamacion was made the comons beinge called together
by the bell man agayn the defacinge of tholde auncient
monumentes in churches of the nobihtie as also agayn the
pullenge downe & sellinge of bells or any ledde of any
churche."

In June, 1583, the town well and the conduit required
attention.

" The Towne well now in Decay shalbe repaired at the
Charges of the Cittie & the Receiver to be allowed thereof
And likewise the Conditt at the Northgate of the Cittie
shalbe likewise repered And the receiver shalbe allowed
of the Charges vpon his Accounte. Nevertheles that suche

1 Stemme, a period of time (Halliwell-Phillipps).

216 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

Collecion as any will of there will contribute towardes the
same shalbe received. "

Recent events will enable us to imagine the feelings of
some of the citizens on hearing of the following decision
of the Chamber in 1582 : —

" It is agreed that there shalbe a generall survey made of
all the Cities landes lordshipps and manors and fishinges
a perfecte boke thereof to be made w ch the sayde Comys-
syoners shall advertise vnto this house as also shall 301
the tyme of theyre service be allowed for theire reasonable
servyces . . . w ch forsayde comyssyoners or three of them
together w 01 the Chamberlayn & Towneclerke shall pro-
ceede to f olowe the f oresayde survey w th all dilegence And
that one sergeant shalbe attendant & at commandment
vnto thym."

Moreover, the same year, the Chamber ordered an in-
spection of the City.

" Also it is ordred that there shalbe a returne made of
xxiiij persons beinge free citizens & of good credyte : vz of
every quarter vj persones w ch w th the advyses of good &
experte men shall take the viewe throughe out the Citie of
all manner of howses and buyldinges and the falls of waters
cariedges of waters bearenge of lights stayres boolkes 1
and of suche othre inconcennyences for a reformation to
be made by the order of this house and w ch Jury so re-
turned shall w thin foure wekes after that they ar sworne
shall geve theire verdicte yn the open courte of guyldhal
at the courte there to be kept."

The City owned a considerable amount of property, and
much of the time of the Chamber was taken up in trans-
actions connected with it. I have omitted all reference in
this paper to the Haven or Canal as it has been dealt with
in Oliver's History, but there are many extracts with
regard to fishing, mills and racks.

" The xijth of december 1559 the copye of the wrytynges
betwene mr maior & bayliffes & henry harrys for the
token mylles new buylded w th out the westgate of the
Citie at the crekepyttmylles & it was agreed that there
sholde be certeynge grownde lymeted & apoynted for
certeinge Rackes." 2

The Customs were a profitable source of revenue to the

1 Bulk, stall of a shop (Halliwell-Phillipps).
a iTrames for drying cloth.

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 217

City, and the goods of merchants who tried to elude
payment were liable to forfeiture.

" The xij of October 1582, where as certeyn m c hantes of
Roane 1 named John de bockeweye & Peter Trebye have
brought certeyn wares and merchansyses yn a shep of
dertemoth onto the Key of Topesham and dyd not make
-any entry for the same w to the Recever for the towne
custome and for the not doinge thereof all the saide goodes
amountyng to the valewe & some of about xvj 11 It is
ordred that the saide merchantes shall paye for the
redemption of the saide forfeyture the some of xl 8 bysides
the custome.

" The iij of november 1561 whereas Laurans booreman
of Tawnton made entry of certeyn f rates (?) & denyed to
awnswere to towne custome for the same because he
claymed the freedome of Tawne deane 2 order was taken
thet John hoker shall arrest the marchendyse of the saide
booreman for the answerenge of the saide custome as also
for all suche as is byhynde."

Having mentioned some sources of income, I will next
show some of the ways in which the money was spent,
and the first extract which I have chosen here is one of
the few echoes we get in this book of the doings of the great
world without the City.

On the 10th June, 1588^the Council
" agree thet m r maior and the Three deputie Lieutenanntes
of this Countie and Citie or any three of them whereof m r
maior to be one shall make and sett downe a Rate upon all
and everie thinhabitants of the same Countie and Citie
what some and somes of money everie of them shalbe
charged w th & paye towardes the setting fourth of the
Two shipps and pynnace to the seas for her Ma tie Servyce. 3 y
And that they shall do the same w th such spedd conveni-
ently as they may and take likewise for the collectynge and
payment thereof."

On the 17th June, 1588,
" it is agreed that there shalbe paid to John Dier towardes
the payment of the Waiges of the men of the Bartholomewe
xxiij 11 Also to Mr Nicholas Spycer and William Brayley
for the waiges of the men in the Rose xvij 11 x 8 and to

1 Rouen.

* [Sic] For Taunton Deane, the vale of Taunton.
9 These served under Lord Howard in the Armada fight Pinnaces
were fast, handy sailing vessels.

218 ILLUSTRATIONS OP MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

Mr Thomas Spycer for the waiges of the men in the
pynnes vij 11 And further it is ordered that Mr Thomas
Spycer and Mr Swete shall have the Care and Charge to
provide for the new victualinge of the Two shippes and
pynnes and with them they have appointed Richard
Dorchester to ioyne."

On 27th September, 1585, the Council
" agree where her Ma^ 8 pleasure ys that Don Antonio 1
a Portugall & sometyme proclaimed kinge thereof shalbe
received & conveied honorably there to that Courte that
the said Don Antonio takinge this Citie in his waye shalbe
lodged at M r Maiers house w* his two sonnes & the duke w ch
doth accompanie the said Don Antonio And they to have
there Dyett there And the said M r maier to be allowed for
his reasonable Charges therein by the Receiver now beinge
w ch w th m r mayers assent was agreed to be iij 1 ."

The great coal strike last March caused many people
to think that perhaps the provision of supplies of fuel
should be one of the duties of every municipality. Here
we see what in Tudor times was considered to be the duty
of a town with regard to its corn supply. In December,
1588, the Chamber

" agree that there shalbe bestowed for the Comon Store
of this Citie what occasion soever maie be one hundred
poundes in whete & Rye viz fowrscore poundes in Rye
and Twentie poundes in wheate. And it is agreed that
every of the xxiiij shall disburse there moneis towardes
the said hundred poundes every one of them a reasonable
some. And they shalbe repaide of the sume & have reason-
able Assurans therefore Provided they shall not buye the
saide Wheyte for above the some of ij 8 vj d the Busshell &
the said Rye for abouve the some of ij 8 the Busshell."

More in keeping with modern ideas are the following
grants. The first is to one of the sons of the Chamberlain,
John Hooker.

In 1557 " the Council do agree that peter hoker the son
of Mr John hoker shall have a yerely exhibition of iiij 11
duringe his being a student yn oxford from yere to yere
Vntill the same shalbe revoked." ~

The next is a grant to the "Judicious Hooker," in 1582.

" Also it is agreed that Richard hoker the sonne of Roger
hoker decessed and now a student yn Corporis christi

1 Pretender to the Crown of Portugal.

ACT BOOK OP CHAMBER OP THE CITY OP EXETER. 219

College yn oxford shall have a yerely pencion or annuytie of
foure poundes to be payed quarterlye xx 8 and the sayd
payment to contynewe as longe as it shall pleyse this
house."

At the beginning of the reign the Government was faced
with the difficulties connected with a debased coinage,
and it made great efforts to put the currency in a satis-
factory state, by calling in the base money, and writing
down the value of the coins in circulation. The following
extract gives us a good idea of the complications which
the citizens had to face : —

" M em that the xxviij of September 1560 an open pro-
clamacyon made at the Guyldhall as concerning the
decreenge of the base & current moneye that is to saye the
i d to be current for iij q tre the ij d for j d ob & the testoon for
iiij d ob excepte all counterfeyte & false testoons w ch are
knowen by haveyng graven in bothe sydes at the hedd in
the supercription one of these iiij signes a lyon a flowre
delye a harpe or a rose for all suche testoons are current
but at ij d q tr at w ch proclamacon were present Therle of
beddflForde then present who persuaded the people to a
quietnes."

The writer goes on to say that before the proclamation
was issued a certain Henry Mawnder brought into the
Council Chamber a sum of money for the use of the poor.
It was made up of £6 in twopenny pieces, £3 4s. 6d. in
testoons, 12s. 4d. in gold and silver (probable Spanish
money) and 3d. in halfpence, making in all £9 17s. Id.
But the proclamation altered the value of the sum, for
the £6 in twopenny pieces was worth only £4 10s. The
foreign money in gold and silver was still valued at 12s. 4d.,
but the testoons which made up the £3 4s. 6d. were of two
kinds. Twenty shillings' worth of them were of the
" counterfeit & false kind," and therefore were only worth
9s. ; the rest, £2 0s. 6d., were worth £1 10s. 4Jd., so, leaving
the 3d. in halfpence out of account, the poor lost £21 4s. 1 £d.
as the result of the transaction.

A good deal of inconvenience naturally followed, and
on

" the iiij day of October 1560 Therle of BeddflForde beinge
accompanyed the worshippfull & the Justicys of Devon
dyd send for m r blackall maior & his bretheren and there
order was taken for as muche as vppon the Decreasinge
of the money a greate dearthe of victualls & other thinges

220 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

did encrease that fyrst the Citizens of this Citie sholde
not in any wyse enhaunce the prices of there weres but to
sell the same as reasonably as they did before the fall.
And lykewyse that they nor any of them sholde refuse
to receive of the countrye any kinde of testones or other
moneye w th out refusall. And last of all because the people
of the countrie standinge in doubte of the testons dyd
bothe w th drawe them selves from the markettes some
from bringinge victualls to the markett & some for then-
haunsinge of the prices that therefore in consideracion
hereof the masters & citizens sholde provide to pay for all
thinges they buy in the Countrie either golde sylver or peces
of ijd vpon the conclusion whereof it was agreed that m r
maior the morow folowenge being frydaye he shold at
thende of the proclamacion by him made publyshe this
order and the saide Erie also w th the residew of the gentle-
men promyse that the country sholde not enhaunce there
weres."

We will now take what I may call " Police Court News."
A large share of the book is filled with the memoranda of
cases which came before the Mayor and Aldermen sitting
as Justices of Peace for the City. We must remember that
the State looked after the religion, morals and manners
of its members in a paternal manner which would not be
appreciated now.

" The xij of October 1563 At which day all the wardens
of every parishe wthin the Citie & lybertyes of the same
were somoned to apear as foloweth and were geven yn
chardge [then follow the wardens' names] — All w° h wardens
had geven to them yn chardge that they & every of theyme
shole weklye be at the courte of the Queens Guyldhall &
there present the names of suche persons as w thout reason-
able cause shalbe absent from the parishe Daies 1 vpon
sonedaies & other daies vsed for holy daies. And if any
person be so absent & so presented to pay for every
defaulte xij d And every warden so refusinge to do to paye
xl 8 according to the statute provided yn this behalffe."

The City was well rid of the following bad character : —
" That the vj th of September 1560 one Avys Clerke dwellinge
vpon strippcotehill beinge convinced & trewly proved
to be a receiver of certeyn yonge men beinge apprentyces
as namelye of one bernard Troyte apprentese to one
Richard halsewood of Exon merchante who after that he

1 A mistake for Church.

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 221

consumed his masters goodes in the saide house ryotouslye
dyd rynne awaye was put in to the pillorie & there con-
tynewed duringe the markett tyme and the day folowin
beinge the vij th of September a daye and tyme was geven &
lymeted to her to departe & avoyde the towne that is to
saye athisside the eve of S Matthew next cominge that is
the xxth of the present moneth."

The punishment of scolds probably gave much satis-
faction to their neighbours.

" The iiij th of October 1561 Johan Twychen the daughter
of hew Twichen of Exon was carried to the Cuckyng stoole
& there washed for a scolde for that she called her father
theffe & her mother whore, and for the w° h was banyshed
never to dwell more w th in the Countie of the Citie of Exon
vpon peyne to be whipped at the Cartes tayle & to be
further punyshed by the descrecion of the Justices.

" The viij th of October 1561 Agnes the wyffe of John
Jones beinge accused by the verdycte of xviij men at the
last generall sessyons for her skoldynge was vpon her
submyssyon released of the punyshment of the cookyng
stoole vpon this condicion that efer she at any tyme here-
after be f ownde faultye in the foresaide cryme or to be
any tyme vnquiet emonge her neighboures or other honest
persones that then she to be sent to the cooking stoole
w to out redempcion & to be further punyshed as her deser-
vyng shall requyre wthout redempcion.

" At which tyme also Rychard Lymbeere barber & his
wiff e & william hunt & his wyffe & Agnes Trelew who the
foresaid Agnes Jones hathe w th her wordes miche anoyed
& offended were called before the foresaide m r maior &
the Justyces and by order taken the saide Agnes asked
forgiveness & desyred there good will as also the* saide
parties asked her good will."

In October, 1561, the Justices had to deal with one
suspected of witchcraft, and it looks as if they were afraid
of her : —

" Also the same day ffranceys dyrim who for her vnquiet
lyfe emonge her neighbours & for her suspected wytche-
craft heretofore vsed hathe ben eftsones rebuked &
punyshed as also exyled out of the Citie & yet hathe
returned & dothe remayn w th in this Citie lyvinge yn her
former vnquyet lyffe it is agreed by the Justices that she
the foresaide ffraunceys shall from hensforthe departe out

222 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

of this Citie & Countye of the same and that fron thens-
forthe she not returne any more to dwell or to remayn
w th in this Citie or Countie of the same vpon payn to be
emprysoned & otherwise punyshed as by the descrecion
of the Justices shall be thought good."

Thefts were common in those days, and the culprits
were treated in a summary manner.

" This day was a boy called henry snowe whipped in the
guyldhall for stealing a pece of kersey out of the rackes
in frerenhay." Next we have on " the xxij th of October
/ 1561 Aexander Tomlyne sometyme servant to m r fforde
of Ilsyngton who was brought & imprisoned yn the Guyld-
hall for pyking of the monthe 1 of sylver of[f ] a stone who
was whipped throughe the markett at a horse tayle."

Here we have an old offender : —

"Also the same tyme order was taken w th mathew
bayliffe that forasmuche as he hathe heretofore ben ones
whypped for his evell behavio r and yet nevertheles hathe
^versythens vsed him selfe as a loyterer & vagabonde as
also a comon dronckerd and in his whole lyffe a man of
inordynett lyffe intreatynge revylinge sklanderinge to
some of the Justices of this Citie that therefore he shalbe
agayn whyped 301 open markett at the carte tayle and so
wekly to receve the lyke punyshement vntyll he depart
the Citie & County of the same or ells put his body to worke
accordinglye."

We wonder what the citizens thought of this : —
" The viij th of January 1561 hawarde ij nd sone to the
lorde Thomas hayworde & husbande to mary barnerdes
Duffy(ld's) daughter was taken in a pryvey watche the
thursedaye at night beinge the vij th of these presentes And
named himselfe John Dygbye And being examyned before
m r maior & the Justices dyd answere by that name but
aiterwardes vpon further communication dyd declare his
proper name and the causes why he kepte the same secret
and therevpon dysmyssed."

The next culprits did not get off so lightly : —
" JohnStucky cordeweyner was taken the xvijth of m r che
for plaieng at the ix holes & other vnlawf ull games & vpon
consyderacons his paynes & punishment was released vpon
condicion he sholde put himselfe to serve a master And on
the XX th of m rche the saide John in presence of M r Robert

1 A monteth was a kind of vessel in which wine-glasses were cooled
(Halliwell-Phillipps).

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OP THE CITY OP EXETER. 223

Mydwynter maior, John buller John blackaller waiter
Staplehill & John peter Justices he made couvenant to
serve w ttt John blackefforde of the parishe of S. sydwells
cordewayner from the feast of the anninciation of our
ladie next comyinge for one whole yere & to receve for
his yeres wages the some of xxvj 8 viij d in money bysydes
his gentlenes & meate & drinke."

" The same daie barnabas Reve was for the lyke offense
in warde and dyd there couvenente to serve John
James cordewayner for one whole yere that is to saie from
the feast of penthecost next comynge vntyll the same feast
next foloenge w ch shalbe in the yere 1561 & the saide John
James to paye him for that yeres service the some of xxvj 8
viij d for his wages over & bysydes meat & drynke & showes
as he shall have neede to weare during his service."

The free speech of John Northbrook must have been a
surprise to the said Justices, but we are left to conjecture
what was the fit punishment.

" At the seesyons kepte at the Guyldhall of the Citie
of Exon the ij 01 of October 1561 before m r will m hurst
maior m r John Carelles recorder m r John blackall m r John
mydwynter m r livermore m r peter m r steplehill & m r
Robert mydwynter aldermen of the Citie of Excester &
Justyces of the Quenes ma tles peax w th in the Countie of
the Citie of Excester one John northbroke of the Citie
of Exon was by the saide Justices for his evell lyffe &
naughtie conversation bownde to his good behavyor after
recognysance taken waiter staplehall one of the
Justy cesses & aldermen aforesaide saide to the foresaide
northbroke that he hedd dyverse thinges to chardge him
w thaii : where vnto the saide John northbrok havynge
nether respecte of the place or tyme w th tawntynge & re-
prochefull wordes answered the foresaide waiter staplehill
then syttinge at the bench yn the Quenes highnes service
sayenge Open your boxe & do what you can when you
lyst w th other wordes very unseemly irreverently & tawn-
tenglye spoken in open courte."

The authorities would not allow the citizens to keep pigs
in the City : so

"The ij d of September 1560 Thomas byrde of the Citie
of Exon Tayler beinge accused & called before m r Robert
mydwynter maior m r staplehill & others for kepinge of
certeyn pigges w tt in this Citie contrarie to the auncient

224 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

custome & good order of the same dyd take a daye to
rydde his pygges w ch were too in nomber athisside the x th
of October next cominge vpon payne to forfett for everie
pigg so kept vj s viij d And further the saide Thomas shall
not from thensforthe kepe any pigges at all w thin this
Citie vpon payne to forfeyte for everie pigge so kept
vjs viij d ."

Sometimes the sergeants made mistakes in carrying out
their duties.

"The ij d of November 1564 order is taken that whearas
Edward Cooke sergeant at the mace dyd vnlawf ullye arrest
one Robert Ellys w th in the house of one betson w th out the
Eastgate & there brak open the dores & brought awaye the
saide partie vnto the warde that yn consideracion the saide
arrest was vnlawffull therefore the saide sergeant shall
carrye backe agayne the saide Ellys so arrested to the place
& howse from whense he hadd him and so to leave hym at
his lybertye."

But the officers of the City must be protected : so
"One Walter Tapleighe late of brystow cutler was for
strykinge of Thomas babcome a constable & for sundrie
others his misDemeaners bownde to the good abearinge
vntyll the next generall sessions to be holden w th in the
Quenes Guyldhall of the Citie of Exon the saide waiter
making his aparaunce there in open sessions kept the xi th
of Januarie 1559 was there dyschardged & by thorder of
the Quenes Justices there was enioyned & chardged the
morow folowenge beinge the xij th of Januarie to departe
clene out of the Citie of Exon & lyberties of the same &
ffrom thensforthe never to returne more thether but as a
stranger vpon payne to be taken as a vagrante person
and to be further punished as by the maior for the tyme
beinge & other of the Quenes Justyces of the peax of the
same Citie & Countie shall be thought expedyent."

Possibly the most important question which Elizabeth's
Government had to solve was the problem of unemploy-
ment. Her predecessors, especially her father, had caused
very severe laws to be passed against vagrancy, but it was
left for Elizabeth's ministers to deal with the grave dangers
which were caused by unemployment.

An Act of 1530 empowered Justices to deal with the
vagrants in a very drastic manner.

" The xiij of december 1559 this daie George Croberd &

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 225

Richard griffithe w ch were whypped the friday last the
viij th of this monethe for theire runnagate & vagrant lyffe
were also whypped this present daie & had theire letters
for the same geven to them & so dismissed & so banished
out of this Citie."

" The xiiij th of december, this day John Smale of the
parishe of S Trinite beinge taken for a floysterer 1 & vagrant
person was imprisoned for ix daies & then had a daye to
rydd his house & to departe out from the Countye athisside
shrostyde next comynge or elles if he be then fownde w th in
the Countie & lybertyes of this Citie that then to be taken
whypped & punyshed as a vagrant according to the
statutes in this behalffe. memorandum, that he shall
also take his wyffe and children w th him."

In the next passage we have an interesting account of
a vagabond's wanderings, taken on 5th February, 1561 : —

" The saide Ambrose examyned saithe that he came
from walkington the soneday beinge the xviij of January
last past and on the iiij th of these presences he came
to this citie. The cause of his comynge hether from
thensefourther is that one Thomas Ellys of walkington /y/
aforesaide taylor who had on the iiij th of January last
beinge soneday broken his wyffes necke & cast her into a
poole or pond : when he[s] wyfe was founde came to this
examynant the day or morowe vpon twlfte day & the viij
of January last as the examynent was at the ploughe yn the
f eeldes and there the same Thomas requested him to give him
some counsayle what he might do to send for the Coroner
& where he dwelled & how he might do to geyte money
to pay f or the crownynge of her . . . when this examynant
declared bothe to the place where the Coroner dwelled &
that his name was Thomas perocke and also that he must
pay xiij 8 iiij d for the crowninge And therew th the saide
Thomas departed. After this when it was knowen that the
foresaide Thomas had kylled his wyffe and that bothe he
& his boy were indycted by the coroners quest & put in
pryson in the Castle of York this examynant suspecting
& mystrustinge he shold be yn troble because the foresaid
Thomas had ben w th hem & asked his consayle come awaye
and went from thense to London and there asked consayle
of his frendes what he might do : who consayled him to
return hence agayne And so forth he returned : but when

1 A worthless fellow.

VOL. XLIV.

226 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

he come to a place called barton vpon Humber w ch is about
viij myles from his house his host arose & wolde not serve
him to go hynce 1 wherefore he returned backe agayn &
went from thense to Northampton & then to oxf orde & so
to this Citie and here mynded to seeke shipping in to
flunders."

At a later date the Clerk inserted the following : —
" This foresaide Ambrose Kyrton was dyschardged the
xv th of may 1563 vpon the sight of m r Tothilles Letters
dated the vth of may wherein it dyd appere the saide
Ambrose was gylteles of the murder whereof he was staied
& suspected to be done in Yorkshire."

Next, we have a dangerous - looking character dealt
with : —

"The viij th of December 1561 Thomas smythe borne at
xbridge being yn the warde deteyned for a vagabonde and
runnagate : and not able to give any accompte of his yvel
lyffe but so was openly convinced by m r waiter denys that
he mett him betweene olde braynsford & london w th a long
staffe of vij f oote & a pronge of Iron yn the same vpon his
sholder & from thense he came to this towne & vsed to
stayle houndes & spaynelles & to sell the same he was at
the instans of the foresaide m r Denys released bothe of
the imprysonment & whyppinge from this present tyme
And further order taken that if the same Thomas be agayn
taken w th in this countie or Citie of Exon floysteringe or
wanderinge w th out master [he] shalbe taken & apprehended
& be put in the stockes and there to remayn vntyll he be
whipped at the cartes tayle according to the laws of the
realme."

But whilst the able-bodied were treated with severity,
the infirm and aged were looked after with some care by
the City Fathers.

" The order for the poore. ffirste there shalbe chosen vj
persones who shall weeklie vpon everie moneday be w th in
the guyldhall Chapel or too of theme & there receve from
& of the Collectors of everie parishe all such severall somes
of money as shalbe dew of theme as of all others somes
of monye geven to thuse of the poore.

"The saide syxe menne shall jielyver the saide some of
monye to suche dystributores of everie quarter as shalbe
apoynted of everie quarter to destribut the same accord-

1 Some words appear to be missing — possibly " and bade him."

ACT BOOK OF CHAMBER OF THE CITY OF EXETER. 227

ynge to the booke of destribution the names of everie of
w° h here folowethe."

(Then follow the names of the six receivers, and eighteen
distributors.)

The " somes of money to be distributed " were as
follows : —

" To the east quarter vij 8

" To the west quarter vij 8 j d

" To the southe quarter x s vij d

" To the northe quarter xxix 8 vij d
"delyvered to m r Jo. peter liiij 8 iiij d whereof xxiiij 8 x d was
of forfeyted monye in the guyldhall."

In January, 1587, the Council
" wholly agree where the poore of this Cittie increase very
muche bothe by reason of sickness & scarsitie of greine &
vitails that the weekly Contribution & other Collecions
made for them Canne not suffice ther necessitie Therefore
yt ys orderd That yf m r maiere doo for the releese of the
same poore disburse any some or somes of monies ouer and
aboue the foresaid Contributions and Collections although
the same doo amonte vnto the some of Twentie poundes
that the same somes of money so disbursed by the said
maier for the saide poore shalbe repaid vnto him by the
Receiver of the Cittie and he be allowed thereof vpon his
accom^te And that the said maier & Receiver shall make
fynes of the Citties Landes suche as moste conveniently
may be made as well towardes the repayment of the somes
as of other payments by the saide Receiver made for
the Citties affaires provided that the said estates & fynes
to be made by the Assente & agremente of this house
after proclamation made thereof in the Courte there
several! dayes at the leaste."

The same year the Council
" agree where there arre two Almeshouses voide in the
houses founded by Mr Hurste for men & there wifes
That John Gove and Roger Shilston & ther wiefes shall
enioye the said seuerll Almes Houses now voide during
ther lyves yf they so longe shall vse themselffes well."

The City officials controlled the industrial and commercial
life of the inhabitants.

In July, 1582, "yt ys agreed That where yt ys apointed
That Valentine Toker shall have the Custodye of the
Clothe Hall and to beginne there about xiiij dayes after

228 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY FROM THE

this daye And yt ys requisite That orders and Rules shall
be sett downe w ch the saide Valentyne shall observe There-
fore yt ys ordered That m r knigtte m r N. martyn m r pyman
m r Davy m r webbe m r Ellacott & John Sampford or iiij of
them w th m r Hooker & m r Receiver & the Town Clerke shall
sett downe penne & devize suche orders & Rules as they
shall thinke most fitteste for the Comon welthe of the
Cittie And to brenge the same to the house by them to be
concidered of & Confirmed at ther discrecon And the same
orders to be devized w thin xvj dayes next.

"This order was vpon the x th of november 1582 referred
to m r prouz m r Elycott m r Davy & the chamberlyn.

On the 15th of December, 1559,
" order was taken wth 1 Ryve of Chudleighe

tanner servant to m r Thomas Southcote for that a Dyker*
of lether of his was forfeited & proved by the othe of vj
expert men to be naughte that the same lether beinge so
forfeyted & the iij parte thereof Delyvered to the fyrst
seasures the rest sholde be solde to some sadler & that three
partes of the same money sholde be gyven to him the saide
Ryve & the iiij parte to the poore."

" The xxiiij th of September 1560 John Toker & nicholas
marrocke cordewayners dyd bringe before m r Robert myd-
wynter maior m r Jo. peter Rye. prestwode & John vlcott
iij paier of new showes whereof the overlether was made of
the skynne of a calve starved beinge bothe evell tanned &
evell coried the same beinge so evell as the same was lyned
w th thinne skynnes & so badde as the lyke hathe not ben.
seene before wherefor the saide Rye Turner was bounde
in xxs that he sholde not from hensf orthe make any showes
at all contrarie to thorder of the statute provided yn thia
behalffe. ,,

In May, 1563, about forty- three tailors and hosiers come
to an agreement as to the making of hose ; here it is : —

" The Condicion of this Recognysunce is this that if
thabove bownden John Webbe taylor do accordinge to the
queenes ma ties proclamation w thout fraude or guyle that is
to weete do not put any more clothe in any one payre of
hosen for the outsyde then one yarde & half e or one yarde
& iij quarters of kersey at the furthest or any other clothe
lether or any kynde of stuffe above the quantytie and

1 A space for the Christian name not filled up.
a A dicker was ten hides.

ACT BOOK OP CHAMBER OP THE CITY OP EXETER. 229

lykewyse shall not put in the same hose any lynunge more
than one lynynge bysedes lynnen clothe next to the legge
& the sayd lynynge not to ly loose or bolstred but to lye
nist to legge &tc as is conteyned in the proclamation."

(Here follow the names of forty-three tailors and hosiers.)

" Memorandum. That every of the parties above named
have severally acknoled them selves to be bounde in maner
& forme aforesaide the day & yere above wry ten."

Here we have a pewterer at fault : —

"The xxi of September 1562, Gregorie Jane pewterer
sercher appoynted for the serche of the trew makinge of
pewter vessel w th in this Citie of Exon dyd bringe yn & make
seasure of certeyn tynney pewter pottes that is to say iiij
quarte pottes & v lytle coops w ch pottes beinge vewed as
well by the saide Gregorie John Stephens & 1
were founde defectyve & not made or wrought accordinge
to the statutes vpon w ch verdicte it was proved the pottes
to be forfeyted and therefor thone halfe to remayn to the
vse of the Citie & thother to the vse of the same seasures."

Especially strange to our modern ideas was the attempt
to prevent a man from taking what was thought to be
a mean advantage of his neighbours. Let me here call to
mind that a regrator was one who bought and sold again
at a higher price without having made any addition to the
value of the goods, a forestaller was one who purchased
before the goods came into the open market, and an
engrosser bought up the whole supply in the market, in
fact, " cornered the market."

" Axewednesday ffeare
" the xxiij th of ffebruary (1574)

"By m r Receiver were seazed xxxj ffyshes beinge lynge
& millwall 2 of the goods of Walter Voysey for that the said
Walter as a Regrator did buy the same this present to
sell in the saide ffeare & the said Walter confessed to the
same.

"Item likewise was Sealed the said daye & yere xlv
fyshes Lynge & milwill of the Goodes of Thomas Moore of
Newton Bushell for that they were bought as above. And
the said Moore confessed the same.

" Item likewise were Sealed xxxij fyshes Lynge & milwill

1 Space left for other names.

* Mill will, probably for milwell or mulwel, a haddock.

230 ILLUSTRATIONS OF MUNICIPAL HISTORY.

of the goodes of John hayman beinge sold by his man
Leonarde Sox for that they were boughte as above. And
the said Leonard confesses to the same."

In October, 1561,

" Order taken by the Justices that the mayer &
stewardes ffor the tyme beyng shall overlooke the corne
markett wekeley And suffer no fforryner baker to come
ynto the corne markett untill the last bell be Runge And
then to buye ther corne by the assent of the officers and
notte to yngrosse into ther handes more corne then shalbe
necessarie." 1

The brewers had to be kept in order constantly.

"The xxvj* daye of August (1561) M' John Blackall
Mayo r Mr William Hurst Mr John Mydwynter & m r
Moryshe Levermore & John Peter called before them all
the Brewers w thln the Countye of the City whos name
ensuythe

Nicholas Reve Richard Wylles Nicholas Rowe John
Bourne William Rycraft Hughe Chardon Richard ffrye
Richard huchyns Simon Caves wyffe hughe Davys wife
wydowe.

" W th whome order ys taken for as muche as malte ys
fallen and nevertheles the Cyty vnfurnyshed of good
holsome suffycyent Drynke met to furnyshe & serue the
Cytyzens & other strangers That therefore they shall from
hensforthe make butt only ij kyndes of ale and that they
then sell the barrell of ale at iij 8 vj d & not above And lyke-
wyse they shall kepe the lyke order in making of beare that
ys to [say] of ij kyndes of beare good beare & smale beare
And for euery offence to the contrary to pay for euery
barrell sold to the contrary vj 8 viij d as ys by the statutes
of this Realme provyded in this behalfe And they have
daye for to begynne vntyll this daye senyght."

But apparently the order was not obeyed, and we will
finish our extracts with the threat of the Council on 1st
February, 1563.

" And moreover it is agreed that m r maior shall take
order w th the brewers when & how many of them shall brew
& at tymes & dayes wekely and they to brew hensforthe
more holsome Drynke or els order to be taken for the set-
tinge vp of a comon brewhouse."

1 This was to prevent dealers buying up the corn before the ordinary-
wants of the citizens had been satisfied.

THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS
OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

The first impression produced by an examination of the
stained glass in our Cathedral is almost inevitably one of
disappointment, for whilst few buildings can show more
signs of having been at one time rich in stained and painted
windows, the great majority of English cathedrals possess
far more examples surviving to the present day.

For three and a half centuries the destruction of the old
glass of Exeter Cathedral has gone on almost without inter-
mission. First came the iconoclasts of the Reformation ;
after them the soldiers of the Commonwealth ; and later
still, in the middle of the eighteenth century, Peckitt,
that much-maligned glass painter who painted the west
window and restored the east. Worse than malignants or
iconoclasts, worse by far than Peckitt, the ignorant glaziers
of the last two centuries have almost completed the entire
destruction of the specially fine glass which in the year
1400 must have filled not only every window in the
Cathedral itself, but some of those in the Chapter-house
as well. We seem to have been specially ill-served by our
glaziers here at Exeter. When, in other cathedrals, a
window became broken it was either clumsily patched up
as it stood, or removed and stored in some dark corner
whilst its place was filled by common glazing. But with
us some genius towards the close of the seventeenth century
devised a means of utilizing the scraps of ancient glass that
fell into his hands. Instead of resting content with mending
or storing the old glass, he designed a pattern of elongated
quatrefoils in common white sheet-glass, cutting up the
ancient stained glass to provide spots and lines of colour.
Glazier after glazier followed on the same fines, so well

BY F. MORRIS DRAKE.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

232 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

pleased with their geometrical glazing that, not content to
wait until shattered windows came into their hands, they
even cut up perfectly sound fourteenth-century glass to
serve their needs. This was actually done so late as 1875,
when a complete four-light window, originally from the
clearstory near the Bishop's throne, was discovered stored
in the minstrels' gallery and cut to pieces by the Chapter
glazier of the period to lead up into his modern rubbish.

We have an interesting gauge by which to measure in
some degree the ravages of the last two and a half centuries.
Exactly two hundred and sixty-eight years ago, in July of
1644, one Richard Symonds, an officer of horse in the
Royalist forces and a devoted antiquary, was billeted in
Exeter and visited the Cathedral. Whilst there he jotted
down in his diary the blazonings of six or seven coats of
arms then in the windows on the north side, and on his way
back from the successful campaign in Cornwall visited the
Cathedral again, this time listing no less than one hundred
and forty stained-glass coats of arms in the windows.
It must be remembered that the destruction of the old glass
had commenced a century before Symonds' time, and
moreover his list was not complete. There are shields of
earlier date now in the windows which possibly escaped his
notice, but of the hundred and forty he did list, less than
twenty now remain. The destruction may have been
resumed immediately after Symonds' departure, when the
Parliamentary forces entered the city, but I venture
to think the damage they did has been overestimated.
Here and there shields of Royalist f amilies may have been
smashed, or an offending subject had a few stones thrown
through it, but it must be borne in mind that stained glass,
besides being an adornment, is an intrinsic part of the
building. It performs the useful function of keeping out
the weather, $nd it seems hardly likely that the sectarians
who divided the Cathedral between them should have
destroyed any large quantities of painted glass at the
cost of laying open their place of worship to storms of wind
or rain.

Even though we had no Fairfax here, as at York, to
protect the glass, we have, on the other hand, no record of
any such malignant rascal as Richard Buhner, of Canter-
bury, who boasted of standing with his " half pike on the
towne ladder of sixty steps, rattling down proud Becket's
glassie bones where none other would dare so high."

OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

233

What damage was done at Exeter during the Common-
wealth was probably due rather to neglect than malice,
and it would have been well for us at the present day
if the windows had suffered from nothing worse than
similar neglect in the two and a half centuries which have
since elapsed.

But despite Reformers, and Malignants, and incompetent
glaziers, we have some glass remaining, and that of un-
common beauty and interest. These remains comprise
four windows, complete, or nearly complete — the east
window, a window in the north clearstory opposite the
Bishop's throne, and the north and south windows of
St. Mary Magdalen's and St. Gabriel's chapels respectively,
the first-named of which at present occupies the east instead
of the north wall of St. Mary Magdalen's Chapel.

Besides these four windows there are a large number of
coats of arms and other fragments scattered throughout
the choir aisles or collected in the east window of the
Chapter-house, and the great quantity of scraps of glass
chopped up to form the wretched glazier's quatrefoils
throughout the building provides some evidences of the
character of the stained glass that originally filled the
other windows. The actual quantity is not large as
compared with that possessed by many other English
cathedrals, but much of it is of exceptional merit, and
dating as it does from the beginning and end of the four-
teenth century — the period in which English glass, in
design and technique, underwent more rapid and complete
changes than at any other time whatever — it provides
examples of the evolution of glass design which possess for
artist and antiquary alike some quite uncommon points of
interest. Our oldest window is distinctly the earliest glass
the county can show in anything approaching a complete
condition. The grisaille panels with figures of William
and Matilda de Ferrers, now in the east window of Bere
Ferrers Church, archaic though they appear, are probably
thirty years later than the oldest window in the Cathedral,
which occupies an opening in the north choir clearstory
opposite the Bishop's throne.

This north clearstory window is probably of French
material, and very possibly of French workmanship also.

The Fabric Rolls for 1301 refer to a purchase of 1271 feet
of glass, and in 1303 one " Master Walter," glazier to the
Dean and Chapter, received £4 10s. for fitting the glass

234 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

to the gable end and " octo summarum fenestrarum et
sex fenestrarum in utraque parte ." So far the rolls would
seem to deal only with unpainted glass, but in this same
year occurs an entry respecting 140 feet of " vitri depicti "
— apparently the first definite mention they make of
stained glass, and it may well be that this window, or
another of the series to which it once belonged, contained
the very glass to which reference is made.

There is a tradition that " Master Walter " himself was a
Rouen man, and there is nothing improbable in the idea.
In France stained glass fell, in the fourteenth century, on
very troubled days. A century earlier it had been one
of the most prosperous handicrafts, but what with war
within and without their borders, what with the disasters
of Crecy and Poitiers, what with the Jacquerie and the
plague, the nobles of France in the fourteenth century
had more urgent business on hand than the ordering of
stained glass, and the French glass painters, their occupa-
tion almost gone, were in dire straits. Many of them fled
to England, and it may well be that " Master Walter "
was amongst the number. In any case, there is nothing
improbable in his having been a Frenchman. There was
a constant come and go of skilled handicraftsmen between
France and our shores even as late as the end of the fifteenth
century. For instance, some of the Perpendicular glass at
Ashton, six miles from Exeter, was almost certainly painted
by a Frenchman resident in this neighbourhood.

Besides, Rouen was a great glass mart, and, to return for
a moment to the Fabric Rolls, we find that in 1317 large
purchases of glass for the Cathedral were actually made
there. Six hundred and twenty-nine pieces of white and
1203 pieces of coloured glass are listed — the coloured glass,
curiously enough, being much cheaper than the white.
The " pieces " would probably be the usual circular sheets,
known now as "Crown" glass, with a bull's eye in the
centre of each sheet. They varied in size, but at this
period probably averaged about 3 feet in diameter.
Allowing each piece to contain seven superficial feet of
glass, we find that the Dean and Chapter bought nearly
thirteen thousand feet of glass at one time, an enormous
purchase for those days.

It is very probable that this window is the work of
" Master Walter." If this be the case, the glass presents
other internal evidences bearing out the tradition that

NORTH CHOIR CLEARSTOREY, EXETER.
WINDOW FACING BISHOP'S THRONE.

Stained Glass of Exeter Cathedral.— 2*o face p. 234.

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OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

235

he was a Rouen man, for the design of the grisaille back-
ground is strikingly similar to that of a window sketched
by my father in Rouen Cathedral, and the general com-
position — single figures of saints under Decorated canopies,
the whole laid upon backgrounds of geometrical grisaille —
is nothing if not North French in its conception. A
complete series can be seen at St. Ouen, at Rouen, in later
glass, it is true, but showing the identical arrangement of
a single tier of figures under canopies all round the clear-
story of the building. Commencing at the north-west
window with Adam, Old Testament personages fill the
nave windows in the north side, and figures from the New
Testament the same side of the choir. The east window
contains scenes from the life of Our Lord, and along the
south side is a series of patriarchs, bishops, and other
saints of the Christian Church. Inasmuch as the window
discovered in the minstrels' gallery at the time of the
restoration of the Cathedral was identical with this in
treatment, we cannot doubt that some such arrangement
at one time filled our own clearstory windows, at least so
far as the choir is concerned. This window is typical of
good Decorated design. The backgrounds, of geometrical
glazing, painted with delicate foliage in outline only, are
of the grey-green that stood for white at the beginning of
the fourteenth century — the tint of which earned for all
such geometrical windows the name of grisaille or greyish.
The name, imported like the glass from France, has since
lost its original meaning with us, so that it comes to be
applied to all geometrical glass, whether greyish in tone
or not. As a matter of fact, most of the Exeter grisaille —
including the windows in St. Mary Magdalen's and St.
Gabriel's chapels — is of a nearly pure white, and is so
clear, so hard, and so durable that I have never seen its
equal. The excellent quality of this glass, peculiar to
Exeter, may account for the high price of the white glass
bought in the enormous purchase of 131 7> and this being so
we have yet another evidence indicating that the north
clearstory window is " Master Walter's " work and anterior
to this date, for the grisaille backgrounds are of a full
greenish tint, nowhere approaching the purity and white-
ness of the later material.

Laid upon them are four figures with, above, five
Decorated canopies, and below, four coats of arms. The
ancient bearings of the shields have vanished, the saltires

236 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

and chevrons now displayed upon them being poor modern
glazing. The backgrounds to the figures have also dis-
appeared and have been replaced by common sheet-glass
daubed over with oil-paint, which has peeled off, leaving
them crudely white, and finally the heads of the figures
have been destroyed and replaced with plain panes of sheet-
glass. This last can only have been the work of Tudor
iconoclasts ; all the other damage, including the hopelessly
muddled state of the grisaille in the lower portion of the
right-hand light, has been wrought by generations of
Chapter glaziers. The design, arrangement, and proportions
of the figures and canopies in this window are strictly
and typically Decorated, and though the grisaille back-
grounds are a heritage from the preceding century, they
too, with their naturalistic foliage and absence of cross-
hatched backgrounds, are treated in as purely Decorated a
manner as could be desired, but the borders, round-leaved
trefoils each within a circular twist of climbing stem, are
strongly reminiscent of earlier work. These rounded curves,
so common as to be almost characteristic of the earlier
grisailles, at Salisbury and elsewhere, are the direct
descendant of the rotund acanthoid foliage bequeathed
to the earliest glass painters by their Byzantine forbears.
The earliest English examples in glass are at Canterbury,
and here at Exeter they make their last appearance. It
so happens that these and other fragments still remaining
in the Cathedral admirably illustrate how from such
sweeping rounded curves the angularity of the true Gothic
was evolved — and the borders to this window show the
last expression of the foliated curves which underlie all
Early English ornament.

But whilst the borders recall an earlier style of design,
the tracery openings are prophetic of a style to come. The
smaller quatrefoils and trefoils contain mere rosette centres,
such as we might reasonably expect to find associated
with grisaille, but the four largest openings, immediately
over the main lights, instead of containing more of the
geometrical grisaille which fills every other part of the
window, apart from the figures and canopies, are divided
by straight lead-lines into rectilinear, lozenge-shaped panes,
each of which is painted with a separate quatrefoil. Each
quatrefoil is entirely separated from its neighbours, instead
of being joined to them as the leaves of the grisaille patterns
are joined by interlacing stems and strap work. The

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OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

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difference seems trifling, but in reality it is a very im-
portant step in design, for the main difference between the
grisailles of the thirteenth century and the quarry window
of the fifteenth is just that one small matter. The grisailles
are painted with a running design ; the quarry window is
made up of a repeat of separate patterns ; and these tracery
openings, painted nearly fifty years before the quarry
window was born, are the earliest prediction that I know
of the coming change of style.

Before leaving this window I will ask you to note care-
fully the form, proportions, and details of the Decorated
canopies. More particularly note the steep crocketed
gable immediately over the figures, and the turret-like
mass above it topped by another smaller gable and flanked
by two pinnacles, with two other lower and separate
pinnacles at their sides, and then turning to the east
window observe how the canopies over the six outer
figures — three on either side — show precisely the same
arrangement. Not only is the general design almost
exactly duplicated, but the workmanship to its smallest
details closely resembles that of the window you have just
seen. If " Master Walter " painted the north clearstory
window, as I believe he did, then Master Walter, or a pupil
of his, had a hand in the first east window as well.

This first east window, of six, not of nine, lights was
painted in Bishop Stapledon's time, before the year 1326,
but the white glass it contains is the characteristic Exeter
white to which I have already referred as being probably
the expensive material bought at Rouen in 1317. If this is
correct — and the quality and quantity of this glass in the
Cathedral leave little room for doubt on this point — then
the first east window was painted during the nine years
that elapsed between the Rouen purchase and Bishop
Stapledon's assassination in Cheapside. The three outer
side lights on either side of the window, and the upper
tier of three large tracery openings, contain the glass
originally in this six-light window.

This first window stood untouched for nearly seventy
years, but towards the end of the century the Cathedral
authorities appear to have become dissatisfied with it.
Perhaps they compared it to its disadvantage with Bishop
Grandisson's fine new west window, and came to the con-
clusion that a mere six-light window was inadequate for
its more honourable position. So when, in 1389, Canon

238 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

Henry de Blakeborn — formerly a Prebendary of Lincoln —
made an offer of one hundred marks towards a new window,
the Dean and Chapter at once closed with the offer.
A week later — on April 28th — they swore in Robert Lyen,
of Exeter, as their glazier, at the yearly salary of £1 6s. 8d.,
and on May 7th, meeting in St. Andrew's Chapel, set their
hands to an agreement with the said Robert Lyen to
glaze " the great window newly made at the head of the
Church behind the High Altar." The Fabric Rolls detail
every step taken from the very commencement — the
buying of the sheet of parchment on which the new window
was to be designed — " pro I pelle pergameni empta ad
pingendum magnam fenestra m 2d"

For each foot of new glass Lyen was to receive twenty
pence, and for fitting the old work his pay was to be three
shillings and fourpence per week, with an extra two
shillings for his man. He was to find tools and all glazing
necessaries himself, but the glass, new or old, was to be
provided by the Dean and Chapter. Not for nothing had
they been buying glass these past few years.

In addition to supplying three new lights and a quantity
of tracery, Lyen had to make some necessary alterations
to the six old fights. They were too short for the new
openings, so he fixed dwarf bases to them, containing coats
of arms. Their Decorated heads, with a single cusp on
either side, would not fit the double-cusped Perpendicular
openings, and how he dealt with them I will try to show
you presently. The bases, as one might expect, he painted
in the Perpendicular style to which he was accustomed,
but the most remarkable feature of his work appears in the
three centre lights. These figures are frankly Perpendicu-
lar ; their heads, in white instead of flesh-coloured glass,
are glazed in one piece with the white halos behind them,
not leaded separately, as were the heads of the older period.
Yellow stain occurs in draperies, hair, ornaments ; no one
could mistake the figures as belonging to any other period
than the junction of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

But the canopies over these figures, also his work, might
be anything rather than Perpendicular. In their rigid
design, in their clumsy outlines, above all in their heavy
colouring, they bear every appearance of the style pre-
vailing sixty years before the date at which they were
painted.

I need not point out how very extraordinary this is.

OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

239

To find a Gothic craftsman deliberately putting back the
clock in order to match the work of his predecessors is
most extraordinary. In the rapid growth of the Gothic
age the tendency to reach out after the newest forms of
expression is in itself the very root and cause of the ever-
changing styles. Yet here, in this purely Perpendicular
window, instead of utilizing such an opportunity of
showing — what I am sure he sincerely believed in — the
superior beauty of his Perpendicular work as compared
with the heavier, more archaic glass surrounding it,
Robert Lyen subdued his inclinations and did his best to
make the window an harmonious whole by copying the
style of Master Walter's work, executed — and, did art
claim nationality, executed by an alien — years before he
was born.

Save for the windows at Strasburg Cathedral, damaged
by their hasty removal when fire destroyed that building,
and later reinserted under somewhat similar circum-
stances to those we notice now, I believe this treading of a
Gothic glass painter in the footsteps of his predecessors
to be absolutely without parallel.

The coats of arms upon the bases are worthy of note.
Beneath the first, or left-hand, figure of St. Margaret,
trampling down her dragon, are the arms of Bishop Ed-
mund de Stafford (1395-1419) : Or, a chevron gules within
a bordure azure entoyer of bishop's mitres of the field —
and Bishop Blondy (1245-57) : Lozengy or and sable.
Next, under St. Catherine with her torture-wheel, are first,
Chequy or and gules, a chief vair, for Bishop Robert
Chichester (1138-55), and Gules, a bend argent debruised
of a fess or, for Bishop Osbern ( 1072-1103). Then comes
St. Mary Magdalen, with her alabaster box of perfumed
ointment. Beneath her are the arms of Edward the Con-
fessor, founder of the See, and a larger shield, formerly in
the tracery, which now replaces an old shield of the diocese.
It gives the arms of Archbishop William Courtenay
(1381-96), the archiepiscopal pall impaling the well-known
torteaux and label.

Then we come to Lyen's work. First, St. Barbara, with a
palm branch in her right hand, and a tower in her left, she
being the patron saint of architects. Note this figure
particularly. The small size of the illustration gives
only a faint idea of the richness of the draperies. The
under-robe particularly, with its rich applique of elaborate

240 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

fleurs-de-lis, is very fine. It would seem that Lyen,
stiffening his clever fingers to copy the earlier canopies
above, could not here resist the temptation to show for
once what he could do if he liked. Look at the coarsely
striped robes of the two adjoining figures — St. Mary
Magdalen and St. Catherine — and compare them with this
intricate brocade.

The heads of the three central figures are painted on one
piece with the nimbus behind, yellow-stained hair or mitre
detaching each face from its background of white glass.
Yellow stain had been discovered since Master Walter's
time. If you notice, all Master Walter's faces are sur-
rounded by lead-lines : hair, face, drapery, and halo, all
leaded up in separate pieces of glass. Note the increased
use of white glass in the draperies of the newer figures — a
characteristic of the period. Glass painters had discovered
in those intervening sixty years that the value of colour was
enhanced fourfold when contrasted with white. Had Lyen
not held his hand in copying the canopies, they would have
been nearly all white, most delicately outlined, with rare
touches of golden stain. So much you can make out
from the tabernacle work above the shields in his dwarf
bases.

His copying of borders is no less worthy of note. Nothing
could have irked him more than to be compelled to make
narrower lights which in his opinion must have already
seemed disproportionately high. All the feeling of his age
was turning against such long lights : architects were
beginning to cut them in two by transoms ; glass painters
had begun to arrange their subjects in tiers, each tier
extending right across the window ; yet here Lyen, con-
trary to all his inclinations, had to match wide borders
which narrowed and lengthened the appearance of the
lights considerably.

But he approached his work in no grudging spirit.
In the border to the older lights each leaf is painted on one
piece of glass, with one, or at most two, patches of coloured
background showing beside it. No repeat of Lyen's
borders contains less than four pieces of glass — many of
them have six — and I can tell you from experience that
every added pane meant added time, and trouble too.
No praise is too high for the manner in which he did his
work. Where the window demanded restraint he held his
hand — and what that meant to a craftsman in those

OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

241

quick-living days of Gothic sincerity perhaps none of us
now can duly appreciate. And where he saw opportunity
of doing the very best that was in him, opportunity of
working for the honour and credit of the style he knew
and loved, no trouble was too great. Those that came
after should see that he and his fellows were no copyists,
though they should see, too, if they had a mind, that he
knew and could practise self-restraint when it should
further the cause of the work he had at heart.

Beneath St. Barbara is one shield only, that of Bishop
Berkeley (1326-7) : Gules, a chevron between ten crosses
pattee, six and four, argent. It is curious that this
coat should be assigned such an important size and position.
Bishop Berkeley, so far as I know, had nothing to do with
the original window, and his very short episcopate was
closed sixty-two years before Henry de Blakeborn made
his gift towards its reconstruction, when this new light
was painted.

The centre light contains a figure of the Blessed Virgin
with the Holy Child in her arms. The robes of this figure
are also richly diapered, but being in colour alone — and
not white and colour — the fact is not so readily appreciated.
You can, however, perceive how cunningly white edges are
leaded on to the coloured robes to provide the desired
contrast — another marked advance beyond the primitive
striping of the earlier draperies. The arms below are the
royal arms of the period : France and England quarterly.

Next comes St. Martin of Tours, with, beneath him, the
arms of the Courtenay family, ascribed by Dr. Oliver to
Bishop Peter Courtenay. If he is right in this, the shield
must have been inserted in the window many years after
Lyen's time, for his consecration did not take place until
1478 (he was translated to Winchester in 1487), sixty or
seventy years after the window was completed.

In spite of there being no direct evidence to connect
the shield with the archiepiscopate, I incline to think it
might have been placed there in compliment, not to Peter,
but to William Courtenay, Archbishop of Canterbury from
1381 to 1396 — during the reconstruction of the window, in
fact. But this is a matter within the province of the
scholar rather than that of the craftsman. All that I can
say is that nothing in the appearance of the shield indicates
it as of later date than the surrounding work, though the
same remark applies to Bishop George Nevyll's coat

vol. xuv. Q

242 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

(1456-8) in the base of the southernmost light. Both the
shields are simply glazed, and bear no evidence of date. It
cannot, however, be doubted that the Nevyll arms were a
later addition to the window. He was consecrated in
1456, and, unlike the case of the Courtenay arms, no other
of his name offers a possible excuse for earlier insertion.

With the seventh figure we leave Lyen's work and return
to the glass of the original window. St. Peter, mitred and
dressed in the pallium, holds the church aloft in his right
hand, and in his left the keys. Two rather curious points
came to light when my father examined this figure prior to
restoration. He discovered that the head-dress, originally a
mitre and still looking very much like one, was in fact no
mitre at all, but a piece of canopy work filched from another
window. Peckitt, the Yorkshireman, during his restoration
of the window in 1765, probably needed a mitre to replace
the old broken one, and the piece of canopy being at hand
and looking something like a mitre, he saved himself the
trouble of painting a new one by popping it in the vacant
place. The keys, too, seem held rather awkwardly when
seen close at hand, the saint's thumb being stuck straight
out between them. Very careful examination is needed
before one discovers that they once were part of an ancient
coat of arms of the diocese, and that the stiff thumb was
originally part of the familiar sword-blade. The arms
beneath this figure are those traditionally ascribed to King
Athelstan : Party per saltire gules and azure, on a mount a
cross patonce crowned or (heraldry as bad as it is unau-
thentic), and to Bishop Leofric (1050-72) : Or, a cross
flory sable, in the fess point a mitre of the field.

Next to St. Peter is St. Paul, with sword and book. The
arms, Azure, a saltire argent, are those of the Warelwasts,
William (1107-36) and Robert (1155-60), Bishops of Exeter
and nephews of the Conqueror. The first-named was the
builder of the Cathedral towers. The other arms are
Bishop Brewer's (1224-44) : Gules, two bends wavy or.

Last of these lower lights we have St. Andrew with his
cross saltire-wise. The arms below are those of Bishop
Stapledon (1308-26), in whose episcopate the first six-light
window was painted : Argent, two bends wavy within
a bordure sable, and Bishop NevylPs (1456-8), to which I
have already alluded.

All the bases of the six side-lights are of similar character.
I have mentioned that they were added to the original

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EAST WINDOW, EXETER CATHEDRAL. HEADS OF
LIGHTS ANTE 1380.

EAST W'INDOW, EXETER CATHEDRAL. HEADS OF
SIDE LIGHTS AFTER ENLARGEMENT OF WINDOW.

Stained Glass of Exeter Cathedral.— To face p. 243.

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OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

243

lights by Robert Lyen in 1389 to make them fill out the
longer openings of the new window. Very little of Lyen's
work remained after Peckitt's 1765 restoration, and only
two or three fragments of the original bases were left in
each light. All the rest had gone, and had been replaced
by patchwork — common sheet glass, green and ruby and
white, with a few old borders from other windows — all
leaded together by Peckitt in 1765.

But what little did remain of the delicately outlined
canopies over the shields was very fine. Adroitly painted
on beautiful silvery glass, with here and there a touch of
golden yellow stain, these fragments showed Lyen's
Perpendicular work at its best. He had no intention of
being judged by his coarse canopy work over the three
central figures.

But though Robert Lyen added to the bases of the
lights, the new shape of the stonework made it necessary
for him to cut down the heads, and very puzzling heads
they were when he left them.

See how clumsily the borders* finish. They suggest
patchwork at once, in spite of their being evidently
part and parcel of the original window. They puzzled
Mr. Lewis Day, expert though he was. In his book
Windows, speaking of the constant if gradual tendency
towards narrower borders, he draws special attention to
them as showing how the wide borders of the Decorated
Period could not accommodate themselves to the smaller
window openings and more elaborate stonework of the
period succeeding it. " Look how the borders fit, or
rather do not fit, in this head," he says.

He overproved his case. Perhaps he was misled by the
inner edge of the border, which, as you see, accidentally
meets the upper cusps so exactly as to look as though the
meeting were intentional. He may have thought this the
case — imagined the queer design a misplaced attempt at
originality, on the part of a painter struggling to get his
wide border round the cusps. If it had only occurred to
him that he was looking at an anachronism — glass older
than the stonework around it, a palpable absurdity — he
might have seen what was the matter, as you readily may
for yourselves.

This was the shape of the heads of the old window.
Robert Lyen simply cut them down to the shape shown
by the first illustration. They were never designed to fit a

244 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

Perpendicular head at all. The dents in the outline caused
by the points of the old single cusps he filled with other
scraps taken from the mutilated borders. It is to be re-
gretted that this interesting feature was not retained. In
my father's report on the window before the restoration he
says : "So anxious am I to preserve the ancient features
of the window that I would not attempt to correct the
curtailment of border and canopy in the heads of lights,
effected by Lyen in glazing the Perpendicular stone-

Other counsels, however, prevailed* and the borders
were made to fit the present stonework. I grant the
present arrangement may be considered less unsightly, but,
to me at least, it is infinitely less interesting.

Over the three centre lights you will notice six tracery
openings somewhat similar in size and shape. The lower
three are contemporary with Lyen's work in the long lights
beneath. They were fixed by him in their present position,
and may perhaps be his own work throughout. But
even if they are, I fancy one of them at least occupied some
other place before it was promoted to the east window.
It is worthy of remark that one, on the right hand, contains
a second figure of St. Catherine, and we have already seen
that she occupies the second light from the north side of
the window — a light of earlier date.

I cannot imagine that Lyen would duplicate a figure
intentionally. Possibly this was part of the glass provided
by the Dean and Chapter to which allusion is made in the
Fabric Roll. The other two figures are of the archangels,
St. Michael and St. Gabriel. The duplicate St. Catherine
assorts so ill with her two companions that I venture to
think she was only inserted as a matter of convenience —
for the sake of economy, perhaps. But intruder though
she be, she is a very handsome one, crowned and magnifi-
cently robed. Her outer mantle, embroidered with golden
lions, bears comparison with that inner one of St., Barbara's,
of which I have already spoken.

The three figures above belong to the older period —
that of the six lower side-lights. They bear very little
evidence of their identity, and consequently have been at
times the subjects of some controversy. It seems probable
that, reading from left to right, they represent : Firstly,
either Abraham or Joachim. A figure regarding an angel
overhead. Dr. Oliver says there was an inscription from

work.

OP EXETER CATHEDRAL.

245

Genesis xvn. 19, in this light : " Sara uxor tua pariet tibi
filium : vocabisque nomen ejus Isaac" but, if so, it had dis-
appeared before the restoration of the glass. Secondly,
Moses, with the text from Deuteronomy xvm. 15 : "2)e
gente tua prophetam vobis suscitabit Deus " ; and thirdly,
Isaiah, with his great prophecy (chap, xi., v. 1) : Egre-
dietur virga de radice Jesse"

The tenor of the inscriptions, no less than the character
of the work, would seem to indicate that these three
figures — unlike those below them — have always been
associated. Whether they were first painted for this
window or some other, they evidently still occupy their
original relative positions.

The adjoining large openings, two on either side, have
a peculiar interest. Pursuing the arrangement of the main
lights below, they have the female saints on the north, and
the male saints on the south side of the window — an
arrangement from which the second and intruding St.
Catherine alone has had the bad manners to depart.
First comes a local saint, St. Sidwella, with her well and
scythe — to my thinking the most strongly graceful figure
in the window. Her close habit is unusual, and contrasts
strongly with the manifold draperies of her sister saints
around her. Next her is the empress St. Helena, crowned,
in one hand the cross with its " INBI," in the other a
book.

Opposite is St. Edward, King and Confessor, on his right
hand the pilgrim's ring of the legend. And last comes St.
Edmund, King and Martyr, holding the arrows emblematic
of his martyrdom in 870. Fine figures, all four, boldly
drawn and coloured, as they should be to tell at that
height ; but the curious thing about them is that they are
by an unknown hand. Most certainly they are not Master
Walter's work — they are too late for that — and they are
not Robert Lyen's either ; there is an almost brutal
strength and power in their drawing, notably in the figure
of St. Sidwell, that Lyen's work, rich and masterly as it
was, never attained. The puzzle is whose work they can
be. The Fabric Rolls tell us nothing, and the only indica-
tions given by the glass itself suggest that it is earlier
in date than Lyen's work, beside it. The canopies, as
strongly drawn and roughly painted as the figures them-
selves, were removed at the time of the restoration. I
think this was an error — fortunately not an irreparable

246 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

one, for they have been carefully preserved, together with
their bases.

Close examination — not, of course, to be dreaded when
the glass was fixed — shows the work to be very rough
indeed, and, curiously enough, able and skilled as it is,
in one respect it flatly denies an important canon of our
craft. The shadows have been fired and fixed as they were
first smeared on. The paint has never been stippled,
and this stippling was, and is now, an important matter.
Light — some fight — should be let through every part of a
window, no matter how deep shadows may seem de-
manded by the design, even if it is only admitted by tiny
scattered pinholes in the paint. The translucency of the
material is denied else, and these canopies flatly do deny
it. Had they been fixed close to the eye they would
have appeared clumsier in execution — though in reality
they are not — than the old Decorated canopies below
them.

For all their coarse execution, these four panels are
good — strong in design and rich in colour. Moreover
they were painted for the positions they now occupy.
They fit their openings, and except for Lyen's three
centre-lights, that is more than can be said for any
other glass in the window. The quatrefoils above them
were unquestionably by the same hand. They held
coats of arms — on the left Archbishop Courtenay's (now
under the figure of St. Mary Magdalen), and on the right
Courtenay impaling Bohun. They were surrounded by
conventional ornament, which, to tell the truth, bowed
little to any convention. They were executed in the
coarsest manner — outlines nearly half an inch thick,
light passages boldly smeared out of solid paint with
finger and thumb ; but it must always be remembered
that they were designed for a position forty feet high.

Their date is still problematical. It is certain that the
new stonework was in place before Robert Lyen began his
work, but whether these six openings — the quatrefoils and
saints below them — were filled by some travelling glass
painter before him, or whether Lyen's man, mentioned
in the Fabric Rolls, was allotted this portion of the work,
who can say ?

But they could not have been painted earlier than 1381,
because of Archbishop Courtenay's arms — he was conse-
crated in that year. The Courtenay-Bohun marriage

OP EXETER CATHEDRAL.

247

commemorated by that other shield took place in 1325,
and the Countess Margaret died in 1391, fifteen years after
her husband. If she caused it to be inserted — and, strictly
speaking, her descendants had no heraldic authority for
using the impaled coat after her death — that dates that
glass within ten years — between 1381 and 1391.

Be the date what it may, I feel confident it is earlier than
Lyen's work, and comparison of these canopies with the
transition canopies at New College, Oxford, indicates that
it is extremely likely that they are approximately of the
same date.

The only other windows remaining in anything approach-
ing a complete condition are the two grisailles in St.
Gabriel's and St. Mary Magdalen's chapels. They originally
filled the six-light openings on the north and south sides of
these side chapels, but both have been at one time cut
down and jammed into the five-light windows in the east
wall of each chapel. That in St. Gabriel's Chapel was
restored by my father and replaced in its original posi-
tion. The glass employed in their manufacture is the
hard, pure, white glass to which I have already referred
more than once. Their design is purely geometrical — in
the narrower lights a succession of quatrefoils, and in the
wider quatrefoils combined with diamond-shaped inter-
lacing strap-work. In the centre of each of the tier of
panels immediately under the spring-bar is a coat of arms,
and in the centre of the next panel below is a pair of keys,
emblems of our patron, St. Peter. The coats of arms
remaining in the north chapel, that of St. Mary Magdalen,
are those of Bishop Grandisson, Fitzalan quartering De
Warrenne, Bishop Stafford, and Courtenay impaling
Bohun. In St. Gabriel's Chapel are the arms of Northwode,
Northwode impaling Grandisson, Montacute, Montacute
impaling Grandisson, Courtenay, and Courtenay impaling
de Bryan. These shields were amongst the first listed by
Richard Symonds in 1644, and it is remarkable .that in
face of the destruction elsewhere, this series remains almost
intact.

Heraldic and other additions to a grisaille window may
always be regarded as evidences of a late period — late,
that is, for grisaille work. These windows are in all
probability earlier than 1330, but the insertion of the
coats of arms and keys shows that the glass painter was
already wearying of the meaningless repetitions of purely

248 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

ornamental patterns. But they show no other trace of
weariness or decadence. They are beautifully and deli-
cately executed — almost too delicately, perhaps — but
there is no flabbiness or lack of strength in the slender
curves of their conventional design. The lead-lines follow
the radiating stems most cunningly, the stems themselves
finishing with a tiny trefoil at each joint. The quatrefoils
also fill the shape allotted to them most harmoniously,
and there is a firmness about these windows despite their
delicacy that puts them, to my mind, in a class apart.

The Five Sisters at York are good, but there is too much of
them. Their patterns are richer and more intricate than ours
at Exeter, but they lack harmonious spacing and are over-
crowded, and though the design varies in each light, they
none the less tend to become monotonous. The work at
Salisbury and Amesbury is powerful and skilled, yet it too
holds more than a suggestion of monotony, and a certain
heaviness as well.

If the York and Salisbury grisailles, instead of being
painted on exquisite, faulty, varied greys and pale greens,
had been traced upon the Exeter white they had never
enjoyed the esteem they are now held in — but these Exeter
windows hold their own, are harmonious and interesting as
well as light and beautiful, even though painted on a glass
which at times is positively harsh, and almost glaring, by
reason of its excessive purity.

The borders of their lights contain leaves of conventional
foliage issuing from climbing twisted stems. One, like the
borders of the north clearstory window, is schemed on
curved lines, in this case varied by the alternation of large
ovals and small circles, so as to form a species of guilloche.
The glass painter was still harking back to curves, so far
as his stems were concerned, but he seems to have felt the
need of something to counteract their softness and confer
rigidity upon the design, so he painted ivy leaves, as spiky
and acutely pointed as he could, in the middle of each oval
space. In the adjoining light his curves give way to angular
repeats, each schemed to fill an elongated hexagon.
From that more angular form it is but a short step to a
rigidly straight stem with leaves issuant from it at regular
intervals, such as frame the six older lights of the east
window. Later the climbing floral border became weari-
some to the painter, and in the Perpendicular Period, after
some awkward attempts to conform to new ideals of design,

OP EXETER CATHEDRAL.

249

it vanished altogether. But here, at Exeter, we can trace
every step by which it evolved from twisted curves into an
•angular repeated series of leaves with no trace whatever of
curves about them.

As for the remaining windows, so much of them has
vanished that we can say no more with certainty than
that the choir aisles were once glazed with grisailles of
•somewhat similar character to these two windows remaining
in the side chapels of the Lady Chapel. The outlined floral
portions of their design were more naturalistic and less
-delicate than in these two windows, and the natural forms
can in many cases be identified. Thus, in the third pair
of windows to the eastward of the transept the flowing
ornament shows countless repeats of oak leaves, and in the
next pair eastward the design was based upon the ivy.
In the next is the ash, and in the last pair the hawthorn.
Another pair of windows contains a smooth-leaved cinque-
foil, and another a simple trefoil.

The tracery glass of some of these windows remains in
place. It displays the same kind of foliage as the lights
below, treated in a much heavier manner, as befitted work
so much farther from the eye, and smeared shading colour
is used as a background throughout. I have already re-
ferred to this coarse shading as being used in the east
window, but it serves to draw attention to one other point
regarding the Exeter glass, a point alluded to at the outset
of this paper. Few as our remains are, they provide
illustrations of work from the beginning and end of the
most rapid period of change in technique the art has ever
undergone. In 1320 outlines were heavy and black,
shadows were careless smears. Yellow stain, so frequent
in our modern windows, was unknown, and for all his
effects the glass painter was forced to rely upon a treatment
of black outlines and smeared shadow upon pot-metals —
self-coloured glasses — coarsely and strongly schemed, as
well for his figure-work as for such merely ornamental
accessories as canopies or borders. To this period — the
beginning of the fourteenth century — belong the original
six lights of the east window, the window in the north
clearstory and the pair of windows in the side chapels to
the Lady Chapel.

But before the end of the century the glass painter's art
had changed in almost every detail. To appreciate this
-contrast to the full, the two figures of St. Catherine in the

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250 THE FOURTEENTH-CENTURY STAINED GLASS

east window should be compared side by side. Even
had they been executed hundreds of miles apart it would
seem surprising that they could date from the same
century, so totally different are they in every detail. But
when it is borne in mind that they were painted in the
same town, within seventy years of each other, and not
only fixed in the same building, but actually in the same
window, then it will be seen that the changes they illustrate
are nothing short of marvellous. The earlier figure is bold,
the drawing archaic, the execution coarse. The saint's
pose is cramped and high-shouldered, so as completely to
fill the space beneath the canopy. What little background
appears beside her is crude blue, unrelieved by any attempt
at ornament. White glass occurs in the canopy shaftings
on either side, but even here it is broken by yellow and
green string-courses and corbels, and save for the panes of
glass comprising the wheel, which is scratched out in
silhouette from a heavy coat of black outline colour, the
figure itself contains no white glass at all. Even the face
and hand are of a pinkish brown, and the former is leaded
up separately from the head-dress and halo. Yellow stain,
of course, is absent altogether ; the few shadows the
drapery shows are coarse smears of brown enamel, helped
out by heavy outlines ; and the only attempt at anything
like ornament or variation of colour occurs in the close
under-robe, which is glazed up in wide horizontal stripes
of green and ruby. The later figure — that placed in the
tracery by Lyen about 1390 — =could not differ from her
more if the one had been executed in encaustic tiles
and the other in hand embroidery. To begin with, Lyen's
figure does not attempt to fill her niche, her graceful figure
being so much smaller as to reveal a large space of back-
ground, now not only painted with a diaper of circular
rosettes, but varied in colour by perpendicular stripes of
blue and ruby. White glass is used in profusion : for the
face and halo, the canopy-work, the wheel and sword, the
jewelled fastenings and belt of the blue inner robe, and the
ermine alb that shows at her feet, and wherever it occurs
it is beautifully varied by touches of golden yellow stain.

In place of the coarsely striped under-garment worn by
the earlier figure this one wears a magnificent ruby mantle
brocaded with golden lions. The wheel, instead of being a
mere silhouette, is drawn in perspective, and between its
spokes are visible more of the rosettes composing the back-

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OF EXETER CATHEDRAL.

251

ground diaper. Finally, even the small portion that can be
seen of the blue under-robe is diapered with a floral pattern
traced with the point of a fine brush. Comparing these
figures point by point, one begins to understand the im-
portance of the changes that took place in art and art
handicrafts in England during that most vividly alive
and moving period, the middle years of the fourteenth
century.

Over and beyond the remains we have now examined,
there is an interesting jumble of old glass in the east window
of the Chapter-house. Of different dates, varying from the
fourteenth to the late eighteenth century, it comprises
salvage from the wreckage of the last two or three centuries.
Some coats of arms are of special interest, amongst them
being several royal shields of England variously differenced
by bordures or labels. There is also a quartered coat of
Bohemia executed by the mysterious hand that worked
upon the east window, and a couple of little kneeling votive
figures, which at one time occupied spaces, below figures
of saints, possibly in the north windows of the Chapter-
house. One of them in all probability belonged to the
Perpendicular figure of St. Catherine we have just ex-
amined. Another of these figures has been inserted in the
centre of the grisaille window in St. Mary Magdalen's
Chapel, and these three little figures with Lyen's six figures
in the east window comprise all the remains of Perpendicu-
lar glass throughout the building.

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

BY MRS. G. H. RADFORD.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

The War of the Roses, in spite of its romantic name, is
one of the darkest periods of our history. England bitterly
experienced the truth of the wise man's saying, " Un-
happy is the kingdom whose ruler is a child," long after
Henry VI should have attained years of discretion. His
incapacity would probably have secured his deposition at
the hands of. a nobility whose turbulent activities had
been diverted to wars in France by Henry V, only to make
them more efficient for wars at home, even had his title
to the Crown been indisputable, but as it was based on his
grandfather's usurpation, it is perhaps surprising that he
reigned unchallenged for thirty-three years. When the
war came it would seem to have been rather a simultaneous
outbreak of petty local and tribal enmities than a wide-
spread movement for better government, as may be found
by computing the number of persons sufficiently actuated
by loyalty or a sense of justice to remain on one side
throughout the struggle.

Devonshire, from its position, was the scene of no
battles between the armies of the rival Roses, but suffered
severely none the less from private feuds. In fact, the
state of Devon (and Exeter more especially), though
ignored or misrepresented by most historians, was at
the time productive of widespread attention and con-
sternation.

It is with something of a shock, even at this distance of
time, that we read that for nearly a year the Justices dared
not hold the General Sessions in Exeter, while for months
the city was invested by an drmed force of the Earl of
Devon's, which took possession of the keys of the city
gates, scrutinizing all comers-out and goers-in, broke into
the Cathedral, brutally murdered the Recorder, and com-

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

253

mitted robberies and outrages without number ; while
the Earl himself, with another force, besieged his cousin
Sir Philip Courtenay at Powderham, or skirmished with
Sir William Bonville, of Chuton, with whom at last (when
the city, oppressed though it was, flatly declined to be
held as a fort in a private war) he fought a pitched battle
upon Clyst Heath.

It is an unpublished page from the history of this
troublous time, taken from the rich stores of the Exeter
Corporation, that I propose to bring before you.
The troubles in Devon arose chiefly from the dissen-
sions of the two great lords, Thomas Courtenay, 5th
Earl of Devon (b. 1414), and William Bonville, after-
wards Lord Bonville of Chuton (b. 1393). Each had vast
landed possessions in the west, and each had special
claims, Bonville for long and honourable service in the
French wars, under two kings, and Courtenay by his near
kinship by marriage to Henry VI. The stewardship of
the Duchy of Cornwall, with its rich revenues, was specially
desired by both, and enjoyed by both in turn. In 1437
the office was given for life to Sir William Bonville, having
been surrendered by John Courtenay (younger brother of
the Earl). In May, 1441, it was given to the Earl of Devon,
" to hold as long as the Duchy is in the King's hands,"
though it does not appear to have been surrendered by
Bonville.

In November of the same year, arbitrators were ap-
pointed to end all the differences betwixt the Earl of
Devon and Sir William Bonville, the two lords to enter
into a bond of 2000li each (about £20,000 now) to stand
to the award. 1

Three years later (1444), the Earl and his heirs had a
grant of keeping of the water of Exe and the banks thereof,
which led to much friction with the city authorities.
He was appointed 2 Steward of England at the Corona-
tion of Queen Margaret, and in consequence of his arrogant
claims a great trial lasting three years followed between
him and the Earl of Arundel. It was decided, 12 February,
1448-9, by a decree of the King in Parliament, 8 that
" William, Erie of Arundell & his heires have his seat,"
etc., " above the Erie of Devon or his heires, without

1 Proceedings of the Privy Council, Vol. V, p. 165.

2 May, 1445.

8 Rot. Pari. V, 140.

254

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

letting challenge or interruption of the said Erie of Devon
or his heirs or any other person, any title showed declared
or pretended by the said Erie of Devon in the premises
notwithstanding." This decision naturally annoyed the
proud Earl of Devon and he retired to his own country.

verses written in 1450, when Courtenay had been com-
missioned to go with the Duke of Buckingham " against
the rebels in Kent," Jack Cade and others.

William of Worcester says that Courtenay besieged Lord
Bonville in theCastle of Taunton at Christmastime, 1449-50.
There is an entry, in the MSS. of Wells Cathedral, of
payment made (1449-50) to Lord Bonville and other
" noble men " who came to Wells for the defence of the
Church of Wells and its ministers ; perhaps this quota-
tion should precede the last.

In the verses just alluded to, the Duke of York's
name is coupled with Courtenay 's, and soon after (1 March,
1451-2) the two appeared in arms against the King at
Dartford, the King and his army being at Blackheath.
York had 8000 men and 3000 gunners, the Earl of Devon
6000 men, and Lord Cobham 6000. 3

By this open rebellion against his sovereign, Thomas
Courtenay forfeited his posts held under the Crown, and
within a week 4 letters patent were granted to "the
King's knight William Bonevile " confirming the earlier
grant of 1437, " & to remove any ambiguity thereon,
grant to him for life for good service on both sides the
sea at his own costs, of the office of Steward of all the
King's lordships, manors, lands & stannary courts in
Cornwall, or Steward of the Duchy of Cornwall, to hold
himself or by deputy, taking yearly the usual wages, fees
& profits." He was also given the Castle, Manor, and
Borough of Lydford, with the Forest of Dartmoor, and
17 April, 1453, the Water of Exe and the banks thereof.
He had been made a Knight of the Garter in 1450. He
was ordered to France for the relief of Guienne, and
19 January, 1453-4, he and the Earl of Wiltshire " have
done to be cried at Taunton in Somerset that every man
that is likely & wole go with them shall have 6d. a day as
long as he abideth with them."

1 Courtenay's badge. 2 London.

" The Boar 1 is far into the West
That should us 2 helpe with shield and spear,'

8 The Cottonian Roll, II, 23.

* March 8, 1452.

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

255

On 13 September, 1454, when the King was ill, the
Earl of Devon was indicted for high treason before his
peers. The Duke of York, then acting as Regent, con-
sidering that the arguments advanced against Courtenay
reflected on his loyalty also, uttered a dignified protest,
received with all deference by the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal. The Earl was acquitted and, strange as it seems
after this action of the Duke of York, from this time he
is found on the Lancastrian side, one of the most vehement
opposers of the Duke. His influence over the King is
shown by the second of two^entries in the Patent Rolls.
The first records the appointment of a small but very
important Commission (26 February, 1455-6), appointing
William Bonville, of Chuton, Knt., Nicholas Ayssheton
(Justice of Common Pleas), William Doddesham, and
Thomas Clement to make inquisition in Cornwall touching
all dilapidations, wastes and sales of castles, manors,
lordships, mills, lands, and woods and huntings, and de-
structions in parks and warrens of the King, and other
trespasses and offences. On 24 March, Thomas, Earl
of Devon, and Thomas Courtenay, Knt., are asso-
ciated, with the above Commissioners, and a mandate
issued that if all of them cannot be present at every
inquisition, five, four, three, or two of them shall attend,
whereof the Earl or Thomas Courtenay shall always be
one. By Privy seal, etc.

But the Earl's name does not appear amongst those to
whom in June, July, August, and September, 1455, Com-
missions were issued from Westminster for various pur-
poses, defensive and other, in the West, though the list
includes William Bourghchier, of Fitzwaryn,Knt., William
Bonevile, Knt., Nicholas Ayssheton, Walter Moyle,
Nicholas Radeford, John Copleston, etc., and the Sheriffs
of Devon and Cornwall. These Commissioners were chosen
by the King's judges at Westminster, not by the King
personally, and there were reasons for the omission of the
Earl's name from those appointed to preserve law and
order/

In the previous year, April, 1454, James, Earl of
Wiltshire, John Stourton, Knt., William Bonevile, of
Chuton, Knt., John Arundel, Esq., and the Sheriffs of
Devon and Cornwall, had been appointed by letters patent
to raise loans in Devon for the safe keeping of the sea
and the defence of Calais. To effect this, Bonville and

256

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

the other Commissioners arranged a meeting at Exeter
with merchants and others. But while negotiations were
actually in progress the two elder sons of the Earl of
Devon, Sir Thomas and Henry, with Hugh Courtenay, of
Boconnoc, came to Exeter by night with 400 armed
followers, and on the Tuesday after Low Sunday by their
terrible threats and warlike demeanour in the High Street
so alarmed the merchants that they departed and the
money could not be raised. The Courtenays " threatened
to murder Bonville, notwithstanding the authority of the
Letters Patent from the King, and continuing their Riot
in Exeter, the Justices did not dare to hold the usual
Easter Sessions, so that all writs, precepts & processes,
returnable there at that day before the same Justices were
wholly discontinued." 1

At this time the Earl was with the King in arms, but
though the Duke of York was also in arms, no battle
had taken place.

" York, who had been in the North, joined the Earl of
Salisbury, and his son the Earl of. Warwick . . . together
the three lords came with a considerable following ta
Royston. Thence on 20 May (1455) they dispatched an
urgent letter to Archbishop Bourchier, declaring that they
were as ready as any to defend the King's person if
necessary, but hearing that their personal enemies aspersed
their loyalty, they wished him to remove suspicion in the
King's mind. . . . Next day they wrote from Ware to
the King himself, with strong protestations of loyalty and
complaints of being shut out from his presence. The
Archbishop, on receipt of the letter addressed to himself,,
sent it by a special messenger, who overtook the King at
Kilburn on his way to Leicester. It was read by Somerset,,
but he did not deliver it to Henry. The second letter*
also, though addressed to the King himself, and received
for him by the Earl of Devonshire, was in like manner
withheld from his knowledge. The result was that when
the King came to St. Albans on 22 May, there was
an appearance of a hostile army outside the town," 2 and
the first battle of St. Albans took place.

This action of Courtenay's throws some light on his
feeling towards his former friend and comrade-in-arms,
the Duke of York. There is no record of Lord Bonville's
being at this, the first battle in the Wars of the Roses ,* in

1 Indictment.

2 " Life of the Duke of York " by James Gairdner, Diet. Nat. Biog.

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

257

fact, he does not appear to have been in open rebellion
against the King until present at the battle of Wakefield
in 1460.

After the battle of St. Albans, in 1455, the Earl came
home to nurse his wounds, bringing with him the men-
at-arms he had led to the battle, and war being now openly
declared in England against Englishmen, found it an
excellent opportunity for gratifying his private enmities.
He and his three sons, Sir Thomas, Henry, and John
Courtenay, entrenched themselves in their strong castle
of Tiverton, and issued forth to plunder, rob, and kill as if
they had been in an enemy's country instead of their own
motherland.

They prevented the holding of the Autumn Sessions in
Exeter, by threats, as they had the Easter Sessions in the
previous year. On 23 October the Earl's sons murdered,
under circumstances of singular treachery and ferocity,
Nicholas Radford, the Recorder of Exeter. From Tiverton
Castle, on 1 November, 1455, the Earl of Devon and his
sons, having collected men to the number of 1000 or 1500, 1
" in warlike fashion & like an insurrection," went to
Powderham to " threaten, assault, beat, wound, ill-treat
& slay " Sir Philip Courtenay, whom, in spite of his kin-
ship, the Earl fyated as he did Lord BonvUle. This hap-
pened on the 3rd November. The same day, probably on
their way to Powderham, the armed host appeared before
the city of Exeter, seized the keys of the gates from their
rightful guardians, and placed some of their own men on
guard, having thus entire control of all who went out of or
came into the city.

In the indictments against the Earl and his sons crimes
are alleged against them and their followers for almost
every day that they passed in Exeter, one of the earliest
being to invade (12 November) the Cathedral during
service, seize the officiating priest and hold him to ransom.
Of this outrage complaint was made to the Duke of York
and the Lords by the House of Commons, headed by the
Speaker (Burleigh) on Monday, 17 November, praying
that action may be taken and relief sent to " abate these
great & grievous riots in the West Country."

Meanwhile, the siege of Powderham was continued, the
Earl no doubt going backwards and forwards from Exeter.
On the 15th a great assault took place, lasting, as the

1 Indictment.

VOL. XLIV.

258

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

Indictment states with great precision, from eight in the
morning until four after noon. " Great cannon & ser-
pentines were fixed in the earth at different places near
the house, and putting into them powder & fire, stones
were shot at the mansion of Sir Philip Courtenay, as if
they had been in an enemy's country." Nearly 1000 men
were engaged and " innumerable arrows " were shot at
the house, but, being unable to break in, the Earl re-
turned to Exeter, leaving his second son, Henry, with
500 followers, in charge.

Sir Philip Courtenay managed to send a message to
Sir William Bonville at Shete (Shute) to entreat his help.
" The said William, being moved by this request, bade his
servants, for the preservation of peace within the same
county, & specially for the safety & security of the said
Philip Courtenay, to ride with him towards the same
manor (Powderham) as far as his manor of Lympstone in
the same county, through which goes the straight road
from the said house of Shute to the manor of Powderham."

Henry Courtenay seeing them approaching, dashed
after them, and before they could escape (they were about
twenty, whose names are given, to his 500) killed two
of the servants. This happened on 19 November, and
on the following day Henry returned to his father " in
Exeter, who received & comforted him & his men, knowing
what had been done." The siege of Powderham was not
raised, however, Sir Philip Courtenay, his wife, and children
being prisoners in their own house for nearly a month.

On 22 November " the Earl did say to the Dean of the
cathedral Church of the Blessed Peter, & to Master Roger
Keys, that they must deliver to him all the goods <fc
chattels which were the property of Nicholas Radford
then being in the aforesaid church, which had been de-
livered to the Dean and Roger by Nicholas Radford in
his lifetime, to be held safe and sound in trust for him by
Indentures made between the aforesaid Nicholas and the
Dean and Roger. Or otherwise, he would break the doors
of the church and take those goods and carry them off,
saying that he was unable to distinguish those goods
which belonged to Nicholas Radford, from the goods and
chattels of the aforesaid church. And the Dean & Roger
replied that they would not deliver the goods & chattels
of Nicholas Radeford, but they said that they could open
the doors of the said church quicker than the said Earl

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

259

could break them, & then if he wished to take & carry
away the said goods at his own risk, he could take them,
& so the Dean and Roger, to avoid a greater evil, opened
the door of the said church."

On the same day, after his return from this raid on the
Cathedral church, the Earl sent for the Mayor, thinking
no doubt to overawe him as he had done the Dean and
Treasurer. But in the Mayor he met a sturdy Devon
man who was not afraid to tell the Earl that he held
the city for the King, and he and his fellows as the
King's tenants would not meddle in any private quarrel.
It is impossible to read the story set forth in the Mayor's
Court Roll without feeling a glow of pride in Hugh Germyn
and his sturdy backers. It must have needed no small
courage to stand face to face with the Earl in full panoply
of war, surrounded by his men, who had already shown
themselves so cruel and unscrupulous, and tell him that
they would not do his bidding in spite of the array of force
against them in their own city.

The interview between the Earl and the Mayor was
deemed so grave, and of such importance to the city, that
a full account of it is given in English, on the Mayor's
Court Roll, 34 Henry VI. These Rolls, with the Receiver's
Accounts and all other records of the city, were at this
period in Latin, but presumably the gravity of the situa-
tion was such that the scribe felt his Latin inadequate
and so put on record, what is far more interesting and
valuable, the very words of Thomas Courtenay and Hugh
Germyn.

" Memorandum that the XXII day of Novembre the yere of
Kyng Harry the Vlth xxxiiij, my lord of Devonshyre at that
tyme being at Excetre sente for Hugh Germyn maier of the
Cite of Excetre foresaid & the xxiiij men of the comyn counseill
of the same Cite & moved them & said, It (hit) was not un-
known to them but that they knawed well that he was a
gentillman & a lord born dwelling in this country here nigh
by and oo his antecessors " (all his ancestors) " before him.
Also how his enemy Lord Bonevyll was nigh to this City with
a grete multitude of people. In case he (my seid lord of Devon)
would remove out of this Cite, how soon he would or how late "
(earlier or later, as he chose) " he wist not what ordinance the
Mayor & his fellowship would make for keeping of the City, &
keeping his said enemy from entering in to this City, in case
he would " (wished to) " enter at such time as my sd lord of
Devonshyre would remove from " (was out of) ' this city

Digitized by

260

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

saying furthermore that in case his sd enemy did enter in
such wyse, yet must he my lord of Devon come into this Cite
and would enter and make such a brusshe atte taill of his
enemy that perchaunce would turne to litell ayse as well to the m
Cite as to his enemy.

" Whereupon the Mayor & his fellowship of the 24 by good
advice answered and said, That they were both the King's
tenants & this the King's City, they under the King having
the governance of the same, praying my Lord of Devon to
pardon him. As for keeping any Lord out from the City that
this was not in their power so to do. Wherefore it might like
his Lordship to pardon him & to have him excused (askised) of
that.

" Whereupon ye same day anon right (soon) my lord of
Devon removed with his ordynance " (cannon) " and great
part of his people to Powderham."

After the Earl had gone

" the Mayor with the advice of his council made proclamation
through all the City that every man of this City should in all
haste come to y e Mayer in their best defensible array to keep
this the King's City, & the salvation of his people his tenants
& true subjects, here within this City eschewing danger that
might fall my Lord of Devon being out of this City & muche
people of his within this City they would do perchance hurt
unto this City. Whereupon the people of this City came to
the Mayor in good array & walked with him & did the
Mayor's commandment in keeping of the peace. This City
& the King's tenants living within as lawe & reason required,
proposing not, nor did not hurt any lord or wrong him or to
do anything otherwise than that the law would.

" Upon that [after this] my Lord of Devon came into the
City with all his people that went out with him, and so con-
tinued here in this City with great multitudes of people fully
armed [orig. jakkes and salettes and harnessed] to the Monday
next after St. Lucie's day" (13 December).

Many of the Earl's men must have been encamped out-
side the city ; from the Receiver's Accounts it appears
that later some of the Council went to confer with John
Courtenay on " the heights," perhaps Woodbury.

The Earl heard that the Bonvilles were approaching,
and as the Mayor refused to allow his army to hold the
city against them, he sallied out, collected his forces
within and without the city and met Lord Bonville and his
men, who were coming to relieve the siege at Powderham,
at Clyst. Clyst St. George and Clyst St. Mary take their

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

261

names from the sluggish little river Clyst, spanned by a
bridge round which much of the fighting took place ; the
City Accounts speak of the Earl's return from " Clist
Brig," though the open rough ground now called Clyst
Heath must have seen most of the skirmish.

It was on the same ground, just about one hundred years
later, 4 August, 1549, that another and fiercer fight took
place, when the unhappy Cornishmen, for whom at this
date one feels more pity than blame, were mowed down
by foreign mercenaries under Lord Russell, afterwards
first Earl of Bedford.

Clyst Heath served as the battle-ground of Exeter, being
the nearest flat place to the city set among hills, and
when the plough first turned its virgin soil (early in 1800)
many gruesome relics came to light, bones of Englishmen
who had died fighting in these two battles. 1

But to return to the Mayor's Roll. " Monday after St.
Lucy's day, on which day (that is the 15 December, 1455),
the said [Erie 2 ] lord of Devon departed out from the City
with his people into ye feld by Clist and there bykered and
faughte with y e Lord Bonevyle and his people and put
them to flight and so returned again that night into the
City again with his people."

Whether the Mayor and his fellows were pleased at the
result of the battle does not appear, but they lighted up
the city to receive the victors when they returned at
night, comforted themselves with a little wine, and sent
barrels of the same to the Earl.

" Item in tallow Candles bought to burn on the stalls (or
stairs) at the time of the coming of the Lord Earl from the
field at the time of the battle, 1 /8 J."

The next entry has been struck through, apparently
disallowed by the auditor.

" Item in wax bought to burn in the streets by night during
the time that the Erie remained in Exeter at the same time

" Item in wine given to the Mayor & his fellows at the
time of the return of the said Earl from Clisbrige 9Jd. To 6
pipes of red wine given to the Earl of Devon 15th day of
December by order of the aforesaid Mayor & his fellows 26/8.

1 Gleanings from Municipal Records, etc. W. Cotton and R. S. H.
Woolcombe, p. 67.

2 So corrected in original.

10/-.

262

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

Also four flagons of red wine were given to the men of the
Lord Earl watching at the gate of the City at the same time

This was the usual amount of wine sent as a present to-
lords, judges, and other great folk visiting the city, and
the usual price, and one gets some idea of Exeter's state
of mind when the Earl and his fierce soldiers rode in
flushed with victory. The city hastened, perhaps in
response to imperative demands, to furnish barrels of
wine, following this up next morning by gifts to the Earl
of flagons of red and white wine and Tyre, the barrels
being presumably finished.

The Earl remained in the city with his people until " the
Sunday (21 December) next before Christmas Day (1455),
on which day the said Lord of Devon with his people
(save those that were hurt in the field) removed out from
ye City in to Tiverton." It is not difficult to imagine
the feelings of the Ever Faithful City on seeing them
depart, though the Mayor had, throughout this most
trying time, taken what measures seemed to him pos-
sible to let the authorities know of Exeter's plight.

On 19 December, while the Earl was still in the city,,
presents of wine were sent to Robert Vere, Knight, evi-
dently sent on a mission, for a little later occurs :

" Item, one flagon of red wine sent to Robert Vere, Knight,
when he came from the Lord York, by order of the mayor/'
etc.

He made several journeys, and at the time of the sessions
of the peace after Easter, 1456, he received as a reward
" for th' afores'd Mayor & his fellows XLs," they at the
same time paying " for fodder for his horses at the Tabard,
that is to say, for 21 horses 6/7." It must be remembered
that owing to the violence and threats of the Courtenays
it was long since sessions had been held in the city of
Exeter, so that at the restoration of law and order the
city was proportionately grateful.

There are many entries of expenses, the result of the
fight on Clyst Heath, or as it is euphemistically styled later
in the City Accounts, " the great debate," " repairs to the
Guildhall and other houses, stones bought for the Guild-
hall, 2 tilers hired for 10 days at 5d. per day each, ridge
tiles, 299 lbs. of lead for mending the gutters in the market,'^
etc. etc. Also

2/8."

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

263

"in divers expenses made by the inhabitants of the City
during the time of night-watching at the time of the great
debate between the Earl of Devon & Lord Bonevile 21s."

This appears in the Receiver's Accounts with entries of
repairs to " the May " and " le Olyfaunt," and a large
claim for 23s. 4d. disallowed, the Receiver having evi-
dently done his best to sift the many claims for damages
brought in by the citizens.

This fight at Clyst is mentioned by John Hoker, alias
Vowell (d. 1601), in his valuable volume (a sort of chronicle
year by year) still remaining in MS. in the Exeter Muniment
Room, and when he edited Holinshed's Chronicles in
1586-7 the entry was amplified. Holinshed's Chronicles
have served as a rich mine or storehouse from which
English writers, from Shakespeare downwards, have drawn ;
it is therefore not surprising to find the story copied with
additions and alterations in all our local histories. From
Hoker's MS. :

" 1454. The xxxiiij yere of King Henry the
rot. VIII. Vlth. Richard Orenge Mayer ; Md. that this yere
anno was a greate feught upon Clyst hethe betweene the
sequenti lord Thomas Courtenay, Erie of Devon, & the Lord
William Bonnevyle baron of Shutt ; betweene
whom was miche hurt donne & many hurted. The occasion
thereof was, as some saye about a dogge : but great dis-
pleasure givn thereby unto the City : for immediately after
the fight the lord Bonnevyle came to this Citie, & was receved
& also reskewed in, the Erie concevinge it for evel parte,
thought it had been donne of some displeasure agaynst him/' 1

Westcote 2 has: "This emulation" (between Courtenay
and Bonville) " increased at length to a quarrel, & eagerly
taken a [sic] both sides, about a couple of dogs, or hounds,
if you will, which could not by any mediation of friends or
intercession of their equals be qualified or appeased, until
it was valiantly tried in a single combat (which is now by a
fitter word termed a duel) upon Clist-Heath, which man-
fully & constantly performed by both parties, & after
they had well tried one the other's strength & valour, &
with their sharp swords, they at last . . . lovingly agreed
and embraced each other, and ever after there continued
great love and amity between them."

1 Hoker's MS.

2 A View of Devonshire in MDCXXX, by Thomas Westcote, Gent.
Exeter, 1845.

Digitized by

264

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

Picture the astonishment of Hugh Germyn and his
fellows could they have read Westcote's rose-hued account
of the " great debate," to which certainly a distance of
nearly two hundred years had lent enchantment. How
Hoker can have so misread his authority is difficult to
understand, for he refers to this roll, and it was in
verifying his quotation (for what history can be reliable
in which the quotations are not verified ?) that the entry
in the Mayor's Court Roll was discovered.

We who live now are more fortunate than earlier writers
in being allowed access to this magnificent collection of
contemporary records, the real stones of which historical
edifices are built. How much of the history of our county
lies hidden there is unknown; the records on which this
paper is based furnish one small instance. Other entries
prove that Thomas, the second Earl of Devon of that
name, was married, a fact hitherto unrecorded. The first
Earl Thomas died on 3 February, 1457-8 ; in the following
April " the Wednesday before the feast of St. George "
(23 April, 1458) " the City sent to the Earl of Devon &
his Countess six flagons of wine when they were with
Henry, Duke of Exeter, at Dertyngton, another present of
wine as they were returning [passing through] to their
own house." And on 10 October, 1459, the City sent a
present of satin to the Countess and five yards of " panne
de damaske " to the Earl, at the time when the Mayor
(John Betty), Hugh Germyn, John Hamlyn and others rode
towards Colcomb to confer with the Lord Earl on matters
connected with the city.

In the Mayor's Court Roll for 1456 there is a brief
account of the election of the Recorder to take Nicholas
Radford's place, 1 showing that it was not quite unanimous.
The record is in English, modernized very slightly.

" Memorandum that on Saturday on St. Thomas Eve (20
December, 1455) it was moved in the Guildhall by people
of the City & others for a Recorder to be had & chosen, there-
upon it was answered by the Mayor Hugh Germyn & other of
the Common Council of the 24 men of the City, that the Mayor
& 24 men aforesaid had chosen a recorder, John More of
Colompton. Whereupon the people of the City & others said
that he should be chosen by all the comyns 2 of the City, &
also they refused to have the said John More for their Recorder.

1 Murdered 23 October.

2 Commoners.

THE FIGHT AT CLYST IN 1455.

265

So some held one opinion, some another, so at last it was
thought that it was against lawe & reason to putte him out of
recordership without answer of him whether he would take it
upon him or not. So at last it was concluded by the Mayor
& his fellowship that John Tylard & William Speer should on
y e morn (Sunday 21 December) ride to Colompton to More
his place & tell him how he was chosen Recorder, & tell him
the point of his charge & that told, to ask him whether he
would take the office upon him or not. And that if he would
that then he should come to Excetre the morn thereupon, that
was the Monday, into the Gildehall & take his oath according
to the lawe & custom of ye City. At which Soneday the s'd
William Speer was ready to ride but John Tylard would not
ride for no thing that might be, & so the matter standeth yet."

John More was duly appointed Recorder of Exeter, so
apparently after the departure of the Earl of Devon, diffi-
culties vanished. Hoker says: "Also this yere John
More of Collumpton a man well lerned yn the lawes was
chosen Recorder of the Citie about whose election was
much troble."

One can but express the hope that this ancient city,
realizing the value of this precious collection, which
nothing can replace, for many of its treasures are unknown,
very few printed, will see that their habitation is made
secure from fire.

Exeter is proud of its antiquity with reason ; proud
also with reason of its glorious title of the Ever Faithful
City which these records maintain and support as nothing
else could. Let me, then, as a grateful student, entreat this
venerable city to guard its treasures from the terrible
danger of fire, to which they would be so easy a prey.

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

WITH SOME NOTES ON THE SIGNATURES.

BY BEATRIX F. CRESS WELL.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Few, except students of history, have much knowledge of
what Froude calls the famous Bond of Association, founded
by Leicester and Walsingham in 1584 for the protection of
Queen Elizabeth from assassination ; by which loyal sub-
jects bound themselves not only to defend their Queen, or
avenge her death, but also to refuse allegiance to any
successor who might profit by her murder.

These terms were virtually directed against the pos-
sibility of Mary Queen of Scots, Elizabeth's actual heir,
thus gaining the throne. Her partisans were ready
enough to remove Elizabeth, as William the Silent had
been but lately removed at Delft ; and it was partly the
horror his murder had aroused throughout all Protestant
Europe which led to the founding of this Association.

The idea was welcomed all over the country. Copies of
the Bond were sent to all the counties and principal towns,
and everyone flocked to sign it. As the terms of the
Association rendered it a virtual suspension of the law, it
was legalized by Act of Parliament and remained in force
until, with Queen Elizabeth, it died a natural death.

Most of the signed Bonds extant are at the Record Office.
Exeter being a city and county had her own copy, which,
like so many other documents, has been preserved among
the city muniments to the present day.

It is a parchment measuring 42 inches by 19. At the
top the terms of the Bond are written without title or
preamble. Unfortunately a great part of the top left-hand
corner is torn, so that the beginning of nearly every line
is lost ; similarly the other edge is worn, and all the
writing is fast fading. In transcribing it I have supplied

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION. 267

the lost sentences from the copy printed in the first
volume of State Trials, the additions being italicized in
brackets.

No mention of the Bond occurs in the Act Books of the
city for the date. This is regrettable, because, as will be
shown later, it would be interesting to know whether the
Exeter citizens signed it before or after the assembling of
Parliament which was summoned in November this same
year.

About one hundred and eighty citizens of Exeter affixed
their signatures and seals to the Bond, and these form the
most interesting part of the document. The names are by
no means always legible, in some cases they have entirely
perished, and many of the seals are lost. Nor are all the
seals private ones ; some half-dozen devices appear fre-
quently on the document. No doubt it was kept at the
Guildhall, for the citizens to sign, and those who brought
no seal of their own used any one that was handy. In
many cases loyalty was stronger than learning ; the writer
put his initials, or his mark, and someone else wrote the
name, not always legibly. Among the seals some fine
examples of merchants' marks appear, quite worth the con-
sideration of anyone who makes them a special study.

The terms of the Bond are as follows : —

" [For as much as Almighty God hath ordained Kings] Queens
and Princes to have dominion and rule over all their subjects
and to preserve them [in the possession and observation of the true
christian religion according] to his [holy word and commandment
and in like sort that all subjects] sholde love feare & obey their
soveraigne Princes beyng kinges or [Queens] and to the utmost
of their [power at all times to withstand pursue & supresse all
manner [of persons that shall by any] means [intend and attempt]
anything dangerous or hurtful to the honnour state or persons
of their sovereigns] Therefore we [whose names are or] shalbe
subscribed to this writ[ing being natural born subjects of this
realm of] England and having so gracious a Lady our soveraigne
Elizabeth by the ordinance of God oure [most rightful] Queene
Reignynge over us these manie years [with great] felicity to o r
inestimable comfort [And finding lately by divers depositions
confessions and] sundry advertizements out of foreign parts
from credible persons well known [to her] Ma ties Counsell and
to diners others that for the furtherance and advancement of
some [pretended title to the crown it hath been] manifest that the
lyfe of o r gracious soverayne Lady Queene Elizabeth hath been
most mysteriously and devilishly sought and the same [hath

268

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

been most] dangerously [designed against to the peril of her
person if Almighty God her perpetual defender] of his mercy
had not revealed and wtetode the same by whose lyfe wee and
all [other her] ma tles loyall and true subjects doe enjoy [all]
inestimable benefit of peace [in this land do for these reasons
and causes before alledged] acknowledge our selves most iustly
bounde w* oure bodies lyves landes and goods in her defence
and for her safety to w%tand pursue and supresse all such
[intruders and all other her enemies of what nation condition] or
degree soever them shalbe or by what [counsell] or title they
shall pretend to be her enemies or to attempt any harme unto
her person But we doe [further think it our bounden duties for
the great benefit of peace] wealth and godly govern mt which we
have more plentifully received these manie years under her
ma ties govern mt than oure forefathers have done in any longer
time [of any of her progenitors] Kynges of this [realme to declare]
and by this writing make manifest our right and bounden
duties to our saide soverayne Lady for her safftie And to
that end wee and every one of us ffirst [calling to witness the]
hollie name of Almighty God Doe voluntarily and most willingly
bind ourselves every one of us ioyntly and severally in the
bande of one firme and loyall societie and doe hereby [vow db
promise by the Majesty of Almighty] God That wt our whole
power bodies lyves lands and goods and w* our children and
servants we and every one of us will faithfully serve and
humbly obey o r said soverayne Queen Elizabeth [against all
states dignities and] earthly powers whatsoever and will as well
wt our ioynt & particular forces during o r lyves w*stand offend
& pursue as well by force of armes as by all other waies of
revenge all manner of persons of what estate [soever and] their
abettors that shall attempt by any acte counsell or consent
to anythinge that shall tend to the harme of her Ma tles royall
person And we shall never desist from all manner of forcible
pursuit against suche [persons to the utter extermination] of them
their counsellors and abettors And if any such attempt against
her most royal person shalbe taken in hand or procured whereby
any that have may or shall pretend later to come to this [crowne
by the tm]timely death of her ma tie so wickedly procured (w ch
God for his mercies sake forbid) maie be advanced wee doe
not onely vow and bynde orselves bothe ioyntly and severally
never to allow accept or favour any such pretended [successor
by] whome or for whome any such detestable act shall be
attempted or committed or any that maie in any waie clayme
by or from anie such person or pretended Successor as is
aforesaid by whome or for whome such an acte shall be at-
tempted [as unworthy] of all government in any Christian land
or civil societie But doe also further avow and protest as we
are most bounde and that in the prescence of the eternal &

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION. 26&

everlasting God to prosecute such person [or persons to the
death] w* our ioynt and particular forces and to take the
uttermost revenge of them that by anie possible means w ch wee
or anie of us can devise or doe or cause to be devised or doen
for their utter overthrow & extirpation [And for] the better
corroboration of this our Loyall bond & association Wee doe
also testify by this writing that wee doe confirm the contents
hereof by o r othes coporally taken uppon the Evangelists w l
this express condition that no [one of us shall for any] respect
of persons or causes or for fears or reward separate o r selves
from this association or faile in the prosecution hereof during
oure lyves uppon payne to be by the rest of us prosecuted and
supressed [as perjured persons and as public enemies] to God
oure queene and oure native countrie To w ch punishment and
paines we doe voluntarilie submit ourselves & every of us
without benefit of any exception to be hereafter challenged by
any colour or pretence In witness of all which promises to
be invoiablie kept wee do to this writing putt our hands &
seals and shall be most readie to accept and admit any other
hereafter to this our societie & Association.

" Cittie of Exeter the ix daie of October 1584 in the five and
twentieth year of her Ma tles Reigne.

, . . . Geoff ray Thomas John Blackall Tho. Bruerton

sworne in ye tyme
of ye parliament

Nicholas Martyn George Peryman Ric. Prouse__

sworne in ye tyme
of ye parliament
Thomas Martyn Michall Germyn W. Martyn (seal with
arms of Peryam) .... .... Harry Ellacott Phelypp

Yarde I W Thomas Chapell Nicholas Spicer John
Sampford Thomas Spicer .... .... Richard

Swete John Howell (Ed)warde Herte Peter Purvys
W John S . . . . Henry Hull John ffollett John Crosse

William Payne George Bery (?) Rychard Bevys Thomas
Hamp(ton) Richard Dorchester Thomas Brydgman
Walter Pryer .... John Watkyns Edward Martyn

Willym .... John Smythe John More Tho Sheppard

John Trosse Nicholas Askham (?) W m Goweke (?) Thomas

Baskerville Jo Pole William Sheppard Jho Harrys

Richard Stansley (?) .... Laurence Seldon Phillip . —

Moris Downe Sam 1 Warne (?) .... Grygge

Diggory Baker .... Richard Bartlett Roger (Selbey)
F W .... Gilbert Smyth

Digitized by

270 THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

Edward Spycer Michal Br . . man Thomas Nicholys
Humphrey Gilbert George Rowe T Furley (?)

Rychard Mawdytt George Glubbe .... ....

. . . .... Clement .... .... ....

(Wil)met Tayllor Gilbert Denys Richard Radcott
Andrew Mackye John Tozey Thomas Chaff e Jasper
Horssey Richard May .... .... William

Ohapell Thomas Blackall Nicholas Evans Anthony
Hallcombe (?) William Dier Richard Wills ....

William Germyn Richard Maninge Walter Denys Jobn
Prouze Alexander Germyn . John .... Thomas Geffray

Thomas T . . . . Edward Searte .... ....

.... Richard Darbie (?) .... . . . .

Nicholas Hatche George Drak Walter Borowe William
ISpicer Thomas Raymond (?) Harry Payne William Bullye
Johannes Augustine Richard Pery W Geret Nicholas dyer

John Brooks

R d Tayllor John Kerr (?) William Knowles John fforde
Edmund Cole William Skinner Christopher Spicer W m Hurst
Robert Chaff e Robert ffrye Peter Wolcott . . . .
William Greenwood William Hancoke John Ellacott
W Alnet Budlye Richard Derbye (?) Thomas Greenwood
Thomas Seynter William Newcome John Greenway
Walter Cowper John Collyns Peter Risdon John West
Mychell Blayney .... Tayllor I A John Goodman
John Trygges Davyd Hancoke Edward Hurt John Downe

Robert Mychell .... George Maynwaring

John Hamond V(alin)tyn Tedbury . John Withycom.

As it is not possible to decipher all the signatures,
neither can all those whose names are legible be identified.
But when we search the local histories of the date we find
that many of them acted as mayors, sheriffs, and officers
of the city at the end of the sixteenth century. Nearly
every well-known man who has signed belonged to the
Guild of Merchant Adventurers, a company that had
special reason for asserting its loyalty to the Queen.
Elizabeth herself had given its charter, and granted
privileges that were no small grievance to those who did
not share them. The members must have felt that possibly
they would not enjoy the same advantages under her
successors.

Digitized by

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

271

The first signature and seal on the Bond are lost. I
have no doubt they were those of the mayor for that year,
the notable John Davy, who was at this same time Governor
of the Merchant Adventurers. My reason for concluding
that his would be the first name signed, is that Geoffray
Thomas, whose name is now the first on the document, was
ex-mayor, having served in the office in 1583. His seal is
a merchant's mark.

John Blackall may have been the mayor of that name
in 1560. He certainly was the John Blackall whose name
occurs on the minutes of the Company for 1589, when
there was a controversy between him and the Guild, ending
in the treasurer paying him 10s. " for a night-cap." " And
the said John Blackall doth acquit the whole companie of
all manner of matters from the beginning of the world to
the present date." Thomas Blackall, who also signs, was
elected one of the consuls of the Guild in 1597.

Two signatures, the fourth and seventh, Tho. Bruerton
and Ric. Prouse, have written beneath them " sworne in
ye tyme of ye Parliament," apparently alluding to Eliza-
beth's fifth Parliament summoned 23 November, 1584,
about six weeks later than the date on this copy of the
Bond. Ill this Parliament, which lasted till 14 September,
1585, Thomas Bruerton and Richard Prouse were members
for the city of Exeter. 1

The special reason for summoning Parliament was to
pass an Act legalizing the Bond of Association, but it was
not done without modifying some of the terms of the oath.
From the statement that they have written under their
names it would seem as if the two members of Parliament
wished to assert that they had sworn to the altered oath,
and not to the terms as above written. Had their signa-
tures appeared at the end of the document, this would be
quite explicable ; doubtless it lay for many weeks at the
Guildhall before the signatures were completed. As their
names occur among some of the first written, the question
arises, did the document reach Exeter actually at the
date given on it, or later ? Is it not possible that the
clerk who copied the formal terms of the oath dated his
paper for the " cittie of Exeter October 9th," but that it
did not reach its destination until after Parliament was
summoned ? As I have already said, no entries occur in
the Act Books to help us, and I have not been able to

1 Browne Wills, Notitia Parliamentaria, Vol. 2, p. 2.

272

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

compare the date on our Bond with dates that may be on
others at the Record Office.

The fifth, eighth, and tenth names are those of Nicholas,
Thomas and William Martyn, brothers, who were all in
turn mayors of Exeter, and Governors of the Merchant
Adventurers. Nicholas died in 1598; his gravestone still
remains in St. Petrock's Church inscribed : " Nicholas
Martyn nepos armiger bis maior Ezon." He was grandson
of Richard Martyn, mayor in 1533. William was sheriff
for this year 1584, and mayor in 1590 and 1600. Thomas
had been mayor in 1581. They all use a seal with their
armorial bearings, argent, two bars gules. The name of
Edward Martyn also occurs, but without the family seal.
George Peryman was Governor of the Company in 1567^
and mayor in 1577. Michael Germyn was mayor in 1582^
Governor of the Guild in 1583, mayor again in 1591.
Alexander Germyn, sheriff in 1604. Of William Germyn,
who signs, I can learn no particulars.

The eleventh signature has perished, but the seal re-
mains. It is a very good impression of the arms of Peryam,
a chevron engrailed between three leopards' faces. No doubt
the signature was that of John Peryam, whose portrait
hangs in the Guildhall. He was son of a mayor of Exeter,
and brother of Sir William Peryam, Chief Baron of the
Exchequer. In 1585 he declined the office of Governor of
the Guild " because he was minded to live in London."
He must have changed his mind, for he was mayor in
1587 and again in 1598. Harry Ellacott, a Merchant
Adventurer, was sheriff in 1579. Of the same family must
have been John Ellacott, who was Treasurer of the Com-
pany in 1597 ; he seems to have died about 1594, as
mention is made that John Ellacott left 13s. 4d. annually
" for a belman that goeth about by night."

Phelypp Yarde was Governor of the Company in 1579,
and sheriff in 1587. In 1580 the Guild voted him the
repayment of 13s. 4d. for a buck, " that he did provide
for dinner on the 6th of August last." At the same time
they agreed to have an annual dinner with a buck on that
day. The date was specially memorable in Exeter, being
the day when Sir Peter Carew and Lord Russell relieved
the city after the siege during the Prayer Book rebellion.
An annual sermon was then preached in the Cathedral,
attended by the mayor and his brethren in state. As they
were, in the sixteenth century, all members of the Guild of

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

273

Merchant Adventurers, no doubt they discussed the sermon
over their buck afterwards.

Thomas Chapell was nominated Governor of the Guild
in 1585, when John Peryam refused the appointment.
He was mayor in 1588. William Chapell who signs the
Bond may have been his son, or the son of that William
Chapell who died during his mayoralty in 1579,

Five signatures of Spicers occur on this document.
Four of these were brothers, Nicholas, Thomas, William
and Christopher, all in turn Governors of the Guild.
Nicholas and Thomas were also mayors of Exeter ; Chris-
topher, sheriff in 1595, and William in 1598. Nicholas and
Christopher were also benefactors to the city, ' leaving
sums for various charitable purposes. A portrait of
Nicholas was formerly in the Guildhall, but unfortunately
one of the first acts of the new Town Council, after the
passing of the Municipal Reform Bill, was to present this
picture to representatives of the family, and it seems to
have entirely disappeared. In his History of Exeter, Oliver
describes the picture as inscribed " a.d. 1610 cet. 78."
Isaacke says that the will of Nicholas Spicer was proved
7 March, 1609.

On 8 November, 1593, the Merchant Adventurers agreed
to collect £40 towards the " paving seelinge and building
of a certeine roome being under the Guildhall of this cittie,"
Mr. Thomas Spicer, then mayor, being one of the Company
empowered to collect the funds. This connects the Mer-
chant Adventurers with the restoration of the Guildhall,
undertaken at that date, when the armorial bearings that
decorate the panels were first painted. Among them are
the arms of Spicer, below which is the name of John
Spicer, five times mayor between 1353 and 1360. No
doubt Thomas Spicer had them placed here as asserting
his descent from this former mayor. In St. Martin's Church
there is a tablet to Thomas Spicer, but it gives no date of
his death. Of Edward Spycer, who thus writes his name
on the Bond, I have learnt no details.

John Sampforde was Treasurer of the Guild, which also
paid him rent for the Merchants' Hall, where it had its
meetings. When the Guildhall was restored in 1594, he
was appointed overseer of the building, and Dr. Oliver
considers that it is to his efforts that we owe the quasi-
Italian front, with its mixed styles of architecture.

Richard Swete was one of the Common Council of the
vol. xliv. s

274

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

city in 1583-84, and also a member of the Merchant
Adventurers Company.

John Howell was Treasurer of the Company in 1587,
Governor in 1591, and mayor in 1593.

Edward Herte was Town Clerk from 1574 to 1620. He
uses a seal with armorial bearings, a bend between 3 fleurs
de lis, given by Burke as the arms of Herte of Bovgy
Tracey.

Henry Hull was Governor of the Company in 1598, and
mayor in 1605. John ffollett appears to have been one of
the collectors of the Company's dues. " Strangers that
do lade within our port shall pay 2/- with every pack."
John ffollett and Walter Borough were to collect the same
and give an account thereof. Walter Borough or Borowe
was mayor in 1610, and a few years later than the date
of this Bond John ffollett was made overseer of the new
haven (the Exeter canal). Another collector for the Com-
pany was John Crosse, who was to have for his pains 12d.
out of every pound.

Richard Bevis (he writes his name Bevys), Governor of
the Guild in 1594, was a cloth merchant of Exeter, and
one of her most prosperous citizens. He had a country
house in Heavitree, as well as his shop in Exeter. In 1602
he was mayor, but died during his mayoralty. An interest-
ing inventory of his goods was printed in the Transactions
of this Society, vol. xli.

Of Thomas Hampton I can find no particulars. His
signature has faded, but he has helped to identify it with
his seal, which is a rebus of a tun, and the first syllable
H.A.M.P.

Richard Dorchester was Governor in 1597, and mayor
in 1606. His seal is a merchant's mark, with the letters
R.D. and a date, of which 15 — only now appears.

Thomas Brydgman, who seals with an elaborate mer-
chant's mark, was one of the city stewards for this year.
John Smythe was mayor in 1567, and we find also the
signature of Gilbert Smythe, one of the Merchant
Adventurers, and steward of the city in 1585. Some
other city stewards, whose names occur, may be men-
tioned together. Jasper Horssey was a member of the
Guild and steward of the city in 1587. Harry Payne
we may identify with Henry Payne, steward in 1593 ;
Richard Pery was steward in 1585. Then we meet with
the curious name of Alnet Budlye, which would be un-

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

275

decipherable did not Isaacke mention him as steward in
1592. We have also the names of William and Thomas
Greenwood ; of the former I have no details, but Thomas
was steward in 1589. Thomas Baskerville was an apothe-
cary of Exeter, and in 1570 steward of the city. He was
the father of a well-known physician of that date, Sir Simon
Baskerville, whose biography is given in Moore's Devon.
The seal is the family crest, a wolfs head erased. A cross
mark is identified with the name Tho. Sheppard, and near
it is the name of William Sheppard. Thomas could not
write, and William, judging by his signature, was very
illiterate ; but his name occurs as steward of the city in

On this part of the document the names are almost
illegible ; we find Laurence, and the seal a merchant's
mark with L.S. on it ; the name is that of Laurence
Seldon, a member of the Guild and described by Isaacke
as " a native and merchant of this city." By his will,
proved 1598, he left donations to various Exeter parishes.
Further on is the name Roger, the surname quite faded ;
in Isaacke we find Roger Selbey, city steward in 1587.

The clearly written signature of Humphrey Gilbert
attracts attention. It is not that of the great Sir Hum-
phrey, for he was lost at sea in 1583. This probably was
his second son Humphrey, whose name is in the pedigree.
Both Sir Humphrey Gilbert and his brother Adrian had
connections with the Merchant Adventurers, and most
likely the younger Humphrey belonged to the Guild.

Richard Mawdytt's name occurs on the charter as one
of the original members of the Guild. In the Acts of the
Company we find him taking shares in the freights of
vessels, the Michael of Exeter, and the Barthlemew [sic]
of Exmouth, which were to lade reesons (raisins), and the
Mary Martyn of Excester to lade fygges, his share in these
being several tons of fruit, and two tons of seeke (sack) in
the Christopher of Kyngsweere.

Thomas and Robert Chaffe were brothers, sons of Robert
Chaffe, Governor of the Company in 1571, and twice mayor
of Exeter. He died about 1580, leaving several children.
Robert, the eldest, uses a seal with a bird's head erased
that might be a crest, and his initials R.C. Thomas, the
second son, resided in St. Olave's parish, his daughter
Pascha married Tristram Risdon the antiquary, and his son
Thomas was that Thomas Chaffe, of Doddescote, gentle-

1578.

276

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

man, of whom an account is given in the Transactions of
this Society for 1887. Thomas Chaife uses a fine seal with
his name round the edge.

John Prouze was sheriff in 1599, and mayor in 1608. He
also belonged to the Guild and has been immortalized in
the minutes for May 31, 1597 : " At this court is presented
that Mr. John Prouze and Laurence Seldon did of late
deliver very unseemly words one of tother in Northinghay.
Therefore they and every one of them shall pay according
to a certeine act heretofore made 3s. 4d."

George Drak uses a seal with a shield showing a star
(or mullet) in chief and base, and his initials G.D. in the
centre. This seems a bearing curiously like the arms
granted by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Francis Drake. Oddly
enough one of the seals in common use on the Bond has a
wyvern with its tail knowed, the well-known arms of
Drake of Musbury.

William Hurst, who signs, was a son of that William
Hurst, five times mayor, whose portrait is in the Guildhall.
He had been an important member of the Guild of Merchant
Adventurers ; his son seems to have repudiated the Com-
pany, mention being made in the minutes that William
Hurst, of Exeter, Esquire, is no ffreeman of the Company.
His seal displays the armorial bearings of Hurst, argent, an
estoille gules.

William Newcome is described as " of this city draper,"
when in 1599 he requested to be admitted a freeman of
the Guild. He was sheriff in 1605, mayor in 1612.

The John Greenway who signs this Bond uses a mer-
chant's mark, but not the same as that of the Tiverton
merchant John Greenway, which is so profusely carved on
Tiverton Church. He died childless in the fifteenth cen-
tury, but mentions in his will kinsmen of the name at
Hemyock, from whom the John Greenway of this docu-
ment might be descended.

The Peter Risdon who signs so clearly is most likely
that Peter Risdon of the parish of St. Lawrence, Exeter,
whose will was dated 1614, but beyond this conjecture I can
learn nothing about him. The name does not occur in
either the pedigrees of Risdon of Bableigh, or Netherton.
There appear to have been Risdons settled in Exeter,
among whom Peter was a family name. Another Peter
Risdon was steward of the city in 1670, and " Peter Risdon"
signs the Exeter Association of allegiance to George II in

THE EXETER BOND OF ASSOCIATION.

277

1745, a Bond somewhat similar in style to its Elizabethan
predecessor. 1

George Maynwaring and his brother Oliver had founded
St. Anne's Almshouses in 1561. The signature here is very
illegible, but has a seal attached to it bearing a coat of
arms charged with two bars, gules, seal, and shield differing
in shape from that of the Martyns, whose armorial bearings
had the same charge. Both Carew and Holland mention
this similarity between the arms of Martyn and Mayn-
waring.

As a mere list of names is of little interest where the
individuals are unknown, I trust these notes will not appear
irrelevant in their endeavour to show something of the
positions and occupations of those loyal citizens who, in
token of their readiness to faithfully serve and humbly
obey their sovereign Queen Elizabeth, did to this writing
put their hands and seals.

I should like to express my thanks to Mr. W. A. Gaye,
of the Town Clerk's Office, Exeter, for the great help he has
given me in deciphering the terms of the Bond, and the
signatures.

1 Printed in Notes and Gleanings, vol. iii., p. 42.

XIII.

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF WENFORD

BY REV. OSWALD J. KEICHEL, B.C.L. & M.A. ; F.S.A.

I. General remarks on the Hundred, its manors and
townships.

1. The Hundred of Wenfort or Wonford, of which Exe-
bridge was the mote-stow or meeting-place, consists of three
separate sections, together with an outlier in the parish of
Ilsington. The three sections were in former times re-
spectively known as the Wonford or Eastern section, the
Halsford or Western section, and the Tynhide or Teign-
head section to which the outlier in Ilsington was appurte-
nant. This outlier comprises the four manors of Racoma
or Horridge, Bagtor, Sigford, and Staplehill. In one of the
Miscellaneous books in the Record Office (Exch. Treasury of
Receipts, vol. lxxii), to which the late Mr. Whale drew at-
tention (Trans, xxxii. 535), is a table of Hundreds and the
scutages of Hundreds, amongst which occur, on p. 200, the
following :

" Names of the suitors of the Eastern part of the Hundred
of Wonford every 3 weeks.

" Names of the suitors of the Half or d part.

p. 201. Tithings of the Wonford part.

p. 202. Tithings of the Halford part.

p. 203. And all the tithing-men shall come to Exe-
bridge every 3 weeks or every month except the tithings
of Hywish (Great Huish), Fouleford (Great Fulford in
Dunsford), and Middellond (Medland in Cheriton Bishop)
which shall come for 3 fifteen days. And they shall
present all crown and other pleas which pertain to the
Hundred ; except the tithings of Spreyton and Chageford
which shall present nothing. And the steward of the
Hundred once in a year after Michaelmas shall make

OR WONFORD.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF WENFORD. 279

his Tourn thro' the under-written tithings, and the tithing-
men and tenants shall present what pertains to view [of
frankpledge], and it is called Tremura. 1 And if they shall
have concealed or presented anything, it shall be ad-
journed to Exebridge and there determined.

p. 204. Aid of the Hundred of Wonford called Horderes-
yeve. 2

p. 205. Suitors of Tynhide part of Wonford every 3
weeks.
Tithings of Tynhide.

p. 207. And all the aforesaid Tithing-men ought to
present at each Hundred [court] everything pertaining
to the Hundred, except the tithing-men of Stoke [in-
Teignhead], a free manor. And the tithing-man of Stoke
shall hear the presentations of all tithing-men concerning
any felonies perpetrated in the aforesaid tithing, so that
the aforesaid tithing-men shall present all felonies within
3 days to the aforesaid tithing-man. And the same tithing
shall provide a pound, stocks and other instruments for
detaining and hanging felons and shall supervise the Hoga
called La Wetherburgh. 3 And shall make that provision
thro' all the aforesaid tithings which of old were provided
against the coming of ships hostile to the kingdom of
England. And all the aforesaid tithing-men as well of
the Wonford part as of the Halsford part and also of
Tynhide shall come 3 fifteen days to Exebridge without
summons to present, as of old they were accustomed. But
each tithing-man of the Tynhide part gives 3 pence at
Yevetru (Heavitree), so that their pound-keeper need not
come at the fifteen days, i.e. after the feast of St. Michael,
Christmas and Easter."

2. Further particulars respecting the Hundred of Won-
ford may be found in the Hundred Rolls of 3 Ed. I. a.d.
1274. The printed rolls contain two different documents
belonging to different dates. In the first document, No.
42, p. 84, and No. 43, p. 85, Isabella de Fortibus, countess
of Devon, is in possession of the Hundred. This document,
therefore, belongs to a time when Isabella's mother,

1 Trans, xxxv. 304.

* The word appears as Hordesyft, or Treasurer's gift, in the Hundred
Roll of 3 Ed. I., quoted in Trans, xxxv. 304. Davidson, Hist, of Newen-
ham Abbey, 24, says that this payment is now called " auxiliary money."
Uplyme paid to Axminster Hundred 10 shillings annually at the sheriff's
Tourn, and 6/8 yearly called herderisgeld or horderisgeve.

8 The Ramsborough.

280

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF

Amice, widow of the 6th earl, who held the Hundred in
dower, was dead. She died in 1284 (A.-D. Inq. 12 Ed. I.
No. 33). And as this document is identical with the so-
called Kirby's Quest, printed in Feudal Aids, p. 311, it
probably belongs to the year 1285. At any rate it cannot
belong to 1274, for in the return made in that year Amice
is stated to be holding the Hundred of Wonford in dower.

This document commences with a general survey of the
privileged manors in the Hundred, followed by a complete
list of the fees, their present holders, and the Honours
of which they were held, the jurors being William le Espec,
William de Foleford, William de Prestone, John de Boyvyle,
William Floere, Robert Pyngne, John Floere, Ralf de
Lappeflode, Roger By Nychedon, Peter de Hakeworth[i]
and Henry de Staneweye. It runs : — —

" Simon de Montacute, lord of Wonford, and Boys de
Nonant, lord of Halford, ought to find a bailiff for the
King to receive and collect the King's dues. The lord of
Halford finds a bailiff in the Western part, just as there
is a bailiff in the Eastern part., and neither ought to enter
the district of the other ; but by a convention made be-
tween the lords of Wonford and Halford, the lord of Won-
ford has to find a bailiff for both divisions.

" There are 66 townships, of which 3 are royal and pay
no geld, viz. the township of Polsloe held by the prioress
of the same, the township of Cowick held by the prior
of that ilk, and the township of Christenstow (Christow)
held by the abbot of Bee. Eleven are royal and pay geld,
to wit :

[1] James de Moleton [of Pinhoe. See below, No. 2, p. 316]
claims to have a liberty, viz. gallows, tumbrel, assize of
bread and beer, waifs and strays, pleas of blood and
claims of theft, as also view of frankpledge from time out
of mind.

[2] Isabella, countess of Devon, claims the same in
Toppesham.

[3] The bishop of Bangor holds the township of Alphing-
ton in wardship of the King with the same liberty.

[4] Robert son of Pagan holds the township of Stoke in
Tynhyde with the same liberty.

[5] Nicolas Montfort holds the township of Bridfford in
wardship by the King's gift with the same liberty.

[6] Humfrey Kael claims to have the same liberty, in the
township of Holcumb [Burnett].

WENF0RD OR WONFORD.

281

[7] Peter [Quivil], bishop of Exeter, holds the township
of Doneford (Dunsford) with the same liberty.

[8] Thomas de Chagford holds the township of Chagh- ^
heford (Chagford) with the same liberty.

[9] William Talebot holds the township of Spreyton with
the same liberty.

[10] Baldwin de Speccot holds the township of Lamford
with the same liberty.

53 pay geld and are not royal.

[11] John Dabernon holds the township of Teignton Drue
(Drewsteignton) with the same liberty.

"The sheriff at his tourn received in the Hundred of
Wonford 14 shillings and 7 pence, viz. from Clyst Fomison
{Sowton) 6d. ; Poltimore and Clyst Moyl (Clyst Mois=
West Clyst in Broadclyst) 12d. ; Branfor[d] Pyn (Upton
Pyne) 12d. ; Stevemston (Stevenston in Upton Pyne)
6d. ; Bagtor (in Ilsington) 12d. ; Holebeme (Holbeam
or Hobbin in East Ogwell) 6d. ; West Wogwell
(West Ogwell) 6d. ; Eastwogwell (East Ogwell) 7d. ;
Roucombe Hue (Higher and Lower Rocombe in
Stoke-in-Teignhead) 12d. ; Teign in Tynhide (Teign
Harvey in Stoke-in-Teignhead) 8d. ; Eilford Corbin (East
Clifford in Dunsford) 8d. ; Clifford Steven (West Clifford
= Combe Hall in Drewsteignton) 8d. ; Schilton (Shilston
in Drewsteignton) 9d. ; Rifford (Rushford in Chagford)
12d. ; Thrusegh (Throwleigh) 12d. ; Chagkford (Chag-
ford) 12d. ; Spryton [with] Huetesley (Spreyton and
Hittisleigh) 2s. ; Churiton (Cheriton Bishop) 6d. ; Egh-
beare (Egbear in Cheriton) 12d. ; Melehewis (Melhuish
in Tedburn) 12d. ; Foleford (Fulford in Dunsford) 6d. ;
Tetteborn (Tedburn) 6d. ; Hewis (Great Huish in Ted-
burn) 6d., and 12d. from Rewe.

" William de Batteshal holds of Symon de Montacute
the serjeanties of the Hundreds of Wonford and Halseord
for 30s. a year as tenant at will.

" The prioress of Polsloe claims to have all kinds of
liberties by royal charter, viz. exchequer fines for herself
and her men and all other liberties except pleas of life
or member, and that by charter of King Henry [II.], King
John's father, and by charter of King John, confirmed by
King Henry [III.]> the present King's father.

" The prior of Cowyck (Co wick) also claims liberties of
all kinds.

" Isabella countess of Devon [sister and heiress of Bald-

282

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF

win 7th earl of Devon] has the Hundred of Wonf ord and
assize of bread and beer for which the seneschal takes fines,,
but she has neither pillory nor tumbrel and the seneschal
wrongfully taxes the men of the Hundred."

The list of townships which follows it is unnecessary to
transcribe here, as the whole may be consulted in Feudal
Aids, p. 312.

3. The second document is the actual return made by
the Hundred jury in 1274 (Hund. Bolls, No. 44, p. 86).
This runs as follows :

" Verdict of Wonf ord Hundred made by John le Floer
[of Floyerhayes in St. Thomas], Ralf de Lapeflod, Roger
Cotum, Walter Gyrard, Thomas Peterrin, John de Hole-
beim, Richard Treymenet [of Great Huish], William de
Presteton, Robert de Boyland, Henry Tyrel [of OldridgeJ,
Peter de Hakeworth [Hackworthy in Tedburn], Adam de la
Leye who say :

[1] " Roger de Valletorta held the manor of Brideford
which belongs to the barony of Hurberton of the King in
chief and gave that manor to John de Hokeston and Joan
his wife 5 years ago to hold of the aforesaid Roger and his
heirs. It is worth £10 a year.

[2] 4 4 Amice countess of Devon holds the Hundred of
Wonford in dower since the death of Baldwin her husband
sometime [sixth] earl of Devon who held the said Hundred
in chief of the King as his heirs still do and it belongs to
the barony of Plymton and is worth 100 shillings a year.

[3] " William de Hochesham was convicted of a certain
redeseising of Thomas Brother of one common pasture in
Hochesham (Huxham), for which he was kept prisoner
in Exeter castle by Roger de Predyas then sheriff of Devon
until he paid a fine of 40 shillings.

[4] " The freemen of Topesham manor were wont to
attend the Tourn of the sheriff of Devon once a year with
the Hundred of Wonford, but for more than 30 years have
been withdrawn from the said suit.

[5] " Robert de Malleston the King's escheator seised
the service-land of the free tenants of ifroscumb [Dras-
combe in Drewsteignton, Trans, xxxvii. 418, 427, 433, 440],
upon the death of Sarrah de Bromhille who held the afore-
said land of the King in chief by the service of finding the
King with a bow and 3 arrows whenever he should come
into the forest of Dartmoor and paying him 5s. a year..

WENFORD OR WONFORD.

283

And the said Robert received on St. John the Baptist's
day 3s. 9d. and it is still in the King's custody.

[6] " John Daveyll claims to hold the land of Brighebroke
(Budbrook in Drewsteignton, Trans, xxxvii. 441) in chief
of the King by a similar service and paying annually 5s.

[7] " William de Huntiland bedell of Wonford on the
eve of St. Andrew more than 2 years ago took the horse
of Henry de Hollesham. Henry recovered the return of
the said horse in the county [court] of Devon, but never
got it.

[8] " William de Hokemton (Okehamton) sold the ox
of Robert de Boyland whilst he was in the service of John
de Musegrosse sheriff of Devon for 8s. alleging that 5s. 5£d.
was due to the King for a levy for the circuit-costs of
Robert de Bruwes 4 and he still keeps the 2s. 6£d. balance ;
and subsequently the said William when he was constable
of Thomas de Pyn took the plough beasts of the said Robert
for the same debt and kept them until he got a fine of 2s.

[9] " Roger de Pridias sheriff of Devon took by the hand
of William bailiff of Halsf ord 8 cows the property of Robert
de Boxland, and drove them off to Exeter castle and from
the castle to the fair by his own proper servants and there
sold them wrongfully without the judgment of the country.

[10] "The same Robert de Mucegrosse when he was
sheriff received from various debtors of the King £100
and more by William Puynz under-sheriff, for which as yet
he has given no acquittance.

[11] "Sir John de Blakeford gave to Richard de Clifford
the King's escheator 100 marks to help him to get possession
of the manors of Branton [Trans, xxxvii. 431, n. 25),
Dounesford [ibid., p. 445] and Rew [ibid., p. 444]. And the
same John enfeoffed the same master Richard of a house
with £ acre of land and the advowson of the church of
Donisford (Dunsford) for 10 marks."

These presentments afford some idea of the oppression
practised by the King's and the county officials in the
thirteenth century.

4. The manors of the Hundred were grouped into town-
ships as follows to meet the requirements of the Parliament

4 Robert de Brywes was one of the justices at Westminster on 25 June,.
1257 (Devon Fine, No. 563). He was on circuit at Exeter on 28 Oct.,
1262 (Devon Fine, No. 624), until 10 Feb., 1263 {ibid., No. 666), and at
Ilchester, 28 April, 1263 (ibid., No. 653).

284

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF

at Lincoln, which on 20 February, 1316, had called on each
township to " furnish the King with one man at arms "
(Feud. Aids, 377) :

" Hugh de Cortenay is lord of the Hundred [of Won-
ford]. There is no borough in it but the following town-
ships :

[75] Township of Hevetre with Rygeswille (Rings-
well), Clist Fomyson (Sowton) and Hoxham (Huxham).
, - John de Kelly is lord of the same.

[76] Township of Poltimor with Rewe, Cotton (Cutton
in Poltimore) and Stevenyston (in Upton Pyne) members
thereto belonging. John Bamfeld is lord thereof.

[77] Township of Stoke of the Canons with Braunford
Pyn (Upton Pyne), and Braunford Speek (Bramford
Speke) and Cowlegh its members. The dean and chapter
of blessed Peter of Exeter are the lords thereof.

[78] Township of Alfyngton (Alphington) with Hol-
rugge (Holridge in Ilsington), Syggeford (Sigford in
Ilsington) and Holebeme (Hobbin in East Ogwell) its
members. Teobald de Nevyle is lord thereof.

[79] Township of Est Wogwille (East Ogwell) with
West Wogwille (West Ogwell), Cumb Blaunkmester
(Combe-in-Teignhead), and Baggetorre (Bagtor in Ilsing-
ton). John de Maleston is lord of the same.

[80] Township of Stoke (Stoke-in-Teignhead) with
Rocumb (Middle Rocombe in Combe-in-Teignhead), Ro-
cumb Hughe (Rocombe in Stoke-in-Teignhead) and
Teyng Hervy (Teign Harvey in Stoke-in-Teignhead) its
members, of which Robert son of Pagan is lord.

[81] Township of Holecumb (Holcombe Burnell) with
Rydmor (Ringmoor), Wonford (Wonford in Heavitree),
Halysford (Halsford in Whitstone) and Brideford
(Bridford), members thereto belonging of which Humfrey
Kayel is lord.

[82] Township of Donsford (Dunsford) with Langge-
legh (Langley in Dunsford), Clyfford Corbyn (East
Clifford in Dunsford), also Clyfford Stevene (West
Clifford or Combe Hall in Drewsteignton) and Teyng Dretj
(Drewsteignton) members thereto belonging, and the lord
of the same is the abbess of Canonsleigh.

[83] Township of Throulegh (Throwleigh) with Chage-
ford, Shilston (in Drewsteignton) and Spreyton its
members, of which Roger de Moelys is lord.

[84] Township of Churitone (Cheriton Bishop) with

WBNFORD OR WONFORD. 285

Forsham (in Drewsteignton), Lamford (Lambert in
Cheriton) and Myddellonde (Medland in Cheriton)
members of the same, the lords of which are John
Burnel and the abbot of Tewkesbury.

[85] Township of Eggebere (Egbear in Cheriton) with
Melehywysh (Melhuish in Tedburn), Hakeworthy (Hack-
worthy in Tedburn), Foleford (Great Fulford in Duns-
ford) and Tetteborn (Tedburn St. Mary) members going
with the same and the lord thereof is John de Kelly.

[86] Township of Whyteston (Whitstone) with Cowyke
(Cowick), Hethe (Heath in Whitstone) and Hywysh
Tremanet (Great Huish in Tedburn) which are members
going therewith. The lord thereof is the earl of He[re]ford by
reason of the heirs of John de Pouderham being under age.

5. John Hooker, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, com-
mences his Chorographical Synopsis of Devon as follows
(Harleian MSS. 5827, p. 96) :

"And now I do come unto the Surveye of Devon
according to the number of the Hundreds and the parishes
within every Hundred and of such payments as do grow
out thereof unto the Queen's majestie for the Tenths and
fifteens at such times as the same be due unto her. The
first is the Hundred of Womford which lyeth nearest and
about the citie of Exon ; Whereof the citie was parcell
before the same was made a several countie [in 1537].
And in this Hundred there be 32 parishes. The first of
them is according to the Chequer booke from whence this
copie is hadd as followeth :

Total. Deductions. Payable.

[1] Comigtynethed . 31 6 . . nil . . 31 6

(Combe-in-Teignhead) .
[2] Rocombe Hugh . 2 4.. 12d. . . 16d.

(Rocombe in Stoke-in-Teignhead).
[3] Stokyntenhed . . 26 8 . . 4/- .. 22 8

(Stoke-in-Teignhead) .
[4] Rumore alias Rydmore 26 . . 4/6 . . 21 6

(Ringmoor). In this parysh dwelleth Hurkmore of
Buckl . . . and Syward.
[5] Alphington . . 38 . . nil . . 38
Norley but now Style.

^S"^^} • 3 6 8. .. 53 4

[8] Sprayton . . 3 0.. nil ..30

[9] Rysheford . . 3 1.. nil . . 31
(Rushford in Chagford).

Digitized by

286

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF

Payable.

Total. Deductions.

[10] Pynnhoo . . 28 . . nil
[11] Holbeme . . 3 0.. nil
(Hobbin in East Ogwell).

Kyrkeham, now the best of that name
[12] Dunsfbrd . . 16 8 . . nil ..16

Fulford of Fulford an ancyent gent, de-
scended of the Saxons as appeareth

[13] Bramford Speke

8 ..

2 .

[14] Cowleigh * .

8 ..

2 8 .

. 3

[15] Eggbeare

nil .

. 6

[16] Rewe

6 ..

nil .

. 10

[17] Hattensheigh .

nil .

(Hittisleigh).

[18] Luxham

nil .

(Huxham).

[19] Westogwell .

16d. .

20d.

[20] Winesford and)
[21] Halsford /

. 20

nil .

. 20

[22] Lamsford

20d. .

. 6

20d.

17 4

(Lambert in Cheriton Bishop).
Reynells.

[23] St. Thomas by Exeter. [See No. 70.]

Floer of Floerhayes, Prouz of Bowhill, and
Peters of Hayes.
[24] Poltymore and 1 ion
[25] Clistmoyes J * Ay u * *
(West Clyst in Broad Clyst).
Bamfield.

[26] Polslowe . . 21 6 . .
[27] Stoke Canon . . 17 10 . .

Pawlett and Martyn
[28] Clyste Fomeson alias

4
5

17
12

6
10

Sowton

[29] Hevitree
[30] Ringswell

[31] Whitestone
[32] Heath .

6 8

nil

6 8

[33] Holecombe . . 14

(Holcombe Burnel). Dennys.

Ashe, the remainder of the olde and ancient
house of the Ashes sometymes Essei
of the river Exe so called.

7 0.. nil .. 7

5 0.. nil .. 5

In this parysh dwelleth Smith at Madford,
Geere at Ringswell, and Carye and
Kellye of Hevitre.

7 0.. nil .. 7

5 6.. nil .. 5 6

Dowrysh at Heth and Loman at White-
stone.

. . nil . . 14

Digitized by

WBNFORD OR WONFORD.

287

Total. Deductions. Payable.

[34] Brydford . . 14 . . nil .. 14

[35] Toppesham . . 27 . . 6 . . 21

(Topsham with Rohorn in Whitston).
[36] ViUa de Footeford 6 . 4 4.. nil . . 4 4

(Siggeford de la Clyve now Wearpark in Topsham).
Holland at Weare.
[37] Cheriton Bishop . 3 0.. nil . . 3

[38] East Clifford (in

Dunsford) . . 3 8.. nil . . 3 8

[39] West Clifford (Combe

Hall in Drewsteignton) 7 4.. nil . . 74

[40] Fursham . . 2 6.. nil . . 2 6

(Forsham in Drewsteignton).
[41] Chagford . . 2 0.. nil . . 2

Prouz, Whyddon and Coade.
[42] Throwleigh . . 13 2 . . nil .. 13 2

[43] Farrwood . 13 4 . . nil .. 13 4

(Farwood in Tedburn).
[44] Doington(Teignton)andi 7 ft 90H fi

[45] [Bradford] Dawnem )' * ' * zua ' " " u

(Bradford Dabernon).
[46] Hamell« and (36 nil 36

[47] Droscomb Dodbrok \ " "

(Drascombe and Budbrook in Drewsteignton).
[48] Tetborne . . 5 0.. nil . . 5

(Tedburn St. Mary).
[49] Hackworth . . 2 0.. nil . . 2

(Hackworthy in Tedburn).
[50] Southtauton. [Usually treated as a Hundred by itself.]
[51] Gydleighe. [See No. 66.]
[52] Droustainton. [See No. 44.]

[53] St. Leonards. [See Trans, xxxiii. 618; Oliver, Mori. 191.]
[54] Huxxum. [See No. 18.]
[55] HyUeagh. [See No. 17.]

[56] Haccombe Eowe. [See No. 2, Rocombe Hugh.]
[57] Huyshe . . . 5 6.. nil . . 5 6

(Great Huish in Tedburn).

6 In 1346 John Holonde held T V fee in Siggeford de la Clyve in
Topsham of John de Bukyngton (Feud. Aids, 386). This property was
held by Sarah de Asselegh in 1241 for ^ fee within the manor of Topsham
(Testa, 624, p. 1816), and is the Saghe and La Clyve which Joel de
Bukyngton held in 1303 for -fa fee {Feud. Aids, 345).

6 It is suggested that Hooker found Haniwell and Droscombe in one
MS. and Droscombe and Bodbrok in the other. Haniwell may then be
Honeyford adjoining Budbrook. Budbrook had been originally in-
cluded in Drascombe (Testa, 1482, p. 197a; 1502, p. 198a in Trans.
xxxvii. 441), and appears to have been separated by grant of Richard,
son of Ingulf, to Richard Ruffus on 22 May, 1219 (Devon Fine, No. 99
in Devon and Corn. Rec. Soc).

Digitized by

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288

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF

Total. Deductions.

[58] Melhuyshe . . 5 0.. nil

(Melhuish in Tedburn).
[59] Mydleland . . 7 0.. 16d.

(Medland in Cheriton Bishop).
[60] Teinge Harvie . 6 0.. 16

(Teign Harvey in Stoke-in-Teignhead).
[61] Easteogwell . 16 . . nil

(East Ogwell).
[62] Hamlet of Shilston . 6 . . nil

(Shilston in Drewsteignton).
[63] Syggford . . 3 0.. nil

(Sigford in Ilsington).
[64] Horridge . . 18 . . nil

(Horridge in Ilsington).
[65] Hamlet of Beconnie
and

[66] Dadly (Gidleigh) (?)

[67] Combe Borough alias
Bowerley (in Drews-
teignton)

[68] Baggeter

(Bagtor in Ilsington).

[69] Bramford Pyne alias
Upton Pyne

Larder,

[70] Heghes .

(St. Thomas Hayes).
[71] Hamlet of Staplehill

(in Ilsington).
[72] Steromeston .

(Stevenston in Upton

Pyne).

The whole

Deductions . . 48 10
Remaineth . . 27 17 7

10 ..

nil

. 3

nil .

now

Coplestone.

nil .

4 .

. 10

. £30 6

Payable.

5 8
4 8
16
6

3
18

One remark only need be made in passing. Hooker
evidently had before him two MSS. from which he com-
piled his list, and when the spelling was different he appears
to have supposed the places separate manors. Thus Nos.
23, 50, 52, 54 to 56 are reduplications. And it is also clear
that in one of the copies from which he compiled his list,
South Tawton and its dependent manors were regarded as
belonging to the Hundred of Wonford,

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2. The Geldroll states that there are 54 hides in the
Hundred of Wenfort, and it then supplies the following
particulars accounting for 53| only (Introd. Devonshire
Domesday, p. xlix.).

Geld had been received in respect of
A. Lands held free of geld by —

1. The King .

hides virg. ferl.

22 2

hides verg. ferL

10 1 o

2. Baldwin

3. Juhel

4. Bishop Geoffrey .

5. William Capra .

6. Godbold .

7. Half Paganel

8. Haimeric de Arcis

9. Roger the Sandy

lO. Walter [de Clavil]

12. Nicholas .

13. Osbern de Salicto 1

14. Godwin . 3 2

[Wenfort, Pinhoe, Alphing-
ton ; Topsham, Rushford,
Christow, For sham, Cut-
ton, Hoopern, West Clyst,
Hackworthy.]

[Drewsteignton, Spreyton,
Cowick and Exwick.]

[Bridford.]

[Bramford Speke.]

[Combe-in-Teignhead,
Horridge, Farwood,
Whipton.]

[East Clifford and Hal-
stow.]

[Throwleigh, Wonson, and
Middle Rocombe.]

[Poltimore.]

[Hobbin and Bagtor.]

[Stevenston.]

[Stoke-in-Teignhead, Og-
well Malston and Staple-
hill.]

[Shilston and Little Lam-
ford.]

[Cheriton Bishop, Lam-
ford, Medland, West Og-
well, Combe borough.]
24 2

Forward 46 2 2

Digitized by

304

THE DOMESDAY HUNDRED OF

Forward 46 2 2

B. Lands in respect of which geld had not been received —

1. Retained by the fee-

gatherers . .10

2. Held by Roger, tenant

of Ralf [de Pomeroy]

3. Held by Haimeric

4. Held by Hubert, tenant

of Tetbald [son of
Berner] .

1 [Huxham.]
2 [Poltimore.]

5. Held by Humfrey [de

Cartreo], tenant of the
bishop of Coutances .

6. Held by Walter [de

Clavil] .

7. Held by Walter the Cup-

bearer, tenant of Bald-
win

8. Held by Godfrey de

Tortavalle** .

9. Held by Richard, son of

Torolf .

10. Held by Osbern [de Sal-

ceid] (?), tenant of
bishop G.

11. Held by Owin [the

King's bailiff]

12. Held by Ralf Paganel

13. Held by Berard, tenant

of bishop Osbern

14. Received and paid over

20 /- to William the
Hostilar and Ralf de
Pomeria for con-
veyance to Winchester 3
Trans, xxvii. 182 —
xxxv. 499

1 [Part of Holcombe Bur-
neL]

2 [Rew(l). See W. 198 in
Trans, xlii. 219.]

1 [Stevenston.]

1 [Rolaston in Upton
Pyne.]

1 [Crockernwell.]

1 [MardoninDrewsteign-
ton.]

1 [Oist Fomison.]

1 [Pocombe, part of Wen-
fort.]
1 [Throwleigh.]

1 [In Stoke Canon.]

1 1

6 3 2

53 2

95 Godfrey de Valletorta is mentioned as paying for Fardle under
Ermington, W. 23 ; Vict. Hist. 405 ; but Reginald de Valletorta is
named as tenant of Fardle, W. 322 ; Vict. Hist. 442. Evidently Reginald
was successor to Godfrey, either son or nephew, and succeeded him
between 1084 and 1086.

Digitized by

WBNFORD OR WONFORD.

305

Between the 55 hides 2 virgates 1 ferling, the sum of
the assessments of the Domesday estates, and the 54 hides
of the Geldroll, there is a difference of 1 hide 2 virgates
1 ferling. How is this to be accounted for ? Several alter-
natives suggest themselves. The most likely one is that the
excess represents estates belonging to South Tawton
Hundred, probably Chagford and Teigncombe 1£ hides,
together with Middlecot 1 ferling. These added to the
total of South Tawton Hundred, 3 hides 1 virgate 3 f erlings,
will bring up the total of South Tawton Hundred to 5 hides
and leave 54 hides for Wonford Hundred. Wonford and
South Tawton, like Budleigh and Ottery, Tiverton and
Halberton, North Tawton and Winkleigh, seem always
to have been intermixed. For some purposes they formed
one Hundred, for others they were separate Hundreds
(Trans, xxxiii. 572).

Accepting this explanation as most likely we have still
to account for the discrepancy between 53J hides of the
Geldroll and the 54 of Domesday, and it is suggested that
the missing J hide of the Geldroll may represent Clyst
St. Mary which, although belonging to Wonford Manor
(A.-D. Inq. 3 Hen. VI. No. 31 ; Trans, xxxiii. 619, n. 19),
lay in Budleigh Hundred (Trans, xxxv. 289, 316). The
seeming difficulty of finding sufficient estates to account
for the King's exemption of 10J hides is easily got over
by remembering that many of the King's estates were in
the hands of Baldwin as sheriff of the county, and appear
in his list of estates instead of in the King's.

VOL. XLIV. XT

306

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Digitized by

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS IN
WONFORD HUNDRED.

BY REV. OSWALD J. REICHEL, B.C.L. & M.A. ; F.S.A.

Starting with the list of the Domesday manors supplied
in the last paper, it is here proposed to endeavour to trace
their descent from the obscure times of the eleventh
century to the early days of the fifteenth, when the ordinary
county histories become available. And as the Honours
are the great landmarks to guide us, it will be best to group
the estates under the Honours to which they belong.
Until the statute 12 Charles II. c. 24 was passed in 1660-1,
abolishing military tenures, these Honours were living
realities. It is only in comparatively recent times that
they have passed out of mind.

At the outset, it will be well to remember that when a
number of persons are described as holding the same estate,
A holding it of B, and B holding it of C, and C holding it
of some great honour, only the first-named or lowest
freeholder was the actual tenant in possession, in legal
language the tenant paravail or terre tenant. The others
were those who had previously been terre tenants or the
heirs of such, who had parted with the estate, reserving
to themselves homage and service and in a few cases
also a fee-farm rent. From the middle-lords we therefore
obtain information as to the previous owners. This system
of conveying estates subject to homage and services is
known as subinfeudation, and so far as new grants are
concerned came to an end with the statute of Quia emptor es,
18 Ed. I., in 1290. Since that date the purchaser steps
into the vendor's shoes and holds the estate exactly as

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Introduction.

DESCENTS OF THE MANORS IN WONFORD HUNDRED. 313

the vendor held it, the act providing that "the feoffee
shall hold his land of the same capital lord of whom the
vendor held it." 1 But as the act did not abolish existing
tenures, if the vendor held the estate of A, who again held
it of B, the new purchaser would also hold it of A who held
it of B ; only there was no insertion of the vendor as an
additional middle-lord.

One other preliminary remark. Not all estates were held
by military service. Some were held by special services
to the King, either a render in money as socage tenures,
or a render of service as serjeanties. The Domesday
Wenfort affords examples of both. Besides East, West,
and South Wonford, probably also Clyst St. Mary 2 in the
Hundred of Budleigh {Trans, xxxv. 289) on the east side
of Exeter, and Halsford with Trillow and Nadderwater
(Lysons, II. 555) in Whitstone on the west side of Exeter,
which were held by military service, the Hundred manor
of Wonford included all the land in the district not specifi-
cally " booked " to subjects, i.e. the land which still con-
tinued to be "jiolkland ? '; some parts of it being occupied
by tenants in serjeanty, others by tenants paying rent.
These tenancies are really survivals of the tenure by folk-
right of Saxon times (Trans, xxxiii. 570). Pocombe in
Alphington (Testa, 1495, p. 198a ; Trans, xxxvii. 439),
Exe island, where was the meeting-place of the Hundred,
Drascombe and Budbrook in Drewsteignton (Testa, 1355,
p. 1946, and 1482, p. 1976, in Trans, xxxvii. 418, 434) are
instances of serjeanties. Rolleston barton in Heavitree
(Oliver, Mon. 113) is a case of renting.

I. Service tenancies on folkland.

The origin of the service land of Drascombe was a
grant made by King William to the ancestor of Richard
de Droscumb (Trans, xxxvii. 418) of liberty to cultivate
a certain area of land represented now by four farms in
Drewsteignton, 3 known as Tarhill, Redlake, Hobhouse, and
Gnatenhole, together with Budbrook, upon condition of

1 Ita tamen quod feoffatus teneat terram de codem capitali domino.
See Knocker's Special Land Tenure, p. 19, in Manorial Society's Publica-
tions.

2 The Turbern family, who held land in the suburb of Exeter (Devon
Fine, No. 269), also laid claim to Clyst St. Mary {ibid., No. 159).

8 It was already in four parts in 1244 (Trans, xxxvii. 434, 440).

Digitized by

314

EARLY DESCENTS OP THE MANORS

finding and carrying a bow and three arrows behind the
King whenever he came to hunt on Dartmoor (Testa, 1355,
p. 1946 ; 1449, p. 1966 ; 1477, p. 197a, in Tram, xxxvii.
418).

In 1212 Richard de Droscumb was in possession (Trans.
xxxvii. 418). Before 1250 Drascombe had come into the
possession of the two daughters of Odo the Archer or Bow-
man, Sarah, wife of Robert de Bromhill, and Agnes, wife
of Roger de Notley (ibid., 434), who alienated parts of it
to William de Droscumb and John de Droscumb (ibid.,
440). In 1275 Walter de Bromhill died seised of one por-
tion of the value of 12 shillings and 9 pence, charged with
a payment of 5 shillings to the King, and leaving three
daughters, Isabel aged 15, Sarah 11, and Joan 8 (A.-D.
Inq. 4 Ed. I. No. 18), who were in the King's custody
(Hund. Rolls, 3 Ed. I.).

Budbrook was originally part of Drascombe (Testa ,
1502, p. 198a, in Trans, xxxvii. 441), and became a separate
estate when Richard [de Drascombe], son of Ingulf,
on 22 May, 1219, granted 2 ferlings of land there to Richard
Ruffus (Devon Fine, No. 99). In 1244 it was changed from
a service-holding into a military holding as -fa fee (Testa,
1539, p. 198a), and in 1250 it was held by Robert d'Availles
and his co-tenants, estimated at 15 shillings' worth of land,
subject to a payment of 5 shillings yearly to the King
and to discharging the service of fee (Testa, 1482, p.
1976, in Trans, xxxvii. 435, and 1502, p. 198a, ibid., 441).
In 1 275 John de Avaylles held the township of Boggebroc for
the same service as Drascombe, viz. finding and attending
the King with a bow and three arrows whenever he came
to hunt on Dartmoor (Hund. Rolls, 3 Ed. I. No. 43, p. 85).
In 1311 Alice, widow of John Davaylles, died seised
of Boggebrok (A.-D. Inq. 4 Ed. II. No. 14). In 1318
John Davailles died seised of Boggebrok hamlet (A.-D.
Inq. 11 Ed. II. No. 8), and in 1346 another John Davaillea
was charged 20 pence for his relief for -fa fee in the hamlet
of Boggebrok (Feud. Aids, 439).

Rolleston barton in Heavitree was another piece of
folkland rented of the King for 25 shillings a year by
Harold, a citizen of Exeter, in 1100. Harold made over
his interest in it to St. Nicholas priory, and the grant was
confirmed by Henry I. before 1123. 4

4 The charter is witnessed by Robert, bishop of Lincoln* Alexander
succeeded him as bishop in Lent, 1123.

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

315-

II. Estates held of the Honour of Plymton.

Passing to estates held by military tenure, the first and
largest group consists of those held of the earl of Devon
of the honour of Plymton, an earldom first created in
June, 1141, by grant to Baldwin son of Richard de Red-
vers.

1. Among the estates held of this honour the chief one
was the Hundred manor of Wonford and Halsford. This-
manor, after deducting the service-holdings already men-
tioned, was given to Geoffrey de Mandevil by Henry I.
(Testa, 1356, p. 1946 ; Trans, xxxvii. 418), in whose family
it descended (A.-D. Inq. 4 Ed. I. No. 48; Lysons, II.
263) until it eventually passed to Robert, son of Payne
(A.-D. Inq. 1 Ric. II. No. 12). Geoffrey de Mandevil
and his successors, however, soon parted with the posses-
sion of it in part or in whole. In 1130 Geoffrey, the clerk
of Baldwin de Redvers, accounted for £8 6s. 8d. for leave
to hold to farm the land of Wunford (Pipe Rolls, 31 Hen.
I.). In 1237 Walter Gervase and Alan de Hallesworth
are returned as holding Wunford by gift of Robert de
Mandevil (Testa, 1547, p. 199a, in Trans, xxxvii. 445),
who, on the death of Henry de Tilli, had succeeded to-
Geoffrey de MandeviPs estates by gift of King John in
1208. On 30 June, 1238, another Geoffrey de Mandevil
made over the entire manor of Wonford, together with the
chief rent of 2 shillings and including the homage and
service of Walter Gervase, to Alan de Hallesworth (Devon
Fine, No. 267 in Devon and Corn. Rec. Soc), who, on
18 November, 1239, conveyed the same to Robert le Deneya
(Devon Fine, No. 365). Deneys resold it to Montacute^
and Montacute, whilst retaining the eastern part, sold
the western portion of it, Halsford, to Roger de Nonant, ^
who in 1285 " held the township of Halsford for \ fee of
Simon de Montacute by discharging as much service as
belongs thereto, and the same Simon holds Wonford and
Halsford of Walter le Deneys by the same service and the
same Walter le Deneys holds it of John de Mandevile
by the same service and John holds it of the aforesaid
countess [of Devon] and the countess of the King, and
it is \ fee " (Feud. Aids, 313). Simon de Montacute had at
this time a park at Wonford, and on 11 December, 1292,
a commission was issued to Henry de Ralegh, Peter de

316

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

Eishacre, and Andrew de Treylurk, bidding them enquire
as to the persons who broke the park of Simon de Monta-
cute at Wondeford, Co. Devon, hunted therein and carried
away deer (Pat. Rolls, 20 Ed. I.). In 1320 Wilham de
Montacute died seised of Wonford (A.-D. Inq. 13 Ed. II.
No. 31) ; in 1345 William de Montacute, Earl of Salisbury
(A.-D. Inq. 18 Ed. III. No. 51) ; in 1390 John de Monta-
cute (A.-D. Inq. 13 Ric. II. No. 34 ; Lysons, II. 263) ;
and in 1424 Elisabeth, widow of William de Montacute,
Earl of Salisbury, held $ of it (A.-D. Inq. 2 Hen. V. No.
34). The Hundred of Wonford was Hugh de Courtney's
in 1370 (A.-D. Inq. 50 Ed. III. No. 6).

2. Pinhoe was given by Henry III. to Robert de Vallibus
(Lysons, II. 390), and formed part of the dower secured to
his widow Matilda by Hubert de Vallibus on 25 November,
1236 (Devon Fine, No. 734). It was carried by an heiress
to Sir Robert Moleton or Multon, and was held in 1285
by James de Moleton as a privileged manor (Feud. Aids,
311). It is not afterwards mentioned in the fee lists. The
advowson was the property of St. Nicholas priory from an
early date (Trans, xxx. 293).

3. Topsham, to which was attached Rowhorn in Whit-
stone (Feud. Aids, 313), was given to St. Peter's " monas-
tery " or clerical body at Exeter by Aedelstan in 937
(Cod. Dipl. No. 369 in Vol. II. p. 204 ; Cart. Sax. II.
428). The grant was confirmed to bishop Leofric by the
Confessor in 1044 (Trans, xiii. 129) ; but Harald, it is
said, wrongfully seized Topsham, and it passed with the
rest of Harald's estates to the Conqueror. In 1178 the
sheriff accounted for £ mark as the aid from Topsham
(Pipe Rolls, 24 Hen. II.). It continued to be the King's
(A.-D. Inq. Hen. III. No. 248, p. 47) until Henry III. gave
it to the earl of Devon. It was part of the dower of
countess Amice, who died in 1284 (A.-D. Inq. 12 Ed. I.
No. 33). In 1285 it was held by Isabella, countess of
Devon (Feud. Aids, 312). The dean and chapter, neverthe-
less, held the church for their own uses. " And be it known
that at Toppisham aforesaid there is a seaport which is
called Exemue because the river of Exe there discharges
into the sea and the lord takes from each ship and each
boat landing there 2 pence which is called ' kilage.' And
he has the third penny of the custom of wines landing
there viz. of those who pay custom by the hands of the

IN W0NF0RD HUNDRED.

317

bailiffs of the city of Exeter " (Treasury Receipts, Miscel-
laneous, Vol. 72, p. 174).

4. Rohorn had been alienated as a sub-manor of Tops-
ham before 1241, and was held in that year by Robert
Whipel for \ fee (Testa, 625, p. 1816). In 1285 John de
Toriton was the tenant (Feud. Aids, 313), and also in 1303
(ibid., 345), and in 1346 John Trillon (ibid., 386).

5. Another sub-manor of Topsham which is met with
as early as 1241 is Saghe and La Clyve, otherwise Sigge-
ford de La Clyve, otherwise Heneaton, Hineton, or Honiton
Sege, now known as Wear-park. In 1241 this manor
was held by Sarah de Asselegh for ^ fee (Testa, 624,
p. 1816), in 1303 by Joel de Bukyngton (Feud. Aids, 345),
and in 1346 by John Holonde (ibid., 386).

6. Shilstone and Little Lamford are two estates which
Osbern de Salceid, one of the Conqueror's military com-
panions, held in 1086. After escheating to the Crown they
were bestowed on the earl of Devon, of whom Shilstone
was held for f fee by Geoffrey de Worth in 1 241 (Testa, 636,
p. 1816). In 1285 Shilstone was in the hands of the countess
of Devon (Feud. Aids, 312). In 1303 Simon de Plymton
held it for \ fee (ibid., 345) ; in 1346 his son, Simon Nywen-
ham (ibid., 388) ; in 1428 John Strode and John [Bronyjton
(ibid., 485). Little Lamford was the prior of Plym ton's
in 1241 (Testa, 638, p. 1816), and was afterwards held
jointly with Shilstone, the prior having one-third share of
the two (Feud. Aids, 388, 485).

7. The township of St. James in Heavitree was held
in 1285 by the prior of St. James of the countess of Devon
(Feud. Aids, 312). It had originally been the freehold
of Walter, son of Walward, and was purchased from him
and his heiress Edith by Baldwin de Redvers, earl of
Exeter (Oliver, Mon. 193), about 1141 and given to the
reformed Benedictines of Clugny. At the dissolution of
alien priories in 1444 it was given to King's College, Cam-
bridge (ibid., 192), and was held for \ fee by Henry de
Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, in 1445 (A.-D. Inq. 24 Hen.
VI. No. 43).

8. Half Paganel was another of the Conqueror's military
knights who had two estates in this Hundred. One of these,
Throwleigh, was held in 1241 for J fee by Fulk de Ferrers ^
(Testa, 637, p. 1816) in right of Lucy his wife (Devon Fine,

318

EABLY DESCENTS OP THE MANORS

543) of the Honour of Plymton with Thomas de Blakf ord
^ts middle-lord, and on 10 May, 1254, Fulk and Lucy
sold the same to William le Pruz of Gidleigh (Devon Fine,
No. 543). Three years later, on 20 October, 1257, Thomas
de Blakf ord gave his interest in land at Throwleigh with his
daughter Joan in marriage to Reginald de Ferrers, reserving
to himself an annuity of £20 a year (Devon Fine, No. 610).
In 1285 William le Prous was lord, holding the township
of Throwleigh of Fulk de Ferrers for homage and service
and 10 shillings [rent] (Feud. Aids, 313). William le
Prous was in possession in 1303 (ibid., 345), and it then
passed to Daumarle, whose widow Alice held it in 1346
(ibid., 386). In 1428 Robert Vasy was lord (ibid., 386),
but the advowson passed to Courtney, and in 1349 sir
Hugh de Courtney presented to the rectory (Grandisson,
1388), and again in 1361 (ibid., 1470), 1367 (ibid., 1505),
and 1370 (Brantyngham, 141). In 1425 the King presented
as guardian of Thomas, Hugh Courtney's son and heir
(Lacy, 83), and in 1452 sir Thomas Courtney (ibid., 371).
Paganel's other manor of Cagefort is probably Wonson
with Morchington in Throwleigh, to which belongs Holly
Street mill.

9. Among the Conqueror's engineer officers Nicolas
was the chief, whom Dr. Round would identify with Nicolas
de la Pole (Vict. Hist. 394). Before 1241 all Nicolas'
estates had passed to Roger, son of Payne. In that year
Roger's heir held Stoke-in-Teignhead with both Gabwells
of the earl of Devon for £ fee (Testa, 633, p. 1816). The
church had been given to Plymton priory, which presented
to it in 1279 (Bronescombe, 182) and derived from it a
revenue of £2 a year (Oliver, Mon. 146). In 1285 Robert,
son of Payne, held Stoke-in-Teignhead, together with
Staplehill, for 1 fee (Feud. Aids, 313). In 1303 he held
Stoke and Lower Gabwell for J fee (ibid., 345). Soon
afterwards he sold them to John de Stowford (Lysons,
II. 461), who in 1346 held Stoke with both Gabwells ( Feud.
Aids, 386). He, in 1352, gave the manor to the warden
and chaplains of the house of Stoke (A.-D. Inq. 25 Ed. III.
No. 34), apparently in trust for some purpose. In 1428
there were four freeholders, the principal one being Thomas
Baron (Feud. Aids, 484).

10. Stoke-in-Teignhead was the capital manor of a
vavassourship (Feud. Aids, 388), of which Nicolas' other

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

319

Domesday estates were held, including Staplehill, Bagtor,
Holbeam, Ogwell Malston, and Middle Rocombe. Staple-
hill was held in 1241 for J fee by Roger de Stapelhile
(Testa, 629, p. 181a). In 1285 it was in the overlord's
hand, who held it with Stoke (Feud. Aids, 313). In 1303
the heirs of John de Stapelhill were in possession (ibid.,
345), Emma and her sisters (ibid., 386), and in 1346 Richard
Monsron and John de Stapulhull.

Bagtor was held of the same for 1 fee by William de
Baggetorrein 1241 (Testa, 627) ; by Thomas de Baggetorr
in 1285 (Feud. Aids, 313) and 1303 (ibid., 345) ; by Geoffrey
de Bagetor in 1346 (ibid., 388), to whom John Ford and
John Windy eat had succeeded before 1428 (ibid., 486).

Holbeam was held for \ fee by William de Holebem in
1241 (Testa, 630) ; in 1285 by Peter de Holebem (Feud.
Aids, 313) ; in 1303 by William de Holebem (ibid, 345) ;
in 1346 by another William de Holebem (ibid., 386), in
1428 by yet another William de Holebem. In 1472 John
Holebeme died seised of Holbeme manor (A.-D. Inq.
12 Ed. IV. No. 23).

11. One moiety of the township of East Ogwell was held
of the manor of Stoke-in-Teignhead by William de Dun
in 1224, who on 27 January in that year purchased the ad-
vowson of East Ogwell from Osbert le Peytevin (Devon Fine,
No. 138). His successor in 1241 was Humfrey de Dun (Testa,
631, p. 1816). On 6 October, 1256, Humfrey's daughter
Margery and her husband John le Waleys sold this manor
and advowson to Hugh de Mallestone (Devon Fine, No.
741), from whom it took the name of Ogwell Malston.
Hugh presented to the rectory in 1258 (Bronescombe, 133).
In 1272 Robert de Mallestone had succeeded to it (ibid.,
133), and in 1285 held it for I fee of Robert, son of Pagan
(Feud. Aids, 313). In 1303 Thomas Peytevin held East
Ogwell as guardian of Hugh de Mallestone (ibid., 345).
In 1314 Robert de Malston was lord (Stapeldon, 209) in
succession to Hugh, also in 1346 (ibid., 386) and 1348
(Grandisson, 1375). In 1361 Robert's daughter Elisabeth
Durant was in possession (ibid., 1475). Her daughter,
Margaret Stighill or Style, brought it to Walter Raynald
(Trans, xxxii. 237), who in 1393 presented to the rectory
(Brarvtyngham, 133). She was still in possession in 1428
(Feud. Aids, 484). In 1475 Walter Reynell died seised
of East Ogwell manor and advowson (A.-D. Inq. 15 Ed.
IV. No. 22).

320

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

12. Middle Rocombe, or Rocombe Blaumoster, was held
of the same manor of Stoke-in-Teignhead for 1 fee by
Reginald de Albo monasterio, otherwise Blanchminster
or Blaumoster, in 1241 (Testa, 632, p. 1816), to whom
Simon de Montacute had succeeded in 1303 (Feud. Aids,
345) ; Peter de Clyfford and Isabella de Brent before
1346 (ibid., 388), and nine freehold tenants before 1428
(ibid., 483).

13. Another of the Conqueror's engineer officers was
Fulcher. Before 1241 all Fulcher's estates had passed to
Mohun of Dunster, and amongst them was Chiwarthiwis
or Slade Huish, 5 now called Great Huish, or Huish Tre-
manet, the only estate which Fulcher had in this Hundred.
In 1241 Richard Tremanet was tenant in possession
(Testa, 640, p. 1816). In 1285 John Tremanet was the
holder under John de Mohun (Feud. Aids, 313), and also
in 1303 (ibid., 345) ; in 1346 Elias Tremanet (ibid., 388),
and in 1428 John de Haulegh (ibid., 486).

14. Two other of the Conqueror's engineer officers,
Haimeric de Arcis and Godebold, had estates in this Hun-
dred which were afterwards held of the honour of Plymton.
Haimeric in 1086 held Poltimore. This was held of
Plymton with the barons of Torington as middle-lords.
In 1241 Bartholomew de Poltimor held it for £ fee (Testa,
626, p. 1816) of the heirs of William de Toriton, who had
been dead since 1 223 ( Vict. Hist. 567) . Before 1 259 Richard
de Poltimor had succeeded Bartholomew, and on 9 July,
1259, presented to the rectory (Bronescombe, 163). Richard
was still in possession in 1285 (Feud. Aids, 313), holding it,
together with Hill, in Witheridge Hundred (Trans, xxx.
406), but shortly afterwards he sold it to Simon, lord
Montacute, who resold it to William de Pontyngton or
Podyngton (Lysons, II. 419), who was in possession in
1303 (Feud. Aids, 345). Soon afterwards the manor and
advowson were purchased by John de Bamfeld or Baun-
felde, who presented to the rectory on 5 March, 1341
(Grandisson, 1330) ; John Bamfield held it in 1346 (Feud.
Aids, 386), and presented to the rectory again on 1 2 January,
1356, but died soon afterwards (Grandisson, 1438). In
1358 his widow was in possession and presented (ibid.,
1450). She was dead before 1361, when John Bamfeld,
junr., was lord (ibid., 1467). On the death of John Bam-

5 Carew states that Chiwart is a Cornish word, meaning a Slade.

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

321

feld, junr., in 1362, Sir Richard de Merton held the manor
and advowson as overlord in wardship for the heir (ibid.,
1479), whom he married to Joan, one of his own daughters
(Brantyngham, 25). Joan survived him, and presented
to the rectory in 1373 (ibid., 25). In 1403 Thomas de
Bamfylde was lord (Stafford, 195) ; in 1411 John de Bam-
fylde (ibid.) ; in 1413 five feoffees (ibid.) ; in 1428 John
Bamfeld (Fettd. Aids, 486) ; and in 1442 the same (Lacy,
275).

15. Godebold held East Clifford, otherwise Clifford
Corbyn in Dunsford, and Halstow, otherwise Yalstowe,
in 1086. With the rest of Godbold's estates these manors
formed a lesser honour or vavassourship, of which Dods-
combeleigh was the capital barton (Fevd. Aids, 388).
The heirs of Half de Doddescombe were lords of this
Honour in 1285, and Geoffrey de Radeweye then held
East Clifford and Halstow of him for \ fee (ibid., 312).
In 1303 Thomas de Radeweye was lord (ibid., 346) ; in
1346 James de Radeweye (ibid., 388) ; and in 1428 there
were five freeholders, of whom Richard Hankford was one
(ibid., 485).

16. Two more of the Conqueror's squires also had small
estates in this Hundred, which went to the honour of
Plymton. Hervei de Helion had Hackworthy, but he
was dead before 1086, and his widow Emma was then
in possession. Together with the rest of Helion's estates,
Hackworthy passed with Margaret, daughter of William
de Helion, to Richard le Prous, of whom it was held by
John de Hakeworth for £ fee in 1241 (Testa, 639, p. 1816).
In 1285 Peter de Hakeworthy was tenant in possession
(Feud. Aids, 313), also in 1303 (ibid., 345) ; in 1346 John
Hakeworthy (ibid., 386) ; and in 1428 Robert Upcot and
Robert Ackland (ibid., 484).

17. Ruald or Rhiwallon, the dubbed knight, was another
of the Conqueror's chief supporters, whose estates went to
the honour of Plymton. He held two estates in this Hun-
dred, Crockernwell and Sigford, both of which were
included in the Giffard fee. Crockernwell does not appear
in the fee lists, but Sigford was held in 1241 by Joel de
Bukethon for £ fee (Testa, 628, p. 1816). In 1285 another
Joel de Bukyngton had succeeded to it, and held it of
Robert de Dynham (Fevd. Aids, 313), who had married
Emma, heiress of the last Walter Giffard. In 1303

vol. xltv. x

322

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

another Joel de Buketon was in possession (ibid., 345) ;
in 1346 yet another Joel de Bukyngton (ibid., 386), and in
1428 John Coplestone and Henry Marwood (ibid., 484).

III. Estates held of the Honour of Okehamton.

Of the twenty-five townships (villa) in this Hundred,
which in 1285 belonged to the honour of Okehamton, all
but two were estates of Baldwin the sheriff in 1086. One
of them, however, viz. Forsham, is set down in 1285 as
held of the honour of Otterton, because it was held of
Baldwin by St. Michael's Mount, of which house Otterton
was the chief estate in Devon (Feud. Aids, 314). The two
which were not Baldwin's are Alphington, an earl's land
belonging to the Crown, and Little Dunsford (Feud. Aids,
387), held by an English thane.

18. In 1241 Alphington was held by John de Nevyle,
or Nevil, lord of Stoke Curcy, but it is distinctly stated
that it was not held as a fee (Feud. Aids, 314). On John's
death, in 1274 (A.-D. Inq. 2 Ed. I. No. 27), the bishop of
Bangor held it in wardship for the heir (Hund. Rolls, 3 Ed. I.
No. 42, p. 84). In 1279 sir John Nevil, who had come of
age, was in possession and presented to the rectory (Brones-
corribe, 107). On his death, in 1282 (A.-D. Inq., 10 Ed. I. No.
22), the manor again fell into the King's hand by virtue of
his wardship of John de Nevil's heir, "because John held
estates elsewhere of the King in chief " (Feud. Aids, 315).
In 1312 sir Hugh de Nevil was lord and presented to the
rectory (Stapeldon, 184) ; in 1316 Theobald de Nevil
( Feud. Aids, 377). In 1349 sir Hugh de Nevil presented
to the rectory (Grandisson, 1380). In 1381, however,
sir Hugh Segrave held the advowson and presented to it
(Brantyngham, 76) ; and about this time the manor and
advowson were acquired by the Courtneys in exchange
for Newnham Courtney in Berks. In 1403 sir Peter
Courtney was in possession and presented to the rectory
(Stafford, 141) ; in 1415 Edward Courtney, 3rd earl of
Devon of the Courtney line (ibid., 141), and in 1429
William Courtney, esquire, died seised of it (A.-D. Inq.
7 Hen. V. No. 74).

In the fee lists of 1241 and after times we meet with
a Matford in Wonford Hundred held of the honour of
Okehamton for £ fee. It seems hardly possible that this
can be Matford in Heavitree, for there is no Matford among

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

323

Baldwin's estates, and Baldwin had no estate nearer
than Alphington, of which this could have been a sub-
manor. Apparently it was a sub-manor in Alphington,
distinct, however, from Matford Speke, also in Alphington,
but in the Hundred of Exminster, and from Matford Butter
in Exminster {Feud. Aids, 346). In 1241 Half de Bosco
held this Matford for \ fee {Testa, 478, p. 180a) ; in 1303
the heir of Oliver Deneham {Feud. Aids, 345). It would
appear that this must be the " Matford £ fee in the Hundred
of Exemue " which Walter Fromond held as under-tenant
of Margaret Dynham in 1303, along with Shittisbear and
Worthy in Chulmleigh, the whole for £ fee of the Honour
of Okehamton {ibid., 363), and if so the words in italics
must have been inserted in error ; for the references
already given {Testa, 478 ; Feud. Aids, 345) clearly show
that the Matford \ fee held of Okehamton was in Wonf ord
Hundred, not to be confounded with either of the Matfords
in Exminster Hundred. In 1346 this \ fee was held by
John Dynham in succession to Margaret Dynham {Feud.
Aids, 385).

19. Little Dunsford, otherwise called Sutheton or
Sowton, was held in 1086 by the forester Saulf. At an
^arly date Mandevil, who held Great Dunsford appurtenant
to his honour of Marshwood {Testa, 836, p. 183a), was in
possession. Before 1241 Mandevil had parted with it to
John de Nevil, who held it for J fee of the Honour of
Okehamton (Testa, 477, p. 180a). In 1277 David de
Servyngton or Cervinton died seised of it {A .-D. Inq. 5 Ed. I.
No. 61). In 1285 William de Servyngton held it for h fee
of John de Mandevil [of Coker {Feud. Aids, 343)], whilst
Mandevil held it of the honour of Okehamton (Feud. Aids,
314). In 1303 William de Servyngton held it, together
with Spurway in Witheridge Hundred (ibid., 346 ; Testa,
831, p. 183a) ; in 1346 his widow Agnes (Feud. Aids, 387),
and in 1428 Thomas Chedder and John Rydon (ibid., 483).

Of Baldwin's estates three had been devoted to religious
uses before 1086, viz. Clyst Mois, Cutton, and Polesloe ;
and three others were given by his immediate descendants
to be held in free alms, viz. Cowick, Exwick, and Christow.

20. Clyst Mois, with which went Hayne, had been
given to the canons of St. Mary in Exeter castle by Baldwin
himself before 1086 (Trans, xxx. 284), and was held as a
prebendal estate by master Thomas de Wymundeham in

Digitized by

324

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

December, 1262 (Devon Fine, No. 635, in Devon and Corn,
Rec. Soc), and by Robert de Littlebiry in 1285 (Feud. Aids,
315). Cutton had also been given by Baldwin to the same
canons before 1086 (Trans, xxx. 283), and was held in 1263
(Devon Fine, No. 636), and also in 1285, as a prebend by
Henry de Esse (ibid., 285 ; Feud. Aids, 315). With it went
Polesleug a , another estate of the canons of Exeter castle,
which is not mentioned in the fee lists, but may without
doubt be identified with their estate at Hoopern* (Trans.
xxx. 283).

21. Of those given by his immediate descendants, Cowick
and Exwick were bestowed by William, Baldwin's eldest
son, who succeeded his father as sheriff in 1090, upon
the new foundation which he set up at Cowick as an off-
shoot from Bee (Feud. Aids, 314). Cowick priory held
them in 1285 (ibid., 314), and continuously until the
dissolution. Christow, Baldwin had settled upon his
wife Emma, and this was given to the mother-house of Bee,,
either by Emma or by Baldwin's son William, and from
Bee was acquired in 1244 by Cowick priory, to hold at a
fee farm rent (Oliver, Mon. 156).

22. Two estates Baldwin himself held in 1086, Drews-
teignton and Spreyton. Drewsteignton, otherwise called
Teignton Drew or Teignton Dabernon, had been given
before 1166 to one of the Dabernons, together with Brad-
ford Dabernon, and was held in that year by Engelram de
Abernu for \ fee of Robert the King's son, i.e. of the honour
of Okehamton (Black Book, 120), Drewsteignton being
J of i fee and Bradford £ of \ fee. In 1241 the manor waa
held by the heir of Ingeram de Aubernoun (Testa, 485,
p. 180a), John de Abernon, who on 15 May, 1253, had a
grant of free warren there (Charter Rolls, p. 434), but £10
worth of land there and in adjoining townships was held

yS* by Richard, son of Drogo de Teynton, by gift of Drogo his
father, on 13 May, 1244 (Devon Fine, No. 390). Part of
this land, viz. 100 shillings' worth in Thornbury and Willey,
was sold on 27 October, 1245, by Richard de Teynton to
Hugh de Dimestorie (Devon Fine, No. 451), and the rest of his
land in Drewsteignton, excepting Forsham, was conveyed
on 18 November, 1256, by Drogo de Staunton to Roger de
Staunton (Devon Fine, No. 600). In 1285 John Dabernon
held the manor of Drewsteignton (Feud. Aids, 314) ; in
1303 John Dabernon and John Deneys (ibid., 345). In 1333
John de Aubernonn or Dabrun was lord and presented to

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

325

the rectory on 1 1 September (Grandisson, 1295). He, or a son
of like name, was in possession of the manor in 1346
{Feud. Aids, 386). In 1359 William d'Aubernoun, esquire,
died seised of it (A.-D. Inq. 32 Ed. III. No. 23), and was
succeeded by his daughter Isabel, wife of sir William
Croyser, who presented to the rectory on 11 June, 1366
(Grandisson, 1499), and again in the following year (ibid.,
1502) ; but before 1395 both manor and advowson had
come into the hands of Stephen Durnforde, of Plymouth
(Lysons, II. 493), who in that year presented to the rectory.

23. Spreyton had also been granted out before 1166,
the manor to William Talbot, by whom it was held in that
year for 1 fee (Black Book, 120), the advowson to Cowick
priory. Between 1219 and 1226 the overlordship of the
manor was acquired by William Briwere from Robert de
Courtney (Duchy Lanes., Anc. Chart, in Trans, xxxv. 501)
and passed with William Briwere's daughter Margaret to
Pagan de Chaworth, of whom Spreyton was held by Philip
Talbot in 1234 (Testa, 1627, p. 200a ; Trans, xxxvii. 450).
In 1241 Philip Talbot was still in possession (Testa, 487,
p. 180a) ; in 1285 William Talbot (Feud. Aids, 314), who
died in 1297 (A.-D. Inq. 15 Ed. I. No. 10) ; in 1303 Henry
Talbot (ibid., 345) ; in 1346 Philip Vautort and William
Prous (ibid., 386), and in 1428 William Talbot (ibid., 486).

24. Of Baldwin's tenants in 1086 we may first take
Stephen. He held three manors, West Clifford, other-
wise Combe Hall in Drewsteignton, Ringmore, and
Haccombe in Haytor Hundred (Vict. Hist. 464 ; Trans, xl.
123). In 1166 these three manors constituted the 1 fee
which William, son of Stephen, held of Robert, the King's
son (Black Book, 120), West Clifford and Ringmore being
§ fee (Feud. Aids, 313), and Haccombe i fee (ibid., 317).
In 1241 Stephen de Haccumbe was in possession (Testa,
483 and 536, p. 1806) ; in 1244 Gilbert, son of Stephen
(Devon Fine, No. 380) ; in 1285 Jordan de Haccomb (Feud.
Aids, 313), and in 1303 Stephen de Haccomb (ibid., 345).
In 1342 sir John Lercedekne was in possession (Lysons, II.
493), and presented to the arch-presbytery of Haccombe
(Grandisson, 1333), but in 1346 West Clifford was held by
William Pypard and Margaret his wife (Feud. Aids, 386).

25. Edwy was one of the few Saxons who retained his
two estates of Rushford barton and Little Manaton
(Feud. Aids, 339) at the Conquest, both of which he held

326

EARLX DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

of Baldwin. Rushford afterwards passed through many-
hands. In 1241 it was held by William de Rishford for
| fee (Testa, 486) ; in 1285 by Nicholas Crespyn (Feud.
Aids, 314) ; in 1303 by Robert de Forde (ibid., 345) ;
in 1346 by Robert de Forde (ibid., 387), afterwards by-
John Berkedoh (ibid., 485), and in 1428 by William Monk
of Potheridge and four other freeholders (ibid., 485).

26. Hittisleigh was one of two estates in this Hundred
which in 1086 Ralf de Pomeray held of Baldwin. Like
most of the estates which Pomeray held as under-tenant it
passed to the family of Bolley, who alienated it to Pun-
chardon, who again parted with it to Talbot, the holder
of Spreyton (Feud. Aids, 314). In 1241 Philip Talbot
was the holder (Testa, 488, p. 180a). In 1285 William Cole
held it of William Talbot for £ fee (Feud. Aids, 314) and
presented to the rectory on 8 November, 1285 (Quivil, 347).
In 1303 Roger Cole was lord (Feud. Aids, 345) ; in 1346
John Cole (ibid., 387), and in 1351 Adam Cole, who on
21 December in that year presented to the rectory (GrawLis-
son, 1421). In 1419 John Cole (A.-D. Inq. 7 Hen. V. No. 70),
who held of Richard Hankford, was in possession, and in
1428 five freeholders (Feud. Aids, 485). The other estate,
which in 1086 Ralf de Pomeray held of Baldwin in this
Hundred, was Colhey in Tedburn. This also had gone to
Punchardon (Feud. Aids, 314), of whom it was held by
Thomas de Tetteburn in 1241, together with Town barton,
for 1 J fee (Testa, 493, p. 180a), and descended in the same
way as Town barton.

27. Two estates were held of Baldwin by Hugh de
Rennes in 1086, viz. Melhuish and Teignharvey. These
had passed to the Bryans, either by descent or purchase,
before 1166, in which year Guy de Brionne held 5 fees
of the honour of Okehamton 6 (Black Book, 119). In 1241
Melhuish was held by the heir of Melehiwis for 1 fee with
Bryan (Testa, 492, p. 180a) as middle-lord; in. 1285 by
Eleanor de Melhywys of Guy Bryan (Feud. Aids, 313) ;
in 1303 by Peter de Melehywyssh (ibid., 345) ; in 1346
by William Melehywyssh (ibid., 388), and in 1428 by
Baldwin Foleford and four others (ibid., 485), whilst Teign-
harvey or Teyng Jory (Feud. Aids, 486), which had origin-

6 Made up of Torbryan, 2 fees ; Melhuish and Langston, 1 ; Teign-
harvey, J ; Simpson, J ; Dodbrook, Portlemouth, and Lamside, 1
(A.-D. Inq. 1 Ric. II. No. 12).

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

327

ally been Bryan's and been held of Bryan by Eleanor de
Melhywys, had been successively sold to John de Newton,
by him to William son of Hugh de la Hoke, and by William
de la Hoke to Richard le Teing, who held it in 1241 (Testa,
482). In 1285 Richard le Baron had succeeded to it (Feud.
Aids, 313) ; in 1303 Humfrey de Beauchamp (ibid., 346).
In 1346 John Toryton was in possession as tenant for life
(ibid., 387). It was next held by Richard de Beauchamp
of Ryme, who forfeited it in 1351 (A.-D. Inq. 24 Ed. III.
No. 70), and in 1428 John Shapewik was the tenant in
succession to Margaret Norreys (Feud. Aids, 486).

28. Oldridge (Wollerugge, Wallerig), an outlier of
St. Thomas' Hayes, was one of three estates held of Baldwin
by Goscelin Beruin, the other two being Rackenford and
Rockbear Burnell (Trans, xxxv. 292). In 1166 William
Beivin had succeeded to them and held them for 2 fees
of the honour of Okehamton (Black Book, 120). Before
1241 part of Rackenford and the whole of Rockbear
Burnell had been alienated, part of Rackenford being then
held by Robert de Sideham (Testa, 1130, p. 189) of Richard
Cadiho's heirs and Rockbear by John Theobald of Roger
Giffard (Testa, 1199, p. 191a) respectively, 7 whilst Oldridge,
which had been sold on 13 July, 1228, by Matilda Coffin
to Luke Peverel and Emma his wife (Devon Fine, 148),
was held in two moieties, one moiety by the heirs of
Richard Cadiho (Testa, 494, p. 180a), the other by Henry
Guraunt (ibid., 493). On 16 February, 1270, Richard
Cadiho's heirs, Matilda wife of William son of Ralf and
Edith wife of Walter de Clavyle, sold their interest in
Oldridge, Westown and Hackadown, and Rackenford to
Henry Tyrel (Devon Fine, No. 713 in Devon and Corn. Rec.
Soc). In 1285 Henry Tyrel's heirs held Oldridge Cadiho
for J fee (Feud. Aids, 314), also in 1303 (ibid., 345) ; in 1346
Peter Troubrigg in succession to his father of the same name
(ibid., 386) ; in 1428 there were four freeholders, of whom
Thomas Trobrogge was one (ibid., 484). The other moiety
of Oldridge, after being held by Henry Guraunt for £
fee in 1241, passed to Sibilla Troleggh in 1303 (ibid., 345),
and was afterwards held by Peter Trobrigge, to whom

7 Testa, 1130, p. 189, and Kirby in Trans, xxx. 402, show that Racken-
ford was also in two moieties. In 1285 Philip de Sideham held one moiety
of Henry Tyrel, the successor of Cadiho, who held of Hugh de Courtenay,
and the other he held direct of the same Hugh. John Tebant held
Rockbear in 1243 of Roger Gifford.

328

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

seven freeholders had succeeded in 1428 (ibid., 485). It
was afterwards given to Cowick priory (Lysons, II. 499).

29. Town barton in Tedburn St. Mary was one of a
group of estates which were held in 1086 by Rainer,
Baldwin's house-steward. His successor in title, Roger
de Langford, held 4 fees in 1166 of the honour of Oke-
hampton 8 (Black Book, 119; Trans, xxxv. 293). Before
1241 Town barton had been sold to Thomas de Tette-
burn, who held it for \ fee of Roger de Langford. Thomas
de Tetteburn held another estate at Tedburn, viz. Colhey,
for i fee of John de Punchardon, successor in title to Ralf
de Pomeray (Feud. Aids, 314), the two counting as 1J
fees in 1241 (Testa, 493, p. 180a). On 24 September, 1266,
Thomas de Tetteburne presented to the rectory of Ted-
burn (Bronescombe, 183). In 1285 Walter de Honyton
was in possession of both Town barton and Colhey, and
also in 1303 (Feud. Aids, 345) ; in 1346 Thomas de Loweton
(ibid., 388), and in 1428 Nicolas Tremayne and Nicolas
Penellys (ibid., 486). The patronage of the advowson,
however, had gone to Robert de Stockheye, who presented
to the church on 4 February, 1333 (Grandisson, 1291), and
25 April, 1345 (ibid., 1347), and from him it passed to John
de Beauchamp, who presented on 7 November, 1361 (ibid.,
1467).

30. Rol aston in Upton Pyne was a small estate which
Baldwin bestowed on his cupbearer, Walter, before 1086.
Walter also had Honeychurch and Nymet Roland, Rolands-
leigh and Beer. Nymet Roland, Rolandsleigh, and Beer,
with members, were held in 1166 by Roland de Nimet for
1 fee (Black Book, 120), and from him the estate in Upton
Pyne derives its name of Rolandeston. The successor of
Roland de Nimet was William de Wolryngton, from whom
it passed by purchase to Roger Calle and Alexander de
Tauton before 1241 (Testa, 476, p. 180a). In 1285 Philip
de Roulandeston had succeeded Alexander de Tauton
(Feud. Aids, 314) as tenant in possession, and held Rolaston
for J [? £] fee in 1303 of master John Dyrewyne (ibid.,
344), and in 1346 Edmund de Samford in succession to
Walter de Robton (? Rolandiston, ibid., 385). 8

31. Bernard the napeless (or bullneck, as we might call

8 Longford's fees consisted of Langford, J ; Town barton in Tedburn,
J ; Upcot and Rockbear Baldwin, J ; Dotton, J ; Greenslade, J ; Kig-
bear and Croft, } ; Matford, J ; Germansweek or Wyke Langford, J ;
Payhembury, J.

JN WONFORD HUNDRED.

329

Mm) was the holder of three estates under Baldwin, viz.
Westtown and Hackadown in Whitstone, Maidencombe
and Rocombe Cadiho in Stoke-in-Teignhead. In 1166
these three estates appear to have been held for 2\ fees by
Robert, son of Bernard, of the honour of Okehamton
{Black Booh, 120). They then passed to Richard Cadiho,
who sold them to divers tenants, one of whom, Roger de
Middeldon, on 21 March, 1219, sold £ fee at Westown to
Peter de Albamara (Devon Fine, No. 90), and another,
Thomas Finamor on 23 June, 1228, sold another £ fee
at Westown to the same Peter (Devon Fine, No. 169).
In 1241 Ralf de Albemara held the whole of Westown
and Hackadown (Westacot and La Haghe) for 1 fee
(Testa, 497, p. 180a) of Richard Cadiho's heirs (see above,
No. 27). In 1285 Henry Tyrel held them of Alan, son
of Rouald (Feud. Aids, 314) ; in 1303 Walter de Langedon
(ibid., 346) ; in 1346 Joan Daune[y] (ibid., 387), who
with them also held Heath barton.

32. Maidencombe must have been in the possession of
William, son of Stephen, in the twelfth century. For
before 1168 he had given 1 virgate of land there to the
canons of Plymton, which in that year he charged by a
fine in the bishop's court with an annual payment of 5
.shillings to Ford Abbey (Oliver, Mon. 137a, 339a). It was
then the estate of Richard Cadiho, 9 who sold one part of it
to Thomas Finamor, who, on reselling £ fee there on 30
June, 1228, to Warin, son of Joel, called Richard Cadiho to
warrant it (Devon Fine, No. 163). In 1241 Warin, son of
Joel, was in possession of this J fee (Testa, 480, p. 180a).
The other £ fee at Maidencombe was held in 1241 by Peter
de la Pole (Testa, 481, p. 180a) ; in 1285 by Henry Tregoz
(Feud. Aids, 313) ; in 1303 by Joan de Tregoz and John
de Bytelesgate (ibid., 345), and in 1346 £ thereof by John
de Bytelesgate (ibid., 386), and \ by the prior of Plymton
(ibid., 388).

33. Rocombe Hugh or Cadiho, or Higher and Lower
Rocombe in Stoke-in-Teignhead, was held in 1241 by
Richard Cadiho's heirs for 1 fee (Testa, 479), the heirs being
Matilda, wife of William son of Ralf, and Edith wife of
Walter de Clavyle (Devon Fine, No. 713 in Devon and
Corn. Rec. Soc). In 1285 Ralf, son of William, was lord

» On 22 July, 1228, Lucy, wife of Ralf Radio, called Richard Cadiho
to warrant to a purchaser, 8 /- worth of rent in Little Lashbrook (Devon
Tine, No. 236).

330

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

(Feud. Aids, 313) ; in 1346 William, son of Ralf (ibid.*
387), and in 1428 there were five freeholders, of whom
John Baron was one (ibid., 485).

34. In 1086 Bramford alias Upton Pyne was held
by Vidal (Vitalis) of Colyton ; in 1166 by Simon, son
of Herbert [de Pyne], for 1 fee (Black Book, 120) ; in 1241
by Herbert de Pyun (Testa, 475, p. 180a); 10 in 1283
by sir Herbert Pyn, who presented to the rectory (Quivil,.
358), and in 1285 was lord of the manor (Feud. Aids, 314).
John de Pyn appears to have afterwards presented to
the rectory and his nominee was instituted, but in 1310
an attempt was made to have his institution revoked
(Stapeldon, 267). In 1303 Herbert de Pyn was lord (Feud.
Aids, 344) ; in 1346 John Moryn or Morey (ibid., 385),
who presented to the rectory in 1342 (Grandisson, 1336).
In 1362 the patronage was vested in master Roger Boghe-
mor and Agnes his sister (ibid., 1490), but the manor
continued in the Pyne family and was held by Edmund
Pyne in 1428 (Feud. Aids, 485). See Devon and Corn-
wall Notes and Queries, VII. 134.

35. Three estates in this Hundred were held in 1086
by Modbert son of Lambert (see W. 403, p. 430 ; Vict.
Hist. 452), viz. Egbear, Upcot, and Fulford. In 1166
these formed part of the 3 fees held by Nicolas de Chelli
(Black Book, 11 9). 11 Egbear was William de Kelly's in
1241 (Testa, 489), John de Kelly's in 1285 (Feud. Aids,
314), and 1303 (ibid., 345), together with Heylake in Bole-
don ; Margaret Kelly's in 1346 (ibid., 386), and eight free-
holders' in 1428, of whom Richard Kelly was one (ibid.,
484). Upcot, with which Holcombe in Exminster Hundred
constituted £ fee, had been alienated before 1241 to the
predecessor of Nicholas de Filleigh, 12 and by him again
sold. In 1241 the tenants in possession were Thomas and
Reginald de Uppecote and the son of Geoffrey de la Hak
(Testa, 552, p. 1806) ; in 1285 Joel de Uppecote, Roger and
Richard Tirel, who held it of Nicholas de Filleigh (Feud.
Aids, 314) ; in 1303 the heirs of Joel de Uppecote (ibid.,
346) ; and in 1346 Walter French, John Colehaie, and

10 Herbert de Pyne and Walter, son of William, were the holders of
10 fees in Cornwall in 1234 in right of their wives (Trans, xxxiv. 668) ;
the 10 fees consisting of 4 in Middelond (Launceston), 1 in Bere (Alston),
2 in Alwington, Devon, 1 in Marhamchurch, and 2 in Westtor, Penven-
ton, and Tetrenwy (Feud. Aids, 201).

11 The three consist of Fulford, J fee ; Egbeare, 1 ; Kelly, 1 ; Upcot, £
(Testa, 449, 450, 489, 509, 552).

11 See Trans, xli. 246.

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

331

Nicholas Cockescomb in succession to Joel de Oppacote,
Walter Franceys, and Nicholas Cockescomb (ibid., 387).
Fulford was held in 1241 for i fee by the heirs of Nicholas
de Fulford [of William] de Kelly (Testa, 491) ; in 1285 by
William de Foleford of John de Kelly (Feud. Aids, 314) ;
in 1303 by Gricia de Foleford (ibid., 345) ; in 1346 by
William de Foleford (ibid., 387) ; and in 1428 by six free-
holders, among them being Baldwin Foleford and Roger
Bornell (ibid., 485).

36. Witestan, which Robert de Beaumont held in 1086
of Baldwin, is proved by the ownership to be Heath
barton, otherwise La Hethe, or Heath St. Mary or St.
Mary Calchurch 13 (Testa, 496, p. 180a), in Whitstone. In
1166 it formed part of the 4 fees which Thomas de Beau-
mont held of the Honour of Okehamton (Black Book,
119). 14 In 1241 it was held by Renus' de Halleham for \
fee (Testa, 496, p. 180a), with Beaumont as middle-lord.
In 1285 Richard de Langedene was tenant, holding it of
Richard Beaumont (Feud. Aids, 314), and in 1303 Walter
de Langeden held it, together with Westacot and Heghen,
for 1 fee (ibid., 346). In 1346 Joan Daune[y] had succeeded
to it (ibid., 387), Heath barton being described as parcel
of the manor of Shirwell (ibid., 416). In 1428 John Hill
of Spaxton had succeeded to it.

IV. Estate held of the Honour of Cardinan.

37. One other estate of Baldwin's finds no place in the
fee lists, viz. Mardon or Martin in Drewsteignton, which
was held of Baldwin by Richard, son of Torolf. With
Richard son of Torolf 's other estates, it no doubt went to
the honour of Cardinan, and must be looked for either
among the fees or the socage tenancies of that Honour
(Trans, xxx. 283). In the A.-D. Inq. of Thomas Battishull
in 1636 (11 Car. I.) it was found that he died seised of a
tenement called Martyn in Drewsteignton held of Richard
Carew as of his manor of Marten in free socage.

V. Estate held of the bishop of Exeter.

38. Stoke Canon is stated to have been given by

19 See above, n. 49.

14 These fees consist of Little Yarnscombe, 1 ; Lancross, J ; Shirwell
with Coxleigh and Brightlicot, 1£ ; Loxhore with Smitha Park, 1 ; and
Heath barton, i (see A.-D. Inq. 1 Ric. IL No. 12).

332

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

Aethelstan in 938 to the monastery or clergy house of
St. Mary at Exeter (Kemble, Cod. Dipl. No. 371, p. 207),
but the charter is manifestly a forgery (Trans, xxx. 305).
The charter of Canute dates from 1031 (Cart. Sax. II. 431 ;
Trans, xiii. 120). When the see was moved from Crediton
to Exeter in 1050, Stoke and three other manors were
assigned for the support of the canons of St. Peter at
Exeter (Hund. Rolls, 3 Ed. I. No. 43, p. 45), and to them it
has ever since belonged until it was taken over by the
ecclesiastical commissioners.

VI. Estate held of the Honour of Marshwood.

39. Great Dunsford went with half of Walter de
Douai's estates to the honour of Marshwood. This Honour
was given by Henry I. to Geoffrey de Mandevil, and passed
with his younger son's daughter Dionisia to William, son
of John de Harptree, who held it in 1166 (Black Book,
84). It consisted of 13 1 fees and 2 Mortain fees (ibid.),
of which 10£ and 1 Mortain fee were in Devon (Testa,
831-842, p. 183a). William gave f fee, representing
Dunsford, with his daughter to Roger Bacun (Black Book,
84), brother of Philip de Columbers (Cal. Docts. in France,
191), which William Bacon forfeited for taking the Norman
side (Testa, 1546, p. 199a). King John in 1204 gave Duns-
ford to Robert de Satchvil (Pipe Rolls, 6 John, m. 7), and
it descended to Philip Causebuf, Robert de Satchvil's
heir. With Causebuf 's daughter Avice it passed to Robert
de Blakeford (Trans, xxxvii. 445), who held it in 1241
(Testa, 831, p. 183a). Robert de Blakeford died in 1253
{A.-D.Inq. 37 Hen. III. No. 31). His widow then remarried
William de Berkeley, who before 1272, against his wife's
wishes, sold Dunsford to Balan de Gorges (Trans, xxxvii.
444). In 1276 Ellen de Gorges was in possession, holding
it of William de Berkeley, who held it of John de Blake-
ford, Avice's heir (A.-D. Inq. 4 Ed. I. No. 48). On William
de Berkeley's death John de Blakeford recovered it and
sold it to Peter Quivil, bishop of Exeter, who purchased
it on behalf of Matilda, widow of Richard 7th earl of
Gloucester. The bishop was in possession in 1285 (Feud.
Aids, 316), and at Matilda's request conveyed the manor
and advowson to Canonsleigh priory (Oliver, Mon. 230 ;
Lysons, II. 171). In 1303 the abbess held it for £fee (Feud.
Aids, 345), also in 1346 (ibid., 385) and 1428 (ibid., 484),

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

333

and she presented to the vicarage in 1314 (8tapeldon >
208) and 1368 (Grandisson, 1506).

VII. Estates held of the Honour of Gloucester.

40. Coming to estates held of the honour of Gloucester,
Holcombe Burnell or Holcombe Bernard (Lysons,
II. 275), with other of queen Matilda's lands, was, after
her death, on 3 November, 1083, given to the predecessor in
title of Umfravil, who appears to have given it to Berner
or Burnard before 1084, when it was held by Tedbald
(Geldroll, xlix. B. 4), son of Berner (Geldroll, xix.). In 1241
the tenant in possession under Umfravil was Ralf , son of
Bernard (Testa, 264, p. 178a). Before 1285 it passed by
sale to Humfrey de Kail, Keyle, or Caille, who then held
it of John, son of Burnard, for 1 fee. John, son of Burnard,
again held it of John de Umfravil (Feud. Aids, 315), whilst
John de Umfravil held it of Gilbert de Clare, earl of Glouces-
ter (A.-D. Inq. 8 Ed. II. No. 264). Humfrey Cael held it
in 1303 (Feud. Aids, 345) ; another Humfrey in 1346 (ibid. y
386), and William Caille died seised of it in 1371 (A.-D.
Inq. 44 Ed. III. No. 15). In 1428 there were six freeholders,
Thomas Denys being one of their number (ibid., 484).
The church was apparently given to God and St. Andrew
of Wells and the bishop of Bath (cf. Trans, xxxix. 367),
either by Tedbald, son of Berner, or by his son Robert
(Trans, xxxix. 377), and was in the patronage of the bishop
of Bath annexed to a prebend of Wells in 1273 (Brones-
combe, 144).

41. An estate at Bramford or Upton Pyne was held in
1086 by Walter de Clavil. This formed part of the 10 fees
(Black Book, 161) which Walter de Clavil held in 1166
of William, earl of Gloucester. The tenant in possession
at that time appears to have been called Steven, who gave
his name to Clifford Steven, and from him it was called
Bramford Steven or Stevenston. The estate included
Yendacot in Shobrook and part of Cowley. In 1241
Agnes de Esford was the tenant in possession (Testa,
260, p. 178a) ; in 1303 the heirs of John de Asford (Feud.
Aids, 346) ; in 1346 Edmund de Sampford, William
Chambernon, and Richard de Esse of Exeter in succession
to Simon de Sampford, William Chambernon, and Henry
de Esse (ibid., 387), and in 1428 William Bonevyll and
William Aysford (ibid., 483).

334

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

42. The manor of Whitstone, where stands the church,
was held in 1086 by William de Ow or de Eu, one of the
Conqueror's military knights, who also held Powderham,
both estates being in the tenancy of Rannulf [de Pouder-
ham]. William's son forfeited the overlordship of both for
treason in 1096 (Round, Peerage, 187), when they were
given to the earl of Hereford (Vict. Hist. 393). These
estates are possibly the 2 fees which Margaret de
Bohun held in 1166 of the bishop of Hereford (Black Book,
151). In 1218 Peter de Pouderham was tenant under the
earl of Hereford. He was succeeded by Thomas de Pouder-
ham, against whom Peter's widow Mabel claimed Whitstone
as her dower on 23 March, 1219 (Devon Fine, No. 80).
On 13 June, 1249, Roger de Puderham was in possession
(Devon Fine, No. 475). In 1263 Andrew de Poderham
held the manor and advowson, and presented to the rectory
(Branscombe, 190). In 1285 John de Pouderham held the
same " of the earl of Hereford, for homage and service,
whilst the earl of Hereford held it of the earl of Gloucester,
who again held it of the King by the service of paying
1 mark to the earl of Hereford " (Feud. Aids, 316). In
1316 the earl of Hereford was in possession by reason of
the heir of John de Pouderham being under age (ibid.,
377). It then passed with Margaret, daughter of Hum-
phrey earl of Hereford, to Hugh III. Courtenay (Lysons,
555), who presented to the rectory in 1340 (Grandisson,
1329), the year before he succeeded to the earldom of
Devon, and at his death in 1378 was given to his younger
son Philip Courtney, who presented to the rectory in 1390
(Brantyngham, 123) and again in 1392 (Stafford, 220),
in whose family it still continues.

43. A group of five estates were held in this Hundred
in 1086 by Godwin of Chittlehamton, possibly a son of the
great earl Godwin, who is enumerated among the King's
English thanes. All of these, with the exception of Medland,
which Robert, son of Hamon, gave to Tewkesbury abbey
(Dugdale, Mon. II. 65), were afterwards given to Umfravil
and formed part of the 9 fees (Black Book, 161), five of which
were in Devon, 15 which Gilbert de Umfravil held in 1166
of the Honour of Gloucester (Black Book, 161). Umfravil

15 Red Book, II. 558, 607 ; Devon Not. and Qu. VI. 190, 204. The
five in Devon were West Ogwell, J ; Natson, J ; Cheriton Bishop, J ;
Trebbles, £ ; Easton, J ; Chittlehampton, 1 ; Culm Reigny, alias Combe
Satchvil, i ; Holbrook, 1 ; Wray, J {Testa, p. 1776).

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

335

alienated Cheriton, the greater part of Lamford repre-
sented by Trebbles and Easton barton, and his moiety of
the township of West Ogwell to Champernoun. The re-
mainder of Lamford he sold to Berner's son, and Combe
borough to the predecessor of Ralf Maury of Sydenham
Maristow (Feud. Aids, 315). Champernoun in turn
demised one part of Cheriton and Lamford, viz. J fee in
Cheriton and Stoddon, £ fee in Triffabel or Trebbles, and
\ fee in Lamford, to John Burnel, who held them in 1285
(ibid., 315), and the remainder of Cheriton and Lamford,
viz. \ fee in Cheriton and Wolgereston and £ fee in Alrigges-
ton, Aereston or Easton barton, to John Melhywys, whose
heiress Elinora held them in 1285 (ibid., 315).

44. In 1241 William de Boyvile and Anastasia 16 his
wife were tenants in possession of J fee in West Ogwell,
the moiety to which the church belonged, held of the
honour of Gloucester (Testa, 263, p. 178a). In 1285 Richard
de Clavil held the same of William de Champernoun, who
held it of John de Umfravil (Feud. Aids, 315). Seemingly
Clavil was grantee of the manor under John de Boyvile.
For John de Boyvile was patron of the rectory in 1284
(Quivil, 359), and himself held the manor in 1303 (Feud.
Aids, 345), and the patronage in 1318 (Stapeldon, 269).
In 1346 Margaret, widow of Peter Boyvile, was in posses-
sion of the manor (Feud. Aids, 387). In 1417 William Boy-
vil died seised of the manor and advowson of Westwogwill
(A.-D. Inq. 5 Hen. V. No. 21). In 1428 John Boyvill
was lord of the manor (Feud. Aids, 486), but the advowson
was in the hands of Michael Lercedekne and sir Mathew
Downe, canon of Exeter, in 1425 (Lacy, 85) and 1428
(ibid., 108) as patrons for this turn.

45. Cheriton, together with Wolgerston, was held
in 1241 by the heirs of John de Melewis, Simon Lampre,
and Hugh de Loges (Testa, 265, p. 178a) for life. Before
1280 the heiress, Eleanor de Melewis, granted one acre of
land at Cheriton together with the advowson to Walter
Bronescombe, bishop of Exeter (Lacy's Reg. 38), and the
parish has since been known as Cheriton Bishop. In 1285
Cheriton and Staddon were held by John Burnel, whilst
Wolgerston, together with Easton, were held by Eleanor

16 Anastasia was one of four sisters, co-heiresses, the others being
Eleanor, wife of Jordan de Ashby ; Rosamund, wife of William Tre-
mynet, and Thomasine, wife of Robert Davaylles (Devon Fine, No.
467). See Trans, xxxii. 237.

336

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

de Melhywis of William de Champernoun, and by William
de Champernoun of John de Umfravil (Feud. Aids, 315).
In 1303 both Cheriton and Wolgerston were held by Roger,
son of Pagan (ibid., 345), apparently by grant for life ;
in 1346 by Richard Burnel, in succession to John Burnel
(ibid., 387) ; and in 1428 the freeholders were John Crokker,
Baldwin Folef ord, William Melhuwys, and William Daveell
(ibid., 485).

46. Tryfabel or Trebbles had Eleanor de Hause for
tenant in 1241 (Testa, 267, p. 178a), and William de
Wodeton or Wotton in 1285, who held it of John Burnel
for i fee. John Burnel in turn held it of William de
Champernoun, whilst Champernoun held it of John de
Umfravil (Feud. Aids, 315). William de Wotton was
still tenant in 1303 (ibid., 345), followed by Richard de
Wotton, who in 1346 held it together with Nether Partridge
farm (ibid., 388). In 1428 the freeholders were Richard
Bowere, William Wode, and John Crosse (ibid., 485).

47. Easton barton, written Alricheston, Alriggeston,
Ayrenston, and Aereston, 17 in Cheriton, was held in 1241
by the heirs of William le Barun for \ fee (Testa, 268, p.
178a) ; in 1285 by Eleanor de Melhywys (Fevd. Aids, 315) ;
in 1303 by Stephen le Baroun, who held along with it
Somerton in Shebbear Hundred (ibid., 346) ; in 1346 by
Robert Baron (ibid., 387) ; and in 1428 by Richard Bower
(ibid., 486).

Lamford shorn of Trebbles, Easton, and Wolgareston
i fee was either by purchase or marriage the estate of the
last Baldwin de Belstone, and fell in 1240 between his four
daughter co-heiresses, viz. Cecily, the wife of John Theo-
bald ; Mariota, the wife of William de Fulford ; Joan, the
wife of Walter le Chamberleyn ; and Maud, the wife of
Richard de Speccot. After various demises (Devon Fines,
Nos. 550, 575, 680, 681) it was held in 1285 by Baldwin de
Specot of Richard le Flemyng, and by him of John, son
of Bernard, who again held it of Umfravil (Feud. Aids, 315).
In 1303 Henry de Belstone, son of Baldwin de Specot, was
in possession (ibid., 345) ; in 1346 John de Belstone,
Richard Chiseldene, and William Foleford in succession

17 Not to be confounded with another Alricheston, or Easton, in
Chagford, part of the royal lordship of South Tawton {Pipe Rolls), nor
h Aereston, or Hears ton, in Brixton, which was assessed under
11 (Feud. Aids, 200, 206).

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

337

to Henry de Belstone, Walter Tauntefur, and Henry de
Foleford (ibid., 386).

Combe, or Combe Borough, in Drewsteignton, was held
in 1285 by the heirs of Ralf Maury of Sydenham Maristow
(Fevd. Aids, 315), but it does not otherwise appear in the
fee lists. In 1371 William Caille, otherwise Keyle, lord of
Holcombe Burnel, died seised of it (A.-D. Inq. 44 Ed. III.
No. 15).

Medland, which had been given to the abbot of Tewkes-
bury by Robert, son of Hamon, was confirmed to him
by Henry I.'s charter (Dugdale, Mon. ii. 65), and that
abbot held it with Henry de Stanewe as tenant in 1285
(Feud. Aids, 315) ; also in 1303 (ibid., 356), and con-
tinuously until the dissolution.

48. One other estate in this Hundred was also held of
the honour of Gloucester. Clis, better known as Clyst
Fomison, otherwise Clyst St. Michael (Bronescombe, 124),
or Sowton, was held in 1086 by a certain Geoffrey [de
Trailei] of the bishop of Coutances. When the rest of
that bishop's estates in Devon were bestowed upon Juhel
of Totnes, and constituted the Honour of Barnstaple
(Trans, xxxiii. 631), Clyst Fomison andCanonteign were ex-
cepted, and were given by William Rufus to Robert son of
Hamon, with whose daughter Mabel they passed to Robert
1st earl of Gloucester, in 1119. In 1166 Clyst Fomison
was held by the son of Henry de Pomeray for £ fee of
William earl of Gloucester (Black Book, 162). In 1241
Richard Fomitun was in possession (Testa, 259, p. 178a).
In 1285 Richard Fomyson held the township of Clyst
Fomyson of the heirs of Henry de la Pomeray for £ fee
(Fevd. Aids, 315) ; in 1303 Richard's heir (ibid., 346) ; and
in 1346 Richard de Aysse in succession to Henry de Esse
(ibid., 386). The patronage of the advowson lay with the
bishop of Exeter.

VIII. Estates held of the Honour of Barnstaple.

49. As already stated, the bishop of Coutances' estates,
with the exception of Clyst Fomison and Canonteign
(Trans, xxxiii. 631), constituted the Honour of Barnstaple.
This honour in 1166 was held in two moieties, one moiety
by Oliver de Tracy, consisting of 23 J fees (Black Book, 122 ;
Devon Fine, No. 1), the other by William de Braiose,
consisting of 28 fees (Black Book, 127). Of this Honour

VOL. XLIV. y

338

EARLX DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

were held Chagford and Teigncombe, Bramford Speke,
Rew and Cowley. On Braose's forfeiture in 1213 the
entire Honour was given by King John to Henry de
Tracy, whose great-granddaughter Maud, on the death of
her grandfather, another Henry de Tracy, in 1273, carried
it to her husband, Geoffrey de Camvil (Vict. Hist. 551).

50. Bramford Speke is presumably the £ fee which in
1 166 Robert, son of Reginald [de Courtney] held of Oliver de
Tracy (Black Book, 123). Richard Speke at that time held
2 fees of the same Oliver at Sourton, Northrussel, Milford,
and Thorn (Testa, 74, p. 176a ; A.-D. Inq. 46 Ed. Ill, No.
34), but his connection with Bramford is of later date.
The manor of Bramford was held of Robert Courtney by
William de Tremenet, but the advowson had been given
to St. Nicholas' priory before 1220 (Oliver, Mon. 113).
Richard Speke acquired the manor with William Tre-
minet's (Oliver, 114) daughter and heiress, and held it in
1241 of the Honour of Barnstaple through a middle-lord
[Courtney] (Testa, 71, p. 1756). In 1285 William le Espec
held Bramford Speke for \ Mortain [?] fee of Hugh de
Courtney, who held it of Geoffrey de Camvil (Feud. Aids,
315). In 1346 William Spek held the same for \ fee in
succession to William Spek (ibid., 385). In 1373 Robert
Speke died seised of it (A.-D. Inq. 46 Ed. III. No. 34) ; and
in 1428 yet another William Speke (ibid., 486) was the
holder.

51. Rewe and Cowley were held in Richard I.'s time by
Gilbert de Vilers (Testa, 1545, p. 1986 ; and 1552, p. 199a).
For taking the Norman side Gilbert forfeited them, and in
1204 (Trans, xxxiii. 369) they were given by King John to
Robert de Satchvil (Pipe Rolls, 6 John ; Testa, 1545, 1552).
Robert de Satchvil was succeeded by his nephew's (nepotis)
daughter Avice, wife of Robert de Blakeford, who in 1241
held Rewe together with a virgate of land in Silverton for
1 fee (Testa, 72, p. 1756), and demised Cowley for \ fee to
his kinsman Thomas de Blakeford (ibid., 72, p. 176a).
Avice's second husband, William de Berkeley, shortly
before Avice's death in 1272, sold Rewe to sir Balan de
Gorges against her will (Trans, xxxvii. 444), and the ad-
vowson to sir John de Exonia, clerk (Bronescombe, 165).
In 1285 John Pycot held Rewe of Elena de Gorges, who
held it of John de Blakeford, whilst John held it of Geoffrey
de Camvil (Feud. Aids, 315). In 1303 Walter Tantifer

IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

339

was lord of Rew m&nor (ibid., 346) 18 ; in 1346 Richard Chil-
sylden (ibid., 387), in right of his wife Joan (Trans, xxxiii.
413), Tantifer's heiress. Richard presented to the rectory
on 29 August, 1351 (Grandisson, 1419), and was followed by
John Chiseldon, who presented twice in 1402 (Stafford, 197).
In 1428 Elisabeth Chiseldon was in possession (Feud. Aids,
486).

52. Cowley barton was held in 1285 by William de
Champernoun in succession to Thomas de Blakeford of
John de Blakeford for J fee, John holding it of Geoffrey de
Camvil of the Honour of Barnstaple (Feud. Aids, 315). It
must not be confounded with the small estate at Cowley
already referred to (No. 41, p. 86), which, together with
Yendacot and Stevenston, was held of the Honour of
Gloucester (Feud. Aids, 346).

IX. Estate held of the Honour of Hurberton.

53. Juhel of Totnes had one estate in this Hundred, viz.
Bridford, and this he held as a lordship manor belonging
to the Honour of Totnes. Before 1123 he had been dis-
possessed by Henry I., and the " tenement of Totnes " given
to Roger de Nonant (Trans, xliii. 212). About 1198, how-
ever, the " tenement " was claimed by William de Braiose,
as being a descendant of J uhel. The claim was compromised
by a partition approved in court on 5 June, 1205, whereby
Henry de Nonant secured for himself 28 fees of the tene-
ment of Totnes with the lordship manors of Clawton,
Bridford, Brixham, and part of Loddeswell, this portion
being known as the Honour of Hurberton, and William de
Braiose received 28 § fees, together with the manors
of Totnes, Cornworthy, and the residue of Loddeswell
(Devon Fine, No. 56 ; Trans, xliii. 213), called the Honour
of Totton. In 1206 Henry de Nonant sold the Honour of
Hurberton, including Bridford, to Roger de Valletorta,
who died in the following year. Bridford then descended
in the Valletorta family until the death of Roger in 1275.
In 1285 Nicolas de Monteforti was in possession by the

18 Close Rolls, 4 Ed. II. 14 June, 1311, p. 353 : Walter de Rolandeston
came before the King on Monday after the feast of St. Barnabas and
sought to replevy to Semann Tille, and Sarah his wife, Robert Bieste-
culme and Alice his wife their land in Rew near Silferton taken into
the King's hand by reason of their default in the court of Walter Taunte-
fer before the said Walter against John son of Jordan Biesteculm, John
Tille and Cecily his wife, Richard de Huntebere and Isolda his wife and
William le Notin.

340

EARLY DESCENTS OF THE MANORS

King's appointment on behalf of Roger de Valletort's
heirs (Feud. Aids, 316). In 1299 Hawise, widow of Reginald
de Valletorta, died seised of it as part of her dower (A.-D.
Inq. 27 Ed. I. No. 32). In 1312 it was held by James de
Oxton (Lysons, II. 69), to whom Valletort had sold the
reversion, and in that year Oxton presented to the rectory
(Stapeldon, 197). It afterwards came to Champernoun.
Thomas Champernoun was in possession and presented
to the rectory in 1349 (Grandisson, 1391 and 1359 (ibid.,
1451). In 1362 Ida de Raleghe held it in dower (ibid.,
1487) ; in 1392 sir Richard Champernoun (Brantyngham y
114).

X. Estates held of the Honour of Berry.

54. Two Ogwells, viz. a moiety of East and a moiety
of West Ogwell, Huxham and Heavitree, were four estates
in this Hundred which went to the honour of Berry.
The tenant in possession of the two Ogwell moieties in
1086 was William of Poitou, or le Peytevin, and they form
part of the 4 fees which William le Peytevin in 1166 held
of Henry de Pomeria (Black Book, 128). 19 In 1241 the
tenant of these two moieties was Robert le Peytevin
(Testa, 755, p. 1826). In 1285 John de Bovyle was tenant
in possession of the moiety of West Ogwell, which he
held for J fee of Robert Peytevin (Feud. Aids, 316). This
moiety then disappears from the fee lists, being probably
merged in the other moiety which Boyvil held of the
Honour of Gloucester. The East Ogwell moiety was held
in 1285 by Thomas Peytevin for 1 fee of Henry Wyger,
(Feud. Aids, 316). In 1303 Thomas Peytevin was the
tenant (ibid., 346) ; in 1346 William Peytevin (ibid., 388) ;
and in 1428 John Francheyne (ibid., 486).

55. Huxham and Heavitree were held in 1086 by Roger
as tenant under Pomeray. Roger held divers other estates
of the same honour. The successor of Roger at Huxham
in 1166 appears to have been Robert, son of Nicolas
(Black Book, 129), and in 1199 Robert, son of Nicolas [de
Hochesham] ; for on 21 January, 1199, Henry de Pomeray,
son of Matilda, sold the greater part of his baronial estate
to William Briwere, including the services due from

19 According to Testa, Robert le Peytevin held 2J fees in Cridie,
Danescomb, Westwoggewill, and Eastwogewil. He also had \ fee in
Yeadbury and held Woodford in socage {Testa, 1174, p. 1906, and 1164>
p. 1906).

Digitized by

IN W0NF0RD HUNDRED.

341

Robert, son of Nicholas de Hokesham (Devon Fine, No. 27).
In 1241 Richard de Hokesham held Huxham for £ fee
{Testa, 754, p. 1826). William de Hochesham succeeded
him, and died in 1256 seised of Huxham manor (A.-D. Inq.
40 Hen. III.). In 1285 another William de Hoxam (Feud.
Aids, 316) held Huxham of the heirs of William Briwere
(Inquis. Hen. III. No. 352). He was followed by his son,
William de Hockham, who was in possession of the manor
in 1303 (Feud. Aids, 346), and in 1314 presented to the
rectory (Stapeldon, 223). William de Hoxham was also
the holder in 1346 (Feud. Aids, 387) ; but before 1349 the
manor and advowson had passed to John Baunfelde by
purchase, who presented to the rectory on 13 August, 1349
(Grandisson, 1397). In 1404 Thomas Baunfilde was lord
(Stafford, 180) ; in 1410 John Bampfyld (ibid., 180) ; and
in 1428 John Bamfild (Feud. Aids, 486).

56. The successor of Roger at Heavitree before 1201
was Beatrice, wife of Philip de Satchvil, who, on 1 July of
that year, sold it for 10 marks to Robert de Hokesham
(Devon Fine, No. 46). Hokesham afterwards sold it to
Pycot, andPycot to Kelly. In 1241 William de Kelly held
it for i fee (Testa, 753, p. 1826). In 1285 John Kelly held
it of John Pycot, who in turn held it of William de
Hoxam (Feud. Aids, 316). In 1303 John Kelly was tenant
(ibid., 346) ; in 1346 another John Kelly (ibid., 387) ;
and in 1428 Richard Kelly (ibid., 486).

XI. Estates held of the Honour of Braneys.

57. Four estates held by William Capra in 1086 went to
the Honour of Braneys,viz. Combe-in-Teignhead, Racumbe
or Horridge in Ilsington, Farwood in Tedburn, and
Whipton with Ringswell in Heavitree. Combe-in-Teign-
head was given by Henry de Tracy, son of William de
Tracy, to Henry de Trubeville, who on 3 September,
1227, conveyed it, together with the advowson, to Reginald
de Albo Monasterio, otherwise Blamoster (Charter Rolls,
p. 58). In 1285 Reginald de Clifford held it for J fee (Feud.
Aids, 316), also in 1303 (ibid., 346), but in 1346 Roger
Prideaux was lord (ibid., 387).

58. Rocombe or Horridge was held in 1241 by William
Viel for £ fee (Testa, 806, p. 183a), to whom the heirs of
Geoffrey de Horigge had succeeded before 1285 (Feud.
Aids, 316). In 1303 William de Baggetorre was lord (ibid.,

342 DESCENTS OF THE MANORS IN WONFORD HUNDRED.

346) ; in 1346 Geoffrey de Bagatorr and Walter de Horigg
(ibid.> 387) ; and in 1428 Thomas Horigge, John Bagge-
toure, and William Quinterell (ibid., 484).

59. Farwood in Tedburn was included in 1166 in the
1£ fees which William de Alneto or Dauney then held of
William de Tracy (Black Book, 122). The other portions
of those 1£ fees are represented by Pirswell, Hewise,
probably the old name for Woodbarton in Kentisbeare, 21
and Awliscombe. In 1241 Farwood was held by Ralf de
Albemara or Daumarle, still under the name of Tedburn,
for i fee of John Dauney, who held it of the earl of Cornwall
(Feud. Aids, 316), but in 1303, when William de Penyll had
succeeded Daumarle (ibid., 346), it appears under the
distinctive name of Farewode or Farwood. In 1346 David
de Penels was lord (ibid., 388), and in 1428 Nicolas Penels
(ibid., 486).

60. Whipton, otherwise known as Wenford St. Loy,
from the chapel of St. Eligius (Stafford, 126) with Leymoor
in Sowton (Crosslegh, Bradninch, 32), was one of William
Capra's manors in 1086. In 1166 it was held by William
de Tracy in demesne (Black Book, 121). After the murder
of archbishop Thomas, William gave it to Polsloe priory.
King John confirmed the grant on 22 April, 1201 (Trans*
xxii. 313), 22 and the priory held it until the dissolution.

Before the grant was made to Polsloe, Ringswell had
been taken from it and given to the predecessor in title
of Sibilla, wife of Ralf de Tolyro (Devon Fine, No. 687), one
of two co-heiresses. She and her husband, on 16 February,
1270, made over their moiety of a rent of 2 shillings in
Ringswell to John de Werigeston (Devon Fine, No. 687),
who resold it to Prodhome (Lysons, II. 263). In 1285 John
Prodhome held Ringswell of Ralf Toliro for J fee, Ralf
holding the same of the earl of Cornwall (Feud. Aids, 316).
In 1303 Henry Wyger had succeeded John Prodhomme as
tenant (ibid., 346) ; afterwards Walter Stapeldon (ibid. x
387) ; and in 1346 John Prodhomme (ibid., 387).

21 Correcting the identification with Orway porch in Trans, xlii. 224^
240, which I am told is part of Orway.

" The Charter Rolls, p. 123, show a grant, on 29 April, 1230, to the
church of St. Catharine without Exeter, and to the minikins there of
Wimpledeton of the gift of William Tracy (see Devon Not. and Qu. II. 63).

XIV.

THE HUNDRED OF SOUTH TAWTON
IN EARLY TIMES.

BY REV. OSWALD J. REICHEL, B.C.L. & M.A. ; F.S.A.
(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

I. General remarks.

1. In recent lists South Tawton appears as included in
Wonford Hundred. Nevertheless, there is ample evidence
that in earlier times, like Winkleigh, it formed a Hundred
by itself (Feud. Aids, 356), and was then, or at least so
much of it as was not included in the manor of South
Tawton, known as the crown lordship of Southteign or
Southing. 1 In the few places where South Tawton, or any
estate belonging to South Tawton, is mentioned in the
great Survey, it appears early in the list of Hundreds, and
never among estates belonging to Wonford Hundred,
which come somewhat low down on the list.

2. In the list of townships in 1316 it is described as " the
Hundred of South Tawton, the lord of the same being the
King, by reason of the tender age of the heir of the earl of
Warwick, in which Hundred there is no [royal] borough
and only one single township called South Tawton, the lord
of which is the aforesaid lord the King " (Feud. Aids, 373).

3. Hooker, in his list of Tenths and Fifteenths, gives the
following particulars (Harl. MSS. 5827, p. 96) :—

[770] Ancient demesne of £ D r a. Deductlons - £ * et - &
South Tawton . 8 18 30/- ..7 8

[771] Ancient demesne of \
Budleigh

[772] Fen Ottery and

[773] Brodeham (Brad-
ham in Withy-
combe ■><■'•

[774] Ancient demesne of
Axminster

[775] and Membtjry

11 7 8 3 .,8 7 8

5 . . 13 4.. 468

The whole . 25 5 8 103 4 20 2 4

1 See Trans, xxxiii. 400, 410, 422, 566, 585, and Devon Not. and Qu.
III. 160. Miss Lega-Weekes supplies a wealth of extracts from early
documents in her four papers on the parish of South Tawton in Trans.
xxxiii. 399-468; xxxiv. 578-647; xxxv. 497-538; xxxvi. 415-444.

Digitized by

344

THE HUNDRED OF SOUTH TAWTON

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Digitized by

IN EARLY TIMES.

345

Digitized by

346 THE HUNDRED OF SOUTH TAWTON

It will be noticed that the assessments on the lordship
and the villagers fall short of the total assessment of South
Tawton, but that if the assessments of the contributory
estates are added the whole works out correctly. Thus : —

Hides Virg. Ferl.

South Tawton lordship
, „ villagers
- „ Ash
Patforda
Escapeleia .
Tauelanda (Cocktree)

It seems highly anomalous that any Hundred, even an
inland Hundred, should have been assessed at 3 hides
1 virgate 3 ferlings, viz. 3 hides 1 virgate for South Tawton
and 3 ferlings for Gidleigh. I am therefore disposed to
think that, as suggested under Wonford Hundred (p. 305),
three of the estates there enumerated as belonging to
Wonford Hundred really belonged to South Tawton
Hundred, to wit the Bishop of Coutances' Chagford and
Teigncombe (W. 192, 193, p. 190), 14 hides, and Alwy's, one
of the King's thanes', Midelcota (W. 1085, p. 1180). There
is nothing in the sequence to prevent these estates being
in South Tawton Hundred. They both come after estates
in South Molton Hundred, and before estates in Wonford
Hundred.

With these additions we have for the Hundred of South

Tawton : Hides Virg. Ferl.

South Tawton and contributorv estates 3 10
Gidleigh . . . . ' . .003
Bishop of Coutances' Chagford . .10
„ Teigncombe . 2

Alwy's Middlecot in Chagford . 1

Total . 5 6

III. Some notes on the estates in this Hundred.

1. The Hundred-manor of South Tawton, which had
been held by Gytha before the Conquest, continued to be
held as a county-land until the time of Henry III., grants
being from time to time made out of it, which were re-
newed from year to year. Henry I. gave Ailrichescot, 7 now

— '"This ^Ailrichescot, or Addiscot, which appears to have been the-
name of the demesne of South Tawton manor, must not be confounded
with another Ailrichescot, or Ailricheston, otherwise Easton in Chag*
ford, which, together with Great or Hamton Week, now known as the
Prince's Week was appurtenant to Lydford manor, and was usually-

Digitized by

IN EARLY TIMES.

347

called Addiscot, in South Tawton, to his side-wind daughter
Constance, 8 wife of Roscelin, sheriff of Maine (Trans, xxxiv.
590). On the death of Constance in 1175 (ibid., xxxv. 518),
the grant was continued to her son, Richard de Beaumont,
who in 1199 gave the same, with his daughter Constance
in free marriage, to Roger de Tony (ibid., xxxiv. 589).
In 1205 and until 1211 Roger de Tony was in possession
of Ailrichescot (Pipe Rolls, 7 John) ; in 1212 his widow
Constance (Testa, 1375, p. 195a ; Trans, xxxvii. 425) ; in
1214 her son, Ralf de Tony (Pipe Rolls, 16 John). On
Ralfs death in 1239 another Roger de Tony succeeded.
He presented to the rectory of South Tawton, " saving the
vicar's rights," on 23 November, 1262 (Bronescombe, 181),
but died the following year (A.-D. Inq. 48 Hen. III. No. 28).
At the time of his death he was lord not only of Ailrichescot,
but of the whole Hundred of South Tawton (Trans, xxxvi.
434), including the borough of Zeal (Trans, xxxiii. 407).
His son, Ralf de Tony, presented to the rectory in 1282
(Quivil, 356), and died in Gascony in 1294 (A.-D. Inq.
23 Ed. I.). From the petition of his executors it appears
that he had let the manor to farm for a term of three years
for the service of the King in Gascony, and his son Robert
was then under age (Trans, xxxiii. p. 409). On coming of
age Robert procured a grant of a weekly market on Thursday
for his manor of Zeal Tony or South Zeal in South Tawton
(Charter Rolls, 27 Ed. I. No. 92). He had previously
been entitled to one-third of North Tawton market (Trans.
xxxiii. 408). On his death in 1309 without issue (A.-D.
Inq. 3 Ed. II. No. 33) his sister Alice, widow of Thomas de
Leyburne, who had remarried Guy de Beauchamp, earl
of Warwick, succeeded as next heir (Trans, xxxiii. 411), and
the overlordship descended in the family of the Beauchamps,
earls of Warwick. In 1316 it was in the King's hand, owing
to the tender age of the earl of Warwick (Feud. Aids, 373).
In 1397 Thomas, earl of Warwick, died seised of it (A.-D.
Inq. 21 Ric. III. No. 3) ; in 1438 Richard, earl of Warwick
(A.-D. Inq. 17 Hen. VI. No. 54) ; in 1445 Henry, earl of
Warwick (A.-D. Inq. 24 Hen. VI. No. 43), on whose decease
his daughter Ann, aged two, became entitled.

2. The original grant by Henry I. was a gift, renewed

held by the queen. Queen Eleanor had it down to the year of her death
in 1204. For the next five years it was held by Hamelin de Toriton, and
then by Richard Mai her be ; and was eventually given to the Prince
of Wales. See Devon Not. and Qu. III. 159.

8 Chronicles of the reigns of Stephen, Henry II., and Richard (RoUs
Ser.), IV. 235, call her Matilda in error.

348

THE HUNDRED OF SOUTH TAWTON

from year to year, of a portion of a county estate to a
side-wind member of the royal family. King John's
grant in 1199 describes it as " Ailrichescot,' in Devonshire,
in the district (parochia) of Suthawtune " (Trans, xxxiv.
589). Its value in 1285 is stated to be £13 (Pipe Rolls,
7 John). In the Pipe Bolls it constantly appears as Ail-
richescot, the name being variously written Ailrichescote
(Pipe Rolls, 33 Hen. IV. ; 7 John ; 16 John ; 3 Hen. III.),
Aderichescote (Pipe Bolls, 23 Hen. II.), Aedrichescote
(Pipe Rolls, 8 Ric. I.), which survives in Addiscot, and in
1219 it is described as ' ' Ailrichescot, which is a member
of Tauton " (Pipe Bolls, 3 Hen. III.). The circumstances
under which Tony's family acquired the lordship of the
Hundred manor, of which Addiscot was only a part, are
not before us ; but apparently the extensiou took place
after 1219 and before 1243. The jurors of the Hundred
court in 1274 speak of South Tawton manor as having
been given by the Conqueror to Roscelin de Beaumont
(Trans, xxxiv. 590) ; but in this they are clearly wrong ;
for as late as 1280 Ralf de Tony's right to the Hundred-
manor was challenged by the Crown (Trans, xxxv. 506).
The extension probably had no other foundation than
King John's charter of disafforestation of Devon of 1205,
authorising owners to essart and make parks of waste lands
outside the forest boundaries (Trans, xxxiii. 605).

After acquiring the lordship of the Hundred-manor
Roger de Tony before 1263 made over the court-house
of Blackhall and the lordship land to Alfred de la Porte
(Trans, xxxiii. 407, 431), elsewhere called Alfred de
Tauntifer (Trans, xxxiii. 430), mayor of Exeter, who in
1294 was executed for felony (A.-D. Inq. 23 Ed. I. No. 21),
in connection with the murder of Walter de Lecchelade
(Bronescombe, 441). His brother, Walter de Tauntifer,
succeeded him (Trans, xxxiii. 431), at first as lessee for
a term of years (Trans, xxxiii. 409), and afterwards as
perpetual lessee of the whole manor and Hundred. Walter's
heiress, Joan, carried it to her husband, Richard Cheseldon,
who was in possession in 1347 (Trans, xxxiii. 413), and in
his family it continued for a century. Elisabeth Cheseldon
was in possession in 1428, and from her it passed to Wadham.

3. It appears from the Inquest on Roger de Tony in 1263
that at that date there were several sub-manors held of
South Tawton.

/ (1) William le Pruz, lord of Gidleigh, held certain lands

Digitized by

IN EARLY TIMES.

349

by charter for which he paid 50s. yearly " subject to relief
when it befalls " (Trans, xxxiii. 407). From a document
six years later in date this land is stated to be Coleton*
worth £4 a year (ibid., 429 ; xxxvi. 443).

(2) Richard de Poltimore held land to the value of £12
5s. 6d. by the service of T V knight's fee, subject to relief
and wardship (Trans, xxxiii. 407). This is identified with
the manor of Ash.

(3) Henry de Horton held 100 shillings' worth of land
by the service of T V fee, also subject to relief and wardship
(Trans, xxxiii. 407). This estate, on Henry's death without
issue, passed to his sister Petronilla, wife of Robert Knoel,
who on 23 February, 1270, conveyed it to Richard Tantifer
to hold of the said Petronilla and her heirs at a yearly rent
of 50s. in place of the 100s. previously paid (Devon Fine,
No. 700, in Devon and Corn. Rec. Soc).

(4) William de Moun secured £10 12s. worth of land
in free marriage with Juliana de Vernun, apparently
granted before 1240 (Trans, xxxiii. 406, 408). This is the
present manor of Itton or Yedeton (Trans, xxxiv. 720).

(5) The borough of Zeal Tony or South Zeal consisted
of some forty small holdings, with an annual rental of
31s. 2d. (Trans, xxxiii. 408).

4. From the smallness of the area, only 80 acres and
value 5s., it is clear that the Ghiderleia of Domesday
must have been confined to the demesne land of Gidleigh,,
exclusive of the park, and that it did not include any of
the freeholds Thevil, Endsworthy, Chapel, Southford,.
Berrydown, Crebeare, Greenway, and Moortown, which
by the charter of Martin, duke and earl of Cornwall and
Mortain, and lord of Lydford, were given in 1516 to be
held of it to Giles de Gidleigh. 9 These freeholds were,
however, presumably attached to it soon after the Domes-
day inquest, or else it would be hard to explain its being
let by the sheriff for 72 shillings and 1 penny (Trans.
xxxiv. 720), the amount for which it was let to farm as
early as 1155 (Pipe Rolls, 2 Hen. II.). In 1196 Gidleigh ^
figures among lordships and escheats paying tallage, its
contribution in that year being 20 shillings (Pipe Rolls,
8 Ric. I.), and in 1199 2 marks (ibid., 1 John). It appears
to have been then given to Prous. William Probus or le
Prous held it in 1259, and on 20 September in that year

• Mr. A. Guy Whipham, the present owner of Gidleigh Park, has kindly
allowed me to see and make extracts from an early copy of this charter..

350

THE HUNDRED OF SOUTH TAWTON

presented to Gidleigh rectory (Bronescombe, 142). At his
death in 1269 (A.-D. Inq. 54 Hen. III. No. 21) Gidleigh was
stated to be held of the King in chief (Trans, xxvii. 198 n.,
55 ; xxxiii. 429 ; xxxvi. 443). Sir William le Pruz succeeded
to it, and on 26 December, 1284, presented Walter Prus to
Gidleigh rectory (Quivil, 345). Sir William died in 1316
{A.-D. Inq. 9 Ed. II. No. 27) seised of Gidleigh manor,
which " he held of the castle of Exeter." His widow
Alice, daughter and co-heiress of William Reigny, of
Brixton, was next in possession, and presented to the
rectory on 19 June, 1324 (ibid., 218), and again on
30 November, 1332 (Grandisson, 1291). Her daughter
Alice carried Gidleigh to John Damarel, of Fleet, who
died seised of it in 1340 (A.-D. Inq. 13 Ed. III. No. 36). Dau-
marle's widow presented to Gidleigh rectory on 8 Septem-
ber, 1347, and again in the following year (Grandisson, 1362,
1364). On 19 September, 1368, John Daumarle was in pos-
session and presented to the rectory (Grandisson, 1506), and
died seised of the manor in 1392 (A.-D. Inq. 13Ric. II. No. 8).

5. To judge by the sequence Patforda, which is the first
estate named among those of the Frankling knights,
ought to be looked for either in Lifton or South Tawton
Hundred. Parford, in Drewsteignton, naturally suggests
itself, and being held by Osbern de Salceid, who also held
the adjoining Shilstone, it may well have descended along
with Shilstone. So far I have been unable to ascertain
whether it ever paid a chief rent to South Tawton. The
same remark applies to Pafford or Poffard in North Tawton,
popularly known as Paradise, which otherwise would seem
more likely, but there seems hardly room for 432 acres
in that corner of the parish by the side of Crook Burnel
or Stone (Trans, xxix. 260). Pecketsford, in Samford
■Courtney, has also been suggested, which would place
it in Blacktorington Hundred, and there is also a Ford in
South Tawton. Miss Lega-Weekes finds Pofford mentioned
in an Assize Roll of 32 Hen. III. No. 178 (1248), but does
not define its locality, and this Pofford is probably the
Pofford which William, son of Adam de Curtelhyate and
Margery his wife, conveyed by fine to Simon Doget on
7 December, 1269 (Devon Fine, No. 720). The late Mr. Whale
identified Patforda with Batworthy in Gidleigh, but as
Batworthy pays a quit-rent to Gidleigh and not to South
Tawton, Batworthy must be ruled out of court.

6. The identification of Escapeleia has been a matter

IN EARLY TIMES.

351

of considerable difficulty. As Girold the chaplain's other
estates, Abbots Bickington and Stoke St. Nectan, are
found among the estates of Hartland Abbey, it seemed
natural to look for Escapeleia also among estates of
that abbey. Mr. Whale accordingly identified it with
Leigh in Hartland. To this identification there are two
objections. (1) If Escapeleia lay in Hartland Hundred,
it ought to have come immediately before or immediately
after Stoke St. Nectan, and not separated from Stoke by
an estate in Blacktorington Hundred. (2) As Gytha
possessed Hartland before the Conquest, as well as South
Tawton, a tributary estate in Hartland district would
have paid its tribute to Hartland rather than to South
Tawton. Judging by the sequence of Hundreds, Escapeleia
should lie in one or other of either Lifton, South Tawton,
or Blacktorington Hundreds. Hartland abbey had an
estate at Sourton, in Lifton Hundred (Oliver, Mon. 214),
but this estate cannot represent Escapeleia, because it
was worth only 4s. at the dissolution, whereas Escapeleia,
paying a chief rent of 10s., must have been worth at least
£2 ; nor can it be Chapel in Gidleigh, as Mr. Whale sug-
gested, because Chapel is held of Gidleigh (Charter of
Martin referred to in n. 9), and not of South Tawton.
Possibly it may be Ramsleigh, in South Tawton.

7. That Tauelanda is the estate now called Cocktree,
in South Tawton, seems hardly open to doubt. In 1303
Cocktree was held for J fee by Roger Burnel (Feud. Aids,
356 ; Trans, xxvii. 198, n. 55). With his daughter and
heiress it passed to Weeks, and was sold by Francis Weekes
to Hole (Lysons, II. 483).

8. Chagford and Teigncombe were, it is suggested, two
of the 7 fees which were held in 1 166 by Henry de Campbern
(Champernoun) of Oliver de Tracy (Black Booh, 123), and
may have been held of him in 1 196 by Henry de Chageford,
who held Yaley in Fremington in that year directly of
Tracy (Devon Fine, No. 1). In 1241 Hugh de Chagford
held 2£ fees in Chageford and Yaley (Testa, 46, p. 1756).
Thomas de Chageford had succeeded him in 1285 (Feud.
Aids, 315), but in 1303 Simon de Wibbyry was in possession
(ibid., 346) of both manor and advowson and presented to
the rectory in 1 3 1 9 (Stapeldon, 1 99) . In his family Chagford
descended for seven generations (Lysons, II. 96). In 1346
the manor was held by Oliver de Wybbury (Feud. Aids,
386, 434), but the advowson was frequently granted out.

352

THE HUNDRED OF SOUTH TAWTON.

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Digitized by

Google

INDEX TO THE HUNDREDS OP WONFORD
AND SOUTH TAWTON.

(Names of places are in italics. When several references are given to the
same name it does not follow that they always refer to the same person.)

Ackland, Robert, 321
Addiscot in South Tawton,

346, 347, 348
Adred or Edred, 299
Aiguille, Roger de, 300, 303
Ailmar, 291

Ailricheston, 336, 346. See

Easton
Ailrichecsot. See Addiscot
Albamara, Peter de, 329
Albamara, Ralf de, 329, 342
Albamarle de. See Daumarle
Albo, monasterio, Reginald de,

320, 341
Alestan, 301
Almar, 291

Alneto de. See Dauney
Aired or Aldred, 299
Alphington, 280, 284, 285, 289,

303, 307, 322
Alric, 290

Aluric, 292, 294, 295, 297
Alveva, 296, 301
Alviet, 298

Alwy, 291, 295, 300, 346
Amice, countess of Devon, 280,

282
Ansger, 291

Archer, Haimeric le, 299, 303,
304

Archer, Odo le, 314
Aric, 294

Asford, Esford, John de, 333
Ashe, 286

Ash in South Tawton, 344, 349,
352

Asselegh, Sarah de, 287 n., 317

VOL. XLIV.

Athelstan, 316, 332
Aubernoun de. See Dabernon
Axminster, 343
Aysford, William, 333
Aysse, Esse, Ash, Richard de,
337

Aysse, Esse, Henry de, 337
B

Bacon, William, 332

Bacun, Roger, 332

Bagtor, 278, 281, 284, 288, 300,

303, 310, 319
Bagtor, Baggetorre, Bagatorr,

Geoffrey de, 319, 342
Bagtor, John de, 342
Bagtor, Thomas de, 341
Bagtor, Baggetorre, William

de, 341

Baldwin the sheriff, 291, 303,
322

Baldwin de Redvers, 315, 317
Baldwin, Emma, wife of, 293,
324

Baldwin, William, son of, 324
Bamfeld, Joan, wife of John,
321

Bamfeld, Baunfeld, Bamfylde,
John (several), 284, 286, 320,
341

Bamfeld, Thomas, 341
Bangor, bishop of, 280, 322
Barnstaple, Honour of, 290,
337

Baron, Barun, John le, 330
Baron, Richard le, 327
Baron, Robert, 336

Digitized by

354

INDEX TO THE

HUNDREDS OF

Baron, Stephen le, 336
Barun, William le, 336
Bath, bishop of, 333
Batteshal, William de, 281
Battishull, Thomas, 331
Battle abbey, 289
Batworihy in Gidleigh, 350
Beauchamp, Guy de, 347
Beauchamp, Henry de, 317
Beauchamp, Humfrey de, 327
Beauchamp, John de, 328
Beauchamp, Richard of Ryme,
327

Beaumont, Constance de, 347
Beaumont, Richard de, 331,
347

Beaumont, Robert de, 295
Beaumont, Roscelin de, 347,
348

Beaumont, Thomas de, 331
Bee abbey, 280, 324
Beconnie, 288

Becket, Thomas a, archbishop,
342

Beivin, William, 327
Belstone, Baldwin de, 336
Belstone, Henry de, 336
Belstone, John de, 336
Berard, 304
Berkedon, John, 326
Berkeley, William de, 332, 338
Bernard the napeless, 293, 328
Bernard, John, son of, 333,
336

Bernard, Ralf , son of, 333
Bernard, Robert, son of, 329,

333, 336
Berner, Tetbald, son of, 304,

333

Berry, Honour of, 295, 340
Berrydovm in Gidleigh, 349
Blackhall in South Tawton, 348
Blakeford, John de, 332, 339
Blakeford, Robert de, 332, 339
Blakeford, Thomas de, 318, 339
Blaumoster, Reginald de, 320
Boghemor, Agnes, 330
Boghemor, Roger, 330

Boledon in Cheriton, 330
Bonvyle, Leva, wife of Thomas,
352

Bonvyle, Thomas, 352
Bonvyle, William, 333
Bornell, Roger, 331
Bosco, Ralf de, 323
Bowere, Richard, 336
Boxland, Robert de, 283
Boyland, Robert de, 282, 283
Boyvile, Anastasia, wife of

William de, 335
Boyvile, John de, 280, 335,

340

Boyvile, Margaret, widow of

Peter, 335
Boyvile, Peter de, 335
Boyvile, William de, 335
Braiose, William de, 337, 339
Bramford Pyne, 281, 330. See

Upton Pyne
Bramford Speke, 284, 286, 291,

303, 306, 338
Braneys Honour, 297, 341
Braunton, 283
Brent, Isabella de, 320
Brictric, Bristric, 290, 293, 297,

299

Brictuold, 300

Bridford, 280, 282, 284, 287,

295, 303, 307, 339
Brismer, 292

Briwere, William, 325, 340, 413
Briwere, Margaret, daur. of,
325

Briwes, Robert de, 283
Brixham, 339
Broadclyst, 306, 323
Brodeham, 343
BromhiU, Robert de, 314
Bromhill, Sarah de, 282, 314
BromhiU, Walter de, 314
Bronyton, John, 317
Bronescombe, Walter, bishop

of Exeter, 335
Brother, Thomas, 282
Brungar, 293
Bryan, 326

Digitized by

WONFORD AND

SOUTH TAWTON.

355

Brywes, Robert de, 283
Budbrook, Brighebrok, 283, 287,

313, 314
Budleigh, Hundred of, 305
Bugered, 297

Bukyngton, Joel de (several),

317, 321
Burnard, John, son of, 333
Burnard, Ralf, son of, 333
Burnel, John, 335, 336
Burnel, Richard, 336
Burnel, Roger, 336
Bytelesgate, John de, 329

Cadiho, Richard, 327, 329
Cael, Caille, Humfrey, 333
Caille, William, Keyle, 333,
337

Calchurch, 295. See Heath St.

Mary
Calle, Roger, 328
Camvil, Geoffrey de, 338
Canons of St. Mary, 294, 295,

323

Canonsleigh, abbess of, 284,
332

Canonsleigh, 332
Capra, William, 297, 303, 341,
342

Cardinan, Honour of, 331
Carew, Richard, 331
Cartreo, Humfrey de, 304
Cary, 286

Chageford, Henry de, 351
Chageford, Hugh de, 351
Chageford, Thomas de, 281, 351
Chagford, 278, 281, 284, 287,

290, 305, 346, 351, 352
Chamberleyn, Joan, wife of

Walter le, 336
Champernoun, Henry de, 351
Champernoun, sir Richard, 340
Champernoun, Thomas, 340
Champernoun, William, 335,

336, 339
Chapel in Gidleigh, 349, 351

Chauceboff, Avice, daur. of

Philip, 332
Chauceboff, Philip, 332
Chaworth, Pagan de, 325
Chedder, Thomas, 323
Chenistre, 293

Chelli, Nicholas de, 330. See
KeUy

Cheriton Bishop, 281, 285, 287,

301, 303, 308, 335
Chiseldon, Elisabeth, 339, 348
Chiseldon, John, 339
Chiseldon, Richard, 336, 339,

348

Chiwarthiwis, 300, 320
Christow, 280, 285, 293, 303,

308, 324
Clavil, Richard de, 335
Clavile, Edith, wife of Walter

de, 327, 329
Clavile, Walter de, 296, 303,

304, 327, 329, 333
Clifford, Peter de, 320
Clifford, Reginald de, 341
Clifford, Richard de, 283, 335
Clifford East or Corbin, 281,

284, 287, 299, 303, 309, 321
Clifford West or Steven (Combe

HaU), 281, 284, 287, 292, 308,

325

Clive La in Topsham, 287
Clugny, Benedictines of, 317
Clyst Fomison, 281, 284, 286,

307, 337. See Sowton
Clyst Mois, 281, 286. See West

Clyst

Clyst St. Mary, 289, 305
Cockescombe, Nicholas, 331
Cocktree in South Tawton, 345,

351, 352
Cole, Adam, 326
Cole, John, 326
Cole, Roger, 326
Cole, William, 326
Colehaie, John, 330
Coleton in South Tawton, 349
Colhey in Tedburn, 293, 309,

326

Digitized by

356

.INDEX TO THE

HUNDREDS OP

Columbers, Philip de, 332
Combe borough in Drewsteign-

ton, 288, 301, 303, 308,

337

Combehall in Drewsteignton,
292. See West Clifford

Combe-in-Teignhead or Blamos-
ter, 284, 285, 297, 303, 310,
341

Constance de Beaumont, 347
Constance de Tony, 347
Cornwall, earl of, 341
.Cotum, Roger, 282
Coplestone, John, 322
Cornwall, earl of, 342 ; Martin,

duke of, 349
Cornworihy, 339
Courtney, Edward, 3rd earl

of Devon, son of sir Edward,

died 1429, 322
Courtney, Hugh II, 1st earl

of Devon, died 1341, 284
Courtney, Hugh III, 2nd earl

of Devon, died 1378, 316,

318, 334
Courtney, Peter, 4th son of

Hugh III, died 1405, 322
Courtney, Philip, 5th son of

Hugh III, died 1406, 334
Courtney, Robert, grandson of

Reginald, 338
Courtney, Reginald, 338
Courtney, Thomas, son of

Hugh, 4th earl, died 1457,

318

Courtney, William, 322
Coutances, bishop of, 290, 303,

304, 337, 346
Coivick, 280, 285, 291, 303, 309,

324

Cowick, prior of, 281
Cowley, 284, 286, 296, 309, 333,
339

Crebeare in Gidleigh, 349
Crespin, Nicholas, 326
Crockernwell, 297, 304, 308, 321
Crokker, John, 336
Crook Burnel, 350. See Stone

Crosse, John, 336
Croyser, William, 325
Curtelhyate, Adam, 350
Curtelhyate, Margery, wife of

William, 350
Curtelhyate, William, son of

Adam, 350
Cutton, 284, 294, 303, 306, 324

Dabernon, Ingelram, 324
Dabernon, Isabel, daur. of

William, 325
Dabernon, John, 281, 324
D'Aubernoun, William, 325
Dartmoor Forest, 282
Daudelee, James, 121
Daumarle, Alice, 318
Daumarle, Alice, widow of

John, 318, 350
Daumarle, John, of Fleet, 350
Daumarle, John the younger,

350

Daumarle, Ralf de, 342
Dauney, Joan, 295 n., 329,
331

Dauney, John, 342
Dauney, William, 342
Davell, John, 283
Davaylles, John (several), 314
Davaylles, Alice, widow of

John, 314
Daveyl, William, 336
Deneys, John le, 324
Deneys, Robert le, 315
Deneys, Thomas le, 333
Deneys, Walter le, 315
Dennis, 286
Devon, earl of, 315
Devon, Isabella, countess of,

279, 280, 281
Dinham, Margaret, 323
Dinham, Oliver, 323
Doda, 290, 292, 293
Dodescombe, Ralf de, 321
Dodscombesleigh, 321
Dowai, Walter de, 296, 332

Digitized by

WONFORD AND

SOUTH TAWTON.

357

Downe, sir Matthew, 335
Dowrish, 286

Drascombe, 282, 287, 308, 313,
314

Drewsteignton, 281, 285, 287,

291, 303, 308, 324
Droes, Drew, 291
Droscumb, John de, 314
Droscumb, Richard de, son of

Ingulf, 314
Droscumb, William de, 314
Dro8combe in Drewsteignton,

314. See Drascombe
Dun, Humfrey de, 319
Dun, William de, 319
Dunsford, 281, 283, 284, 286,

296, 309, 332
Durant, Elizabeth, 319
Durnforde, Stephen, 325
Dyrewyne, master John, 328
Dynham. See Dinham

Ea8ton barton in Cheriton, 301,

308, 336
Easton in Chagford, 336, 346 n.
Eddida, queen, 289
Edric, 290, 295, 296, 297,

302
Edulf , 294
Edwy, 292, 325
Egbear in Cheriton, 281, 285,

286, 294, 308, 330
Elmer, 293
Elsi, 296

Endstvorthy in Gidleigh, 349
Engineer officers, 299
Escapeleia, 345, 351, 352. See
Chapel

Esford, Agnes de, 333. See

Asford
Esse, Henry de, 333, 337
Esse, Richard de, 333
Eurewacre, 291
Exebridge, 278, 279
Exemouth <port, 316
Exeter castle, 283, 323, 350

Exeter, Dean and Chapter of,

284,316
Exeter, Baldwin de Redvers,

earl of, 317
Exeter, Peter Quivil, bishop of,

281,332
Exeter, St. Peter's, 290
Exonia, John de, 338
Exmck, 291, 303, 309, 324.

Farwood in Tedburn, 287, 297,

303, 309, 342
Fen Ottery, 343
Ferrers, Fulk, 318
Filleigh, Nicholas de, 330
Fishacre, Peter de, 315
Fleet Damarel in Holbeton,

350

Fleming, Richard le, 336

Floere, 286, 298

Floere, John, 280, 282

Floere, William, 280

Floerhays, 286, 298, 309

Folkland, 313

Fomison, Richard, 337

Ford abbey, 329

Ford, John, 319

Ford in South Tawton, 344,

350, 352
Forde, Robert de, 326
Forsham, Fursham, 308, in

Drewsteignton, 285, 287, 294,

303, 322, 324
Fortibus, Isabella de, 279. See

Devon, countess of
Franceys, Walter, 331
Francheyne, John, 340
French, Walter, 330
Fulcher, chief engineer, 300
Fulford, 278, 281, 285, 294, 309,

330

Fulford, Baldwin de, 326, 331
Fulford, Gricia de, 331
Fulford, Henry de, 337
Fulford, Mariota, wife of
William de, 336

Digitized by

358

. INDEX TO THE

HUNDREDS OF

Fulford, Nicholas de, 331
Fulford, William de, 280, 286,
331,336

Gabwell in Stoke-in-Teignhead,

Higher and Lower, 318
Gascony, 347
Geere, 286

Geoffrey de Trallei, 290, 337
Geoffrey, bishop of Coutances,

290,303
Geoffrey the clerk, a.d. 1130,

315

Gervase, Walter, 315
Ghiderleia, 349
Gidleigh, Giles de, 349
Gidkigh, 287, 344, 349, 350, 352
Giffard, Walter, 321
Giffard's fee, 321
Girard, 296

Girold the chaplain, 345, 351
Githa, 344, 351

Gloucester, Honour of, 290, 296,
333.

Gloucester, Gilbert de Clare,

earl of, 333
Gloucester, Matilda, countess

of, 332

Gloucester, Robert, earl of, 337
Gloucester, William, earl of,

333, 337
Gnatenhole in Drewsteignton,

313

Godbold, 299, 303, 320

Godman the presbyter, 294

Godric, 344

Godwin, earl, 334

Godwin of Chittlehamton, 301,

303, 334
Godwin the presbyter, 344
Gorges, Balan de, 332, 338
Gorges, Ellen de, 332, 338
Goscelin Beruin, 293, 327
Goscelm, 296

Greenway in Gidleigh, 349
Guraunt, Henry, 327
Gyrard, Walter, 282

Haccombe, 325
Haccombe, Jordan de, 325
Haccombe, Stephen de, 325
Hackadown in Whitstone, 329
Hackworthy in Tedburn, 285,

287, 302, 303, 309, 321
Haimeric de Arcis, 299, 303,

304

Hakeworthi, John de, 321
Hakeworthi, Peter de, 280, 282,
321

Halleham, Remus de, 331
Hallesworth, Alan de, 315
Halsford, Halford, Halseord,

280, 281, 284, 286, 289, 313,

315

Halsford division, 278, 283, 307
Halstow in Dunsford, 299, 303,

309, 321
Hamon, Robert, son of, 337
Hampton Week in Chagford,

346 n.
Hankford, Richard, 321
Harald, earl, 289
Harold of Exeter, 314
Harptree, William, son of John

de, 315, 332
Harston. See Hearston
HarUand abbey, 351
Haulegh, John de, 320
Hause, Eleanor de, 336
Hearston in Brixton, 336 n.
Heath St. Mary, 283, 295, 310,

329, 331
Heavitree, 284, 286, 296, 306,

341
Helgot, 300

Helion, Emma, widow of Har-

vei de, 321
Helion, Hervei de, 302, 321
Helion, Margaret, daur. of

William de, 321
Helion, William de, 321
Henry I, 337, 346
Henry III, 346
Herbert, Simon, son of, 330
Hereford, earl of, 285, 334

Digitized by

WONFORD AND SOUTH TAWTON.

359

Heylake in Boledon Cheriton,

330
HiU, 320

Hill, John, of Spaxton, 331
Hineton in Topsham, 317
HiUisUigh, 281, 286, 287, 292,

309, 326
Hobhouse in Drewsteignton, 313
Hochesham. See Huxham, 282
Hochesham, Henry de, 282
Hochesham, Nicholas de, 340
Hochesham, Richard de, 341
Hochesham, Robert de, 340
Hochesham, William de, 282,

341

Hoga La in Teignhead, 279
Hoke, Geoffrey de la, 330
Hoke, Hugh de la, 327
HoJbeam in West Ogwell, 281,
284, 286, 300, 303, 310, 319
Holebeam, John de, 282
Holebeam, Peter de, 319
Holebeam, William de, 319
Holcombe in Exminster Hun-
dred, 294, 330
Holcombe Burnell, 280, 284, 286,

290, 304, 309, 333
Hole, 351

Holland, Holonde, John, 287,
317

Honeychurch, 328

Honiton Sige in Topsham, 317

Honyton, Walter de, 328

Hooker, John, 285

Hoopern in Heavitree, 294, 303,

306, 324
Horderesyeue, 279
Horigge, Walter de, 342
Horridge in Hsington, 278, 284,

288, 297, 303, 310, 341
Horton, Henry de, 349
Horton, Petronilla, sister of

Henry, 349
Hubert, 304

Euish Tremanet, Great Huish,
278, 281, 285, 287, 300, 309,
320

Humfrey, 304

Huntiland, William de, 283
Hurberton Honour, 295, 339
Hurkmore of Buckl . . . , 285
Huxham, 284, 286, 287, 296,
304, 306, 340

Iadolf , 292

Ingulf, Richard, son of, 287 n.
Ilsington, 278

Isabella, countess of Devon,

280, 316
Itton in South Tawton, 349, 352

Joel, Warin, son of, 329
Juhel of Totnes, 295, 303, 337,
339

Jurston, 307 n., 352 n.
K

Kael, Caille, Keyle, Humfrey,

280, 284, 333
Kael, William, 337
Kelly, John de, 284, 285, 330,

341

Kelly, Margaret de, 330
Kelly, Nicholas de, 330
Kelly, Richard, 286, 330, 341
Kelly, William de, 330, 341
Kilage, 316
King, 303

King's College, Cambridge, 317
Kirby's Quest, 280
Knocker, Special Land tenures,
313 n.

Knoel, Petronilla, wife o£

Robert, 349
Knoel, Robert, 34&
Kyrkham, 286

Lambert, Modbert, son of, 294,
330

Lamford in Cheriton, 281, 284,
286, 301, 303, 308

Digitized by

360

, INDEX TO THE HUNDREDS OP

Lamford, Little, in Cheriton,

298, 303, 308, 336
Lampre, Simon, 335
Langedene, Richard de, 329
Langedene, Walter de, 329,

331

Langedon, Walter de, 336
Langford, Roger de, 328
Langleigh, 284

Lappeflode, Ralf de, 280, 282
Lecchelade, Walter de, 348
Leigh in Hartland, 351
Leofric, bishop, 316
Lerchedekne, Sir John, 325
Lerchedekne, Michael, 335
Leuegar, 294, 298
Lewin, earl, 289
Leye, Adam de la, 282
Lincoln, Robert, bishop of,
314 n.

Lincoln, Parliament of, 284
Little Dunsford, 322. See

Sowton.
Little Lamford in Cheriton

Bishop, 298, 303, 308, 317
Littlebiri, Robert de, 324
Loddeswell, 339
Loges, Hugh de, 335
Loman, 286 !
Loweton, Thomas de, 328

Mabel, daur. of Robert, son of

Hamon, 337
Madford in Heavitree, 286
Maidencombe in Stoke-in-Teign-

head, 293, 311, 329
Maine, Roscelin, sheriff of,

347

Maleston, Hugh de, 319
Males ton, John de, 284
Maleston, Robert de, 282, 319
Manaton, Little, 325
Mandevil, Dionisia, grand-daur.

of Geoffrey de, 332
Mandevil, Geoffrey de, 315,

332

, Mandevil, Geoffrey de, the
younger, 315
Mandevil, John de, 315
Mardon in Drewsteignton, 292,

304, 331
Market, grant of, 347
Marshioood Honour, 332
Martyn, 286
Marwood, Henry, 322
Matford, 322

Matford Butter, alias Inner in

Exminster, 323
Matford Speke in Alphington,
323

Matilda, queen, 333
Maury, Ralf, 335
Medland in Cheriton, 278, 285,

288, 301, 303, 308, 337
Melhuish, 281, 285, 288, 292,

309, 326
Melhuish, Melhywys, Eleanor

de, 326, 335, 336
Melhuish, John de, 335
Melhuish, Peter de, 326
Melhuish, William de, 326,
336

Membury, 343
Merlosuan, 298
! Middeldon, Roger de, 329
Middlecot in Chagford, 300, 305

346, 352
Milford, 338

Military tenures abolished, 312
Moelis, Roger de, 284
Mohun of Dunster, 320
Mohun, John de, 320
Mohun, William de, 349
Moleton, James de, 280
Moleton, Robert de, 316
Monk, William, 325
Monkaton, 289
Monsron, Richard, 319
Montacute, Elisabeth, widow

of William de, 316
Montacute, John de, 316
Montacute, Simon de, 280, 281,

315, 320
Montacute, William de, 316

Digitized by

WONFORD AND

SOUTH TAWTON.

361

Montfort, Nicholas, 280, 339
Morey, John, 330
Modbert, son of Lambert, 294
Mucegros, Robert de, 283
Multon, Moleton, Robert de,
316

Nadderwater, 313
Nether Partridge in Cheriton,
336

Nevil, Hugh de (several), 322
Nevil, John de (several), 322
Nevil, Theobald de, 284, 322
Newnham Courtney, 322
Newton, John de, 327
Nicholas, chief engineer, 299,

300,303,318
Nicolas, Richard, son of, 341
Nicolas, Robert, son of, 340
Nonant, Boys de, 280
Nonant, Henry de, 339
Nonant, Roger de, 315, 339
Norley, 285
Norreys, Margaret, 327
North Russet in Sourton, 338
North Tawton market, 347
Notley, Agnes, wife of Robert

de, 314
Notley, Roger de, 314
Nychedon, Roger By, 280
Nymet Rowland, 328
Nywenham, Simon de, 317

Odo the Archer, 314

Offers, Osfers, 291

Ogwell East, Peytevin, Wog-

wille, 281, 284, 288, 295, 310,

340

Ogwell MaUton in East Ogwell,

299, 303, 311, 319
Ogwell West, Peytevin, 281,

284, 296, 311, 340
Ogwell West, 281, 284, 296, 301,

303, 311, 335

Okehamton, William de, 283
Okeston, Joan, wife of John de,
282

Okeston, John de, 282
Oldridge, 293, 309, 327
Olmer, Ulmer, 294
Ordric, 299

Osbern, bishop, 290, 304
Osbern de Salceid, 304. See

Salceid.
Osmer, 293
Otterton, 322
Oxton, James de, 340
Ow, William de, 298
Owin the bailiff , 304

Pafford"8 house in North Taw-
ton, 350

Pagan, Paganel, Ralf , 298, 299,
303, 304, 317

Pagan, Robert, son of, 280, 284,
315, 317

Pagan, Roger, son of, 336

Parford in Drewsteignton, 350

Patforda, 344, 350, 352. See
Ford

Pawlett, 286

Pecketsford in Samford Court-
ney, 350
Penyllys, Nicolas, 328
Penels, David de, 342
Penels, Nicholas de, 342
Penyll, William de, 342
Peter, bishop of Exeter, 281
Peterrin, Thomas, 282
Peters of Hayes, 286
Peytevin, Osbert le, 319
Peytevin, Robert, 340
Peytevin, Thomas, 340
Peytevin, William, 295, 340
Pinhoe, 280, 286, 289, 303, 306,
316

Plymton Honour, 282, 315
Plymton priory, 318, 329
Plymton, Simon de, 317
Pocombe in Alphington, 313

Digitized by

362

. INDEX TO THE

HUNDREDS OF

Pofford, 350
Pole, Nicolas de la, 318
Pole, Peter de la, 329
Poleshe, 280, 286, 291, 306,
342

Polesloe, prioress of, 281
Poltimore, 281, 284, 286, 299,

303, 304, 306, 320
Poltimore, Richard de, 320, 349
Pomeray, Henry de, 340
Pomeray, Ralf de, 292, 293,

295, 304, 326
Pontington, William de, 320
Porte, Alfred de la, 348
Powderham, Andrew de, 334
Powderham, John de, 285, 334
Powderham, Mabel, widow of

Peter de, 334
Powderham, Thomas de, 334
Prestetone,William de, 280, 282
Prideaux, Pridias, Roger, 282,

283, 341
Prodhome, John, 342
Prous of Bowhill, 286
Prous, Alice le, 350
Prous, Richard le, 321
Prous, Walter le, 350
Prous, William le, 318, 325, 348,

349, 350
Punchardon, John de, 326, 328
Puyns, William le, 283
Pycot, John, 338, 341
Pyne, Pyun, Edmund, 330
Pyne, Herbert de (several), 330
Pyne, Thomas de, 283
Pyngne, William, 280
Pypard, Margaret, wife of Wil-
liam, 325
Pypard, William, 325

Quia Emptor es, statute of, 312
Quinterell, William, 342

Backenford, 327
Radeweye, Geoffrey de, 321

Radeweye, James de, 321
Radeweye, Thomas de, 321
Rainer, Baldwin's house -

steward, 293, 328
Ralf, William, son of, 327, 330
Ralegh, Henry de, 315
Raleghe, Ida de, 340
Ralf, Matilda, wife of William,

son of, 327
Bamsleigh in South Tawton,

351

Raynald, Reynel, Walter, 319
Bedlake in Drewsteignton, 313
Red vers, Baldwin de, 315
Reigny, Alice, daur> of William,
350

Rennes, Hugh de, 292
Reginald, Robert, son of, 338
Bewe, 281, 283, 286, 291, 304,

306, 332, 338
Reynell, Raynald, Walter, 286,

319

Bingmoor, 284, 285, 292, 311,
325

Bingswell, Rygeswille,inHeavi-
tree, 284, 286, 297, 306, 342

Rishford, William de, 326

Bockbear Burnett, 327

Bocombe Hugh, or Cadiho,
Higher and Lower Rocombe
in Stoke-in-Teignhead, 281,
284, 285, 287, 293, 311,
329

Bocombe Middle, or Blamoster

in Combe-in-Teignhead, 284,

299, 303, 310, 320
Roger d'Aiguille or the Sandy,

296, 303, 304
Bohorn in Whitstone, 310, 317
Bolaston in Upton Pyne, 293>

304, 307, 328
Rolandiston, Philip de, 328
Rolandiston, Walter de, 328
Bolleston barton in Heavitree,

306,314
Rouald, Alan, son of, 329
Ruald the dubbed Knight, 321
Ruffus, Richard, 287 n*

Digitized by

WONFORD AND SOUTH TAWTON.

363

Bushford in Chagford, 281, 285,

292, 303, 307, 325
Rydon, John, 323

St. James' church, 301, 306, 317
St. Leonard's, 287
St. Michael's mount, 294, 322
St. Nicholas, priory of, 338
St. Thomas' hayes, 286, 288
Saghe in Topsham, Siggeford

de la Clyve, 287, 317. See

Wear park
Salceid de Salicto, Osbern de,

298, 303, 304, 317, 344, 358
Salomon, 297

Samford, Edmund de, 328, 333
Samford, Simon de, 333
Satchvil, Beatrice, wife of

Philip de, 341
Satchvil, Philip de, 341
Satchvil, Robert de, 332, 338
Saulf, 301, 323
Scirewold, 299
Segrave, Hugh, 322
Service-tenancies, 313
Servington, David de, 323
Servington, William de, 323
Shaldon in Ringmoor, 292, 325
Shapewyk, John, 327
Shapley, 307 n., 352 n.
Shilstone in Drewsteignton,281,

284, 288, 298, 303, 308, 317
Shittisbear in Chulmleigh, 323
Shyttembrook in St. Thomas,

298, 309
Sigford in Hsington, 278, 284,

288, 297, 310, 321
Silverton, 338
Smith of Matford, 286
Somerton in Shebbear Hundred,

336
Sourton, 351

Southford in Gidleigh, 349
South Tawton manor, 287, 344,

346, 348, 352
SovihTavjton Hundred, 343, 346

Southteign in Chagford, 300 n.,

305, 343
Sowton, 281, 290, 307, 337
Sowton in Dunsford, 301, 309,

323

Speccot, Baldwin de, 281, 336
Speccot, Maud, wife of Richard

de, 336
Speccot, Richard de, 336
Speke, William le, 280, 338
Speke, Richard, 338
Spreyton, 278, 281, 284, 285,

291, 303, 309, 325
Spurway, 323
Staddon in Cheriton, 335
Staneweye, Henry de, 280, 337
Stapeldon, Walter, 342
Staplehill, 278, 288, 300, 303,

310, 318, 319
Staplehill, John de, 319
Staplehill, Roger de, 319
Stephen, 292, 325
Stephen, William, son of, 325,

329
Steven, 333

Stevenston in Upton Pyne, 281,

284, 288, 296, 303, 304, 307,
333

Stockheye, Robert de, 328
Stoke-in-Teignhead, 280, 284,

285, 299, 303, 311, 318
Stoke Canon, 284, 286, 290, 304,

307, 331
Stoke St. Nectan in Hartland,
351

Stone in North Tawton, 350
Stowford, John de, 318
Strode, John, 317
Style, Margaret, 319
Style, William, 285
Sub-infeudation, 312
Sydenham Maristow, 335, 337
Syward, 285

Talbot, Henry, 325
Talbot, Philip, 325, 326
Talbot, William, 281, 325, 326

Digitized by

364

. INDEX TO THE

HUNDREDS OP

Tarhill in Drewsteignton, 313
Tauntifer, Alfred de, 348. See

de la Porta
.Tauntifer* Joan, heiress of, 339,

348

Tauntifer, Richard, 348
Tauntifer, Walter, 337, 338,
348

Tauton, Alexander de, 328
Tedbum St. Mary, 281, 285,

287, 293, 309, 342
Teign Canon, 337
Teigncombe, 290, 305, 346,

352

Teign Harvey, 281, 284, 288,

292, 311, 326
Teign, Richard de, 327
Feigrihead section, 278, 279,

311

Tenant paravail, or Terre

tenant, 312
Tetteburn, Thomas de, 326,

328

Tewkesbury abbey, 334
Thanes Saxon, 300
^Theobald, Cecily, wife of John,
336

Theobald, John, 336
Thorn, 338

Throwleigh, 281, 284, 287, 298,

303, 304, 317
TiUi, Henry de, 315, 332
Toli, 298

Tolliro, Ralf, 342
Tony, Alice de, 347
Tony, Constance de, 347
Tony, Ralf de, 347
Tony, Ralf II de, 347
Tony, Robert de, 347
Tony, Roger de, 347, 348
Tony, Roger II de, 347
Topsham, 280, 282, 287, 289,

303, 307, 316
Toriton, John de, 317, 327
Toriton, William de, 320
Torolv, Richard, son of, 292,

304, 331

tTotnes tenement, 339

Tourn of the sheriff, 279, 281,
282

Town barton, Tedburn, 293,

309, 328
Tracy, Henry de, 338
Tracy, Oliver de, 338
Tracy, William de, 342
Trebbles, Trifabel, in Cheriton,
. 301,308,336
Tregoz, Joan de, 329
Tregoz, Henry de, 329
Trelurk, Andrew de, 315
Tremayne, Nicholas, 328
Tremenet, Elias, 320
Tremenet, John, 320
Tremenet, Richard, 282, 320
Tremenet, William, 338
Tremura, 279
Trifabel. See Trebbles
Trillon, John, 317
Trilhw in Whitstone, 313
Trollegh, Sibilla, 327
Troubrigg, Peter, 327
Troubrigg, Thomas, 327
Turbern family, 313, n. 2
Tynhide division, 279, 311.

See Teignhead, Stoke, and

Combe

Tyrel, Henry, 282, 327, 329
Tyrel, Richard, 330

Ulf, 297
Ulfric, 344
Ulmer, 294
Ulnod, 291
Ulveva, 295
Umfravil, John de, 333
Umfravil, Gilbert de, 334
Upcot, 294, 309. 330
Upcot, Joel de, 330
Upcot, Reginald de, 330
Upcot, Robert, 321
Upcot, Thomas de, 330
Upton Pyne, 281, 284, 288, 294,
307, 330

Digitized by

WONFORD AND SOUTH TAWTON.

36&

Valletorta, Godfrey de, 304 n.
Valletorta, Hawise de, 340
Valletorta, Rainald de, 297
Valletorta, Reginald de, 340
Valletorta, Roger de, 282, 339,
340

Vallibus, Hubert de, 316
Vallibus, Matilda, wife of

Hubert, 316
Vallibus, Robert de, 316
Vascy, Robert, 318
Vautort, Philip, 325
Venn in Chagford, 307 n.,

352 n.

Vernon, Juliana de, 349
Vidal of Colyton, 297, 330
Viel, William, 341
Vilers, Gilbert de, 338

Wadham, 348
Waleys, John le, 319
Walward, Walter, son of, 317
Walward, Edith, heiress of, 317
Walter the cup-bearer, 293,

304, 328
Warwick, Ann, countess of, 347
Warwick, Henry, earl of, 347
Warwick, Guy, earl of, 347
Warwick, Richard, earl of, 347
Warwick, Thomas, earl of, 347
Wear park in Topsham, 307,

317

Week, Great , in Chagford, 346 n.

See Hamptonweek
Werigeston, John de, 342
Weekes, 351

West Clifford, Combe Hall in

Drewsteignton, 281, 284, 287,

292, 308, 325
West Clyst in Broad Clyst, 281,

295, 303, 306, 323
Westovm in Whitstone, 293,

310, 329
Wetherburgh in Teignhide, 279

Whale Mr., 278, 350, 351
Whipel, Robert, 317
Whipton, 297, 303, 306, 342
Whitstone, 285, 286, 298, 310,
334

Wibbery, Wibbyri, John de,.
352

Wibbery, Simon de, 351

Wibbery, Oliver de, 351

Wichin, 296, 297

William the hostelar, 304, 345

William, Ralf , son of, 329

William, bailiff of Halsford, 283-

Windyeat, John, 319

Winesford, 286

Winkleigh, 305, 343

Wode, William, 336

Wolgereston, 335

Wolryngton, William de, 328

Wonford east, 313

Wonford Hundred, 278, 281,.

282, 285, 289, 313, 315
Wonford manor, 284, 289, 303,

306, 315
Wonford section, 278, 306
Wonford south, 313
Wonford west, 313
Wonston in Throwleigh, 298,

310, 318
Woodbarton in Kentisbeare,.

342

Wotton, Richard de, 336
Wotton, William de, 336
Worth, Geoffrey de, 317
Wyger, Henry, 340, 342

Yaley in Fremington, 351
Yedeton in South Tawton, 349.

See Itton
Yendacot in Shobrook, 296, 333,

339

Zeal, Tony, borough of South,
347, 349

Digitized by

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

PART I.

THE EARLY PLANTAGENET PERIOD (1213-1327).

BY J. J. ALEXANDER, M.A., J.P.
(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

I. Introduction.

Several accounts have been given, in these Transactions
and elsewhere, of the parliamentary representation of
various Devon boroughs. 1 There may be some doubt as
to the value of these accounts when considered from the
standpoint of the local historian. Many of the members
owed their seats either to the favour of some powerful
patron, or to a lavish and not always creditable expendi-
ture of money, and had no real connection with the
places they represented.

But the representation of the county itself, con-
sidered as a whole, stands on a different footing. The area
was generally found to be too large for the effective exercise
of patronage or purchase. The members returned were,
for the most part, men of local importance. It seems
therefore eminently desirable that their names should be
collected and placed on record.

Parliamentary government dates from the thirteenth
century. About two years before the time of the Great
Charter the practice of summoning knights from each county
to discuss the business of the kingdom is first noted. The
meetings were held in various places, most frequently at
Westminster, occasionally at an old cathedral city like
York, or a convenient Midland town like Northampton ;
once even so far north as Carlisle ; and once so far west as
Exeter, where Edward I stayed for over a fortnight
during the Christmas of 1285. 2

1 See Trans. XLL, p. 152. 8 Freeman's Exeter.

Digitized by

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 367

The meetings of these early assemblies did not last
many days, and when the duties for which they were
called had been got through they were dissolved. Hence
every new session usually involved a fresh election.

Historians are not agreed as to which of these assemblies
the term parliament, as we understand it, is properly
applicable. 1 Some of those mentioned in the lists of
returns, even so late as the time of Cromwell, were so
irregularly summoned and so imperfectly constituted as
to be hardly deserving of recognition. It will be sufficient
for our purpose, however, to include all which are known
to have contained representatives from a substantial
number of constituencies and to have formally assembled.

The Writs and Returns preserved in the Public Record
Office, and published in the four Blue Books, 69, 69 I,
69 II, and 69 III, are very imperfect in the earlier lists.
No Devon members are supplied previous to 1290, but
from another source 2 we learn that Sir William de Courte-
nay of Musbury, second son of Robert, Baron of Oke-
hampton, was a member in 42 Henry III, presumably of
the so-called Mad Parliament.

The record of Devon members between 1290 and 1450
is fairly complete, nearly ninety per cent of the names
having been preserved. Then from 1450 to 1550 the
returns are extremely defective, but from the latter date
onward very few names are missing, and none after 1660.
The greatest gap occurs between 1478 and 1529, and thus
there is a considerable hiatus between the list of mediaeval
members and that of modern members.

The story of the Unreformed Parliament prior to 1832
can be regarded as consisting of four phases. The first
phase embraces the earlier attempts to form a represen-
tative body, including the parliaments of the first two
Edwards. The extant Devon returns for the reigns of
these two kings are thirty-four in number, containing
sixty-nine names, and referring to thirty-six distinct
individuals ; only about nine returns are missing.

It is most likely that the members for Devon were
originally elected at Exeter by the full county court (the
Norman equivalent of the earlier 66 shiremoot "). This
body in the time of Edward I had wide powers of control
over county affairs, . judicial, magisterial, military, and
fiscal. 3 The powers even included at that time the right

1 See Addenda (Note A).

* Vivian's Visitations (Courtenay ped.). 3 Stubbs.

368 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

of appointing sheriffs and justices (custodes pacts). The
court was convened and presided over by the sheriff, and
consisted of bishop and abbots, barons and knights,
freeholders of the county, twelve citizens or burghers from
each city or borough, and four men and the reeve from
each township. It was supposed to meet once a month.

This court with its comprehensive character and its wide
responsibilities has a deeper significance for us than any
list of names or narrative of elections can convey. For
to its existence we may largely attribute the growth of
that form of patriotism in miniature known as love of
county, which, originating in remote Saxon times, tempo-
rarily arrested by the Norman conquest, and culminating
in the days of the great Tudor queen, is so conspicuously
manifested in our great English counties, and in none more
so than in Devon.

The orders for the election of two " knights of the shire 9>
for Devon, and of two burgesses each for the towns in that
county, not specified by name, were originally contained
in one writ addressed to the sheriff of Devon. In 1325
that functionary received on the same writ the orders for
the Cornish elections also, which he duly transmitted to the
sheriff of Cornwall, " who was to execute the same in his
county." In several parliaments of the reign of Edward II
twenty-eight writs were made to do duty for thirty-seven
counties (Durham, Cheshire, and Monmouth were excluded*
the first two as Counties palatine, the last as a Welsh
county). Norfolk was linked in its writ with Suffolk,
Somerset with Dorset, Notts with Derby, and so on ;
some counties, among them Rutland, always had separate
writs. London also had a writ to itself. 1

Reference has been made to the parliamentary boroughs
of Devon. These were at the outset selected by the sheriff,
apparently in an arbitrary and fitful manner. Before
1327 Exeter, Barnstaple, Totnes, and Plympton were
represented on at least fifteen occasions each, Torrington
seven times, Tavistock four times, Honiton, Sutton
(later called Plymouth), and Okehampton three times
each, and six other places, Ashburton, Bradninch,
Crediton, Dartmouth, Lydford, and South Molton, once
each. 2 The elections for these towns were held locally in
accordance with writs addressed \>y the sheriff to the
mayor and bailiffs or, in the lesser boroughs, to the bailiff. 8

1 Palgrave's Writs. 2 Blue Book. 3 See Addenda (Note B).

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 369

Later in the fourteenth century it became a common
practice to arrange all the elections for places in one
county at the meeting of the county court, 1 which, it has
been already stated, was attended by burgesses from each
of the towns. There is reason to believe that this practice
of simultaneous election was more usual in Devon than in
some of the other counties.

Returning to the question of the county election, we
can suppose that the writ was first read by the sheriff to
the assembled court. Two or more candidates were then
proposed, and the election was made by acclamation.
There is no suggestion as to how the vote was taken in the
case of a close contest ; probably the clamour of voices was
sufficiently pronounced to enable the sheriff to decide who
were the two selected by the majority. The decision of the
sheriff was the thing that mattered, at least so we gather
from the disputed election of 1319.

The return was then filled up and signed by the sheriff,
who included in his statement the names of those elected
for the boroughs, either transmitted to him by the mayors
and bailiffs, or perhaps announced at the meeting by the
delegates from the boroughs. There is no doubt that the
process of completing the borough returns was attended to
in a lax manner, and it is not surprising to find that after a
time most of the elections drifted into the county courts,
and had to be restored to the boroughs by legislative inter-
ference. 2

The members chosen for the county in the earliest
parliaments possessed, as the phrase " knight of the shire "
implies, the rank of knighthood, but this requirement was
not always insisted on. It was not always possible to
select from those holding the honour the most suitable
representatives. The fatigue, hardships, and dangers of
travelling to and from the place of meeting (in those times
Exeter was six days' journey from London, and ten days'
journey from York), and the discomfort of residence in a
strange town did not attract aged and infirm heads of
knightly families. Young and active men, the sons of
knights, or persons below that rank active in county
affairs, were sometimes put forward ; and as the legis-
lative activity of parliament increased, the claims of men
learned in the law were frequently recognized. 3

1 Bright's History. 2 Porritt's Unreformed Parliament.

VOL. XLIV.

8 Ibid.
2 A

370 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT .

Within a month or two after the election parliament
had met and transacted its business, and the members
had returned home. The sheriff now received another
order of a less agreeable character, known as the Writ de
Expensis, directing him to collect and pay the wages of the
members who had attended on behalf of his county. An
allowance for travelling was included in the bill, calculated
according to the distance of the county town from the
place of meeting. 1 Thus a session of twenty-four days
at Westminster meant a thirty-six days' allowance for
each of the Devon members, and a forty days' allowance
for each of the Cornish members. The Writs de Expensis
for the boroughs were addressed separately to mayors or
bailiffs of the various towns, and we can imagine that some
of the taxpayers of the smaller towns felt the burden
somewhat severely, and were not sorry to be disfranchised.
The rate of payment seems to have varied from 2s. 6d. to
5s. in the counties, and was frequently 4s., a very generous
scale, having regard to the purchasing power of money
six hundred years ago. The wages of a county member
who was not a knight were sometimes on a reduced scale,
and the wages of a borough member were about half those
paid to a county representative. It may be that the election
of an untitled person was sometimes urged on the ground
of economy. In 1322 Richard Chisbeach, who had on two
previous occasions been allowed the full scale, was allowed
only two shillings per diem for thirty-five days, being
fifteen days' attendance, ten days going to York, and
ten days returning, the rate of pay for knights in that
parliament being four shillings per diem. 2

In the city of Exeter the rate was 2s. in 1318, and
Is. 8d. in 1319. In the latter year Matthew Crawthorne
was returned for Exeter, and was also a candidate for
Devon. He petitioned the King in Council, stating that he
had been duly elected for the county, but that others had
been returned in his stead by Robert Beudyn, the sheriff,
against the will of the " commune " of the county. Upon
this petition it was ordered that he should have a writ
addressed to the Treasury and barons of the Exchequer,
commanding them to cause the under sheriff to come
before them, to answer for such false return. 3 Surely
this is one of the earliest instances, if not the very earliest,
of election petitions. As Crawthorne sat for Exeter it may

1 Palgrave. 2 Ibid. 8 Ibid. See also the intro-

duction to Glanvil's Reports of Elections (1774 edit.).

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 371

be assumed that what chiefly troubled him was the loss of
2s. 4d. per diem, the difference between a knight's and a
citizen's wages.

Double and multiple returns first occur in Edward II 's
reign. In both parliaments of 1311 Henry Champernowne
was returned for both Cornwall and Devon, and appears
to have been granted his expenses for each seat, though
whether the sheriffs came to any arrangement to reduce
the amount to one knight's fee the records do not say.
In 1313 Humphrey Beauchamp was in the same position
as regards Devon and Dorset ; in 1314 Richard Stapeldon
similarly sat for Cornwall and Devon. In January, 1324,
William Hereward was returned for Cornwall and Devon,
but was paid only by the latter. 1 He would have done
better financially to have sat, like William Ferrers in 1315,
for Cornwall alone; as his Cornish colleague was allowed
for sixteen days' journey, while the two Devon members
had only travelling allowance for twelve days, the venue
being Westminster. The existence of these " pluralist "
members points to the conclusion that in the fourteenth
century parliamentary honours were not eagerly coveted.

Most of the thirty-six persons returned for Devon during
the reigns of the first two Edwards can be readily identified.
Materials for identification during that period are fortu-
nately abundant. There are the Calendars of State Papers,
such as the Close and Patent Rolls and the Inquisitions ;
also Rymer's Fcedera and Palgrave's Parliamentary
Writs; and the references in Pole, Risdon, Lysons, and
Vivian are fairly numerous and explicit. There are also
some references in the Exeter Diocesan Registers.

The following extracts, taken somewhat at random
from the Calendars, will serve as illustrations of the many
clues obtainable : —

" 24 January, 1292 — Westminster. Commission of oyer
and terminer to Oliver de Dynham and Henry de
Ralegh on complaint by Master Andrew de Kilkenny, 2
Master Peter de Insula, and Master Robert de Veteri
Terra, executors of the will of Peter, 3 sometime bishop
of Exeter, touching the persons who by night carried away
a whale cast upon the shore at Teynton, Devon, within the
liberty of the said bishop." (Pat. R.)

"15 November, 1292— Berwick-on-Tweed. The like

1 Palgrave. 2 Dean of Exeter (1285-1302). 8 Quivil.

372 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

to Henry de Ralegh and Andrew de TreUosk on complaint
by Giles son of Truda, citizen and merchant of Caruc in
Zealand, touching the persons who entered his ship at
Suthtun in the port of Plymouth, beat his men, and carried
off his goods." (Pafc. R.)

" 27 February, 1301 — Lincoln. Commission to Reginald
de Ferariis, Peter de Chalouns, Master William de Kilkenny
and John de Kirkeby to enquire by jury of expert miners
and others touching the state of the King's mines of
Birland, Co. Devon, at the time when the merchants of
the society of the Friscombaldi of Florence received them
to farm." (Pat. R.)

" 3 August, 1309 — Stamford. Protection for five years
for Nicholas de Alneto, going on pilgrimage to Jerusalem —
by the King." (Pat. R.)

" 18 December, 1309 — Westminster. William Martyn,
Gilbert de Knoville, and James de Oxton are appointed to
enquire touching all prizes taken in Devon for the King's
use or for the use of others contrary to the statute of
Stamford." (Pat. R.)

" 8 July, 1313— Westminster. Order to the sheriff of
Devon to release on bail Richard de Chissebeche and
Peter de Beare from Exeter prison, where they are im-
prisoned on indictments before William Martin, William
L' le Pruz, and the sheriff, for certain trespasses alleged
against them." (CI. R.)

" 4 February, 1316 — Lincoln. Hugh de Curtenay puts
in his place Stephen de Accoumbe and Richard de Chesse-
bech to seek and receive the inheritance falling to him
by the death of Isabella de Fortibus, late Countess of
Devon." (CI. R.)

4 4 5 June, 1322-^To the Sheriff of Devon. Order to
supersede the execution of the King's order (of attachment
for neglect to obey summons) so far as concerns Richard de
Chaumbernoun, Richard de Merton, Robert Beaupel, and
others, and to restore their lands, etc., to them, as the
King learns from Walter, bishop of Exeter, that they are
and were of his retinue and were journeying when the
King ordered the Bishop not to come. The like to the
Sheriff of Gloucester in favour of William Here ward."

44 18 June, 1323— Cowick. To the Sheriff of Devon.
Order to release Robert de Beaupel the younger, knight*

(CI. R.)

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 373

from prison at Exeter, as William Hereward, of that county,
and John de la Slo, of Co. Somerset, have mainperned to
have him before the King when ordered to answer for his
adherence to certain rebels." (CI. R.)

" 24 April, 1327— Stamford. The King orders Matthew
de Crauthorn, receiver of Glamorgan, to pay 100s. a day to
Thomas de Berkele and John Maltravers for the expenses
of the late King." 1 (Rymer.)

The names of the members up to 1327, so far as they
have been ascertained, are given in the Schedule. The
1300 return is taken from the Calendar of Patent Rolls
(28 Edw. I, m. 14) ; the rest are from the Blue Book 69.
The dates given are those of the assembly of parliament ;
the elections were probably held in each case within the
preceding month. The surnames are spelt as in the Blue
Book, and modern equivalents are given in an Index to
the Schedule.

The biographical notices appended are, it must be con-
fessed, very inadequate ; but they have the slight merit
of drawing attention to a few bygone Devonians who, con-
sidering their position and importance, have remained too
long unnoticed in the annals of the county.

II. Schedule of Members.

To prevent needless verbiage the following abbreviation
is used : —

(s)= elected previously for Devon ; refer to first election.
HENRY III.

There is a mention in the Introduction of the 1258
parliament, to which Sir William Courtenay is said to have
been returned.

EDWARD I.

(About twenty parliaments, twelve returns extant.)

The earlier parliaments were somewhat defective in
their constitution, and no returns for Devon can be found,

1290. July. Robert de Wodeton (a).

Andrew de Trelloske (b).

(a) Sir Robert Wodeton of Wodeton, probably the son of
Sir Adam Wodeton of Wodeton, a knight of Somerset and
Dorset (T.R. Hen. III). The place Wodeton is not identifi-

1 Edward II was then in prison.

Digitized by

374 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

able, the name (with variants) being of common occurrence ;
the family coat of arms is certainly not the same as that of
Wadeton of Stoke Gabriel, but such a family resided at
Correham in Halberton. Sheriff of Devon 1286, but in the
Patent Rolls usually associated with Dorset or Somerset
as an acting justice.

(b) Sir Andrew Trelosk of Dunterton, probably the son
of Sir Roger Trelosk of Dunterton and of Trelaske in
Cornwall (T.R. Hen. III).

1294. November. No returns found.

In the Patent Rolls a list is given containing two names
for each county of persons charged with the duty of levy-
ing a tax of one-tenth. Two knights (and subsequently
two others) were returned for each county to this parlia-
ment. The list may refer to the second return ; the names
given for Devon are Roger de Nonaunt and Andrew de
Trelosk (22 Edw. I, m. 2).

1295. November. Robert de Wodeton (s).

William le Prus, vel Pruz (a).
This is the well-known Model Parliament,
(a) Sir William Prous (1245-1315) of Gidleigh, eldest son
of Sir William Prous of Gidleigh (sheriff 1269, d. 1269).

1297. October. Henry de Ralegh (a).

Hugh le Prouz (b).

(a) Sir Henry Ralegh of Strete Ralegh in Whimple, and
later of Beamport in Bishopsnympton ; a leading justice
of the county ; son of Sir Henry Ralegh of Strete Ralegh ;
died 1301 ; for the curious dispute concerning his inter-
ment, see Brushfield's Raleghana in Trans. XXXIV.

(b) Sir Hugh Prous of Gatcombe in Colyton ; third son
of Sir William Prous (d. 1269).

1298. May. John de Umframville (a).

William de Chambernoun (b).

(a) Sir John Umfraville of Lapford served in the French
wars of Edward I's reign.

(b) Sir William Champernowne (c. 1240-1304) of Ilfra-
combe, eldest son of Sir Henry Champernowne of Clist
Champernowne in Ilfracombe.

1300. March. Robert Beaupel (a).

Reginald de Ferrers (b).

(a) Sir Robert Beaple of Knowstone, son of Sir Reginald
Beaple of Knowstone (d. 1270).

(b) Sir Reginald Ferrers of Bere and Newton Ferrers,

Digitized by

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 375

second son of Sir William Ferrers of Bere Ferrers (fl. 1243) ;
succeeded his elder brother Roger about 1291 ; died about
1305.

1300. May. William de Chambernoun (s).

Andrew de Trelosk (s).
William le Graunt (a).
Three knights were elected by each county to this
parliament.

(a) It is not easy to trace William Grant in connection
with Devon. The only known contemporary with the
same surname was John le Graunt, M.P. for Norwich in
1298. There is a William Grant of Westlegh mentioned by
Risdon, who was the son of Mauger le Grant, but is not
given in any list of knights.

1301. January. Henry de Raleghe (s).

Nicholas de Kyrkham (a).

The writ of summons directed the re-election of the
members who sat in March, 1300, but the King's instruc-
tions could not be followed, 4 4 quiaReginaldusdeFerers,et
Robertus Beaupel, milites qui alias fuerunt ad parlia-
mentum, per electionem comitatus, non sunt potentes ad
laborandum ad praesens." Thus early was the influence
of the Crown being used to control elections.

(a) Sir Nicholas Kirkham of Paignton, son of John
Kirkham of Ashcombe ; acquired Blagdon in Paignton by
marriage with the sister of Sir Robert Dennis ; sheriff of
Devon 1308 and 1309.

1302. September. Andrew Trelloske (s).

Hugh de Ferrers (a),
(a) Sir Hugh Ferrers of Churston Ferrers, third son of
Sir William Ferrers (fl. 1243) ; acquired Churston by
marriage with the heiress of Bozun.

1305. February. Robert Beaupel (s).

Roger de Kokyntone (a),
(a) Sir Roger Cockington of Cockington, descended from
the Norman family of Fitz-Martin, who took a new surname
from their place of abode.

1306. May. Thomas de Raleghe (a).

Roger de Kokyntone (s).
(a) Sir Thomas Ralegh of Challacombe Ralegh, sheriff
of Devon from 1300 to 1306, and in 1307.

1307. January. Roger de Cokyngtone (s).

Roger de Nonaunt (s).

Digitized by

376 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

Owing to the projected invasion of Scotland, thia
parliament met at Carlisle.

(a) Sir Roger Nonant of Broadclyst, descended from
Roger, baron of Totnes (T.R. Wm. II) ; probably son of
Sir Guy Nonant (T.R. Hen. III).

EDWARD II.

(Twenty-seven parliaments, twenty-three returns ex-
tant.)

1307. October. Roger de Nonant (s).

Roger de Cokyngton (s).

1308. March. No return found.

1309. April. Henry de Campo Arnulphi (a).

John de Bykebury (b).

(a) Sir Henry Champernowne (c. 1274-1330) of Ilfra-
combe, son of Sir William Champernowne (q.v.) ; also
M.P. for Cornwall.

(b) Sir John Bigbury of Bigbury, sheriff in 1319.
1311. August. Henry de Chaumbernoun (s).

Stephen de Haccombe (a),
(a) Sir Stephen Haccombe of Haccombe, son of Sir
Jordan Haccombe ; restored Haccombe Church, 1328 ; died
1332; Haccombe arch-presbytery founded (through be-
quest from him) by his granddaughter's husband in 1337.

1311. November. Henry de Chambernoun (s).

Stephen de Haccombe (s).
Practically a second session of the preceding parliament.
Most of the members are the same.

1312. February. No return found.

1312. July. Nicholas de Cheyny (a).

Humphrey de Beauchamp (b).

(a) Sir Nicholas Cheyney of Up Ottery, probably son of
Sir William Cheyney (T.R. Edw. I) ; also held lands in
Dorset ; custodian of the Channel Islands 1297 ; sheriff
of Somerset and Dorset about 1320, of Devon in 1321 ;
died about 1328.

(b) Sir Humphrey Beauchamp of Teignharvey in
Stoke-in-teignhead, and Oburnf ord in Halberton ; also held
Ryme in Dorset ; married the heiress of Nonant (q.v.).

1313. March. Roger de Nonaunt (s).

Nicholas de Kirkham (s).
1313. July. Humphrey de Bello Campo (s).
Roger de Nonaunt (s).

Digitized by

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 377

On this occasion Beauchamp also sat for Dorset, and was
-apparently allowed expenses for both constituencies.

1313. September. Humphrey de Bello Campo (s).

Roger de Nonaunt (s).
Practically a second session of the preceding parliament.

1314. April. No return found.

1314. September. Richard de Stapildone (a).

Robert Beaupel, junior (b).

(a) Sir Richard Stapeldon of Stapeldon in Cookbury
and Annery in Monkleigh, eldest son of Sir William
Stapeldon of Annery ; brother of Walter, Bishop of
Exeter ; born c. 1259 ; M.P. also for Cornwall ; a puisne
judge of the King's Bench.

(b) Sir Robert Beaple of Knowstone, son of Sir Robert
Beaple, M.P. in 1305 (q.v.) ; accused of rebellion in 1323,
but released.

1315. January. Nicholas de Alnoto (a).

James de Oxtone (b).
William de Ferrers (Sir William Ferrers, son of Sir
Reginald Ferrers of Bere Ferrers, M.P. in 1300) was at
first returned, but his name was struck out (he was also
returned for Cornwall), and that of James de Oxtone
substituted.

(a) Sir Nicholas Dauney of Norton Dauney in Dart-
mouth, recorded as having undertaken pilgrimages to
Jerusalem (1309) and Santiago (1313) ; afterwards created
a baron ; died 1333.

(b) Sir James Oxton of Modbury, son of Sir Alexander
Oxton and Joan, widow of Ralph Valletort.

Forty-eight days' expenses were allowed to each at the
rate of four shillings per diem.

1316. January. Nicholas Dauney (s).

John de Chalouns (a),
(a) Sir John Challons of Legh Challons in Plympton.

1316. April. No return found, but probably the names
are as given for the following parliament.

1316. July. Richard de Chissebeche (a).

Ralph de Braunford (b).

These names are according to the Writ de Expensis, but
John de Launcevetone is named instead of Chisbeach on
the return. There is a John of Launceston mentioned

Digitized by

378 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

as a notary-public in Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph's
memoir of Bishop Stapeldon (Episc. Reg. Stapddon). One
John Fitz-John was M.P. for Launceston 1313.

(a) Richard Chisbeach is in several places described as
miles, but it is doubtful whether he ever attained that
honour. Neither Pole nor Risdon gives him among the
knights holding land in Devon. He is mentioned in the
Close Rolls in connection with loans of money to needy
landowners, and in one entry he is described as holding
lands in Devon and Bucks. In the Writ de Expensis for
November, 1322, he is described as valettus, a feudal
designation of inferior rank, probably implying that he held
his lands as a feudatory tenant (vassalettus), and not as a
tenant in chief. He may have resided in Exeter, where he
was imprisoned in 1313 (see CI. R.) for an alleged trespass,
and may have been a lawyer by profession. His surname
suggests a family connection with Chesil Beach in Dorset*

(b) Ralph Bramford was probably of that branch of the
Beares which lived at and took a new surname from Broom-
ford in Jacobstowe. He is not described as a knight.

1318. January. Martin de Fyshacre (a).

Richard Chissebeche (s).
This parliament was revoked on account of the invasion
of the Scots.

(a) Sir Martin Fishacre of Morlegh, son of Sir Peter
Fishacre, who built the church there as a penance for
homicide (T.R. Edw. I).

1318. October. Robert de Stokeheye (a).

Richard de Chussebeche (s).
Each of the members was allowed five shillings per diem
for expenses.

(a) Sir Robert Stockhey of Santon in Braunton, son of
Sir Robert Stockhey (T.R. Edw. I).

1319. May. Richard de Stapeldone (s).

Richard de Chissebech (s).
Matthew Crawthorne petitioned against this return
(see Introduction). The allowance for expenses was four
shillings per diem.

1320. October. Robert Beudyn (a),

William Hereward (b).
(a) Sir Robert Beaudyn of Efford in Egg Buckland,
sheriff in 1318 and 1320 ; M.P. for Cornwall 1326 ; died

Digitized by

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 379

about 1332. As sheriff he was concerned in the return
above against which Crawthorne petitioned, and in thi&
return of his own name, an unusual proceeding.

(b) Sir William Hereward of Dodscott near Torrington,
possibly son of Sir Hamlyn Hereward ; among the knights
accused of disaffection towards Edward II ; surety for
Beaple (see Introduction).

1321. July. Roger de Nonaunt (s).

Richard de Chyssebeche (s).

1322. May. Richard de Chissebeche (s).

Matthew de Crauthorne (a).

This was the most important parliament since 1295.

(a) Sir Matthew Crawthorne of Crawthorne in Somerset,
and East Bray in South Molton ; M.P. for Exeter 1307,
and five times subsequently ; candidate for Devon 1319 ;
sheriff 1322, 1323, and 1331 ; receiver of Glamorgan 1327 ;
licensed (Episc. Reg.Grandissori) to conduct private oratory
at Bray (Preb. Hingeston-Randolph suggests Bray in
Morval, but there is no mention of Crawthornes living
there), probably East Bray as above, 1331.

1322. November. Robert Beudyn (s).

Richard Chessebyche (s).
Chisbeach, described as valettus, was allowed only two
shillings per diem for expenses.

1324. January. William Hureward (s).

Richard de Chissebyche (s).
Three shillings and fourpence per diem was allowed to
each member.

1324. October. Richard de Chaumbernoun (a).

Richard de Chissebeche (s).
Two shillings and sixpence per diem was allowed to each
member.

(a) Sir Richard Champernowne of Modbury, son of Sir
Richard and Joan, sister of Sir James Oxton (q.v.) ;
nephew of Sir William Champernowne, M.P. in 1298 (q.v.) ;
accused of disaffection in 1322 (see Introduction).

1325. November. Roger le Jeu (a).

Richard de Chissebeche (s).
Jew was allowed four shillings per diem, and Chisbeach
three shillings.

(a) Sir Roger Jew of Cotlegh.

Digitized by

380 DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

1326. December. John de Beaumound (a).

Thomas de Cokyngtone (b).
Each member was allowed four shillings per diem. This
parliament voted the deposition of Edward II.

(a) Sir John Beaumont of Shirwell, son of Sir Richard
Beaumont ; died 1330.

(b) Sir Thomas Cockington, probably son of Sir Roger
Cockington of Cockington, M.P. in 1305 (q.v.). He may
have been the person connected with Stockleigh Pomeroy
in Grandisson's letter of February, 1329 (Episc. Reg.
Grandisson, Vol. I).

III. — Index of Names.

The number of times elected for Devon is prefixed to
each name, and the date of the first election is appended.

2) Beaple, Sir Robert I, of Knowstone (1300).

1) Beaple, Sir Robert II, of Knowstone (1314).

3) Beauchamp, Sir Humphrey, of Stoke-in-teignhead
(1312).

2) Beaudyn, Sir Robert, of Egg Buckland (1320).
1) Beaumont, Sir John, of Shirwell (1326).
1) Bigbury, Sir John, of Bigbury (1309).
1) Bramford, Ralph, of Jacobstowe (?) (1316).

1) Challons, Sir John, of Plympton (1316).

3) Champernowne, Sir Henry, of Ilfracombe (1309).

2) Champernowne, Sir Richard, of Modbury (1324).

2) Champernowne, Sir William, of Ilfracombe (1298).
1) Cheyney, Sir Nicholas, of Up Ottery (1312).

0) Chisbeach, Richard (1316).

4) Cockington, Sir Roger, of Cockington (1305).

1) Cockington, Sir Thomas, of Cockington (?) (1327).

3) Crawthorne, Sir Matthew, of South Molton (1322).

2) Dawney, Sir Nicholas, of Dartmouth (1315).
1) Ferrers, Sir Hugh, of Churston (1302).
1) Ferrers, Sir Reginald, of Bere Ferrers (1300).
1) Fishacre, Sir Martin, of Morlegh (1318).

1) Grant, William, of Westleigh (1300).

2) Haccombe, Sir Stephen, of Haccombe (1311).
2) Hereward, Sir William, of St. Giles-in-the-Wood

(1320).

2) Jew, Sir Roger, of Cotlegh j(1325).
2) Kirkham> Sir Nicholas, of Paignton (1301).

Digitized by

DEVON COUNTY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.

381

(6) Nonant, Sir Roger, of Broad Clyst (1307).
(1) Oxton, Sir James, of Modbury (1315).
(1) Prous, Sir Hugh, of Colyton (1297).

(1) Prous, Sir William, of Gidleigh (1295).

(2) Ralegh, Sir Henry, of Whimple (1297).

(1) Ralegh, Sir Thomas, of Challacombe Ralegh (1306)*

(2) Stapeldon, Sir Richard, of Cookbury (1314).
(1) Stockhey, Sir Robert, of Braunton (1318).

(3) Trelosk, Sir Andrew, of Dunterton (1290).

(1) Umfraville, Sir John, of Lapford (1298).

(2) Wodeton, Sir Robert, of Halberton (?) (1290).

Four of the re-elections (Crawthorne 2, Jew 1, and
R. Champernowne 1) occurred in the reign of Edward III.
These, with the sixty-nine individual returns given, make
the total in the brackets up to seventy-three.

Note A. — The first complete parliament, according to Stubbs
and some other writers, was that of 1295 ; but the Blue Book 69,
published by authority of the House of Commons, includes among
its list of parliaments the assembly of 1213 and nine others pre-
vious to 1295. It is probable that some of these should be regarded
merely as feudal assemblies, but the term parliament is usually,
and not unreasonably, applied to most of the national conventions
summoned from 1254 onward. The essential of a parliament
appears to be that it should consist in part at least of members
representing geographical divisions, and that these divisions, taken
together, should comprise the whole, or nearly the whole, of the
country governed.

Note B. — The returning officer of the non-chartered towns was
generally known as the " bailiff." In about six western towns
(four in Devon, one each in Cornwall and Wilts) the old Saxon
name of " portreeve " seems to have been preserved. There does
not appear to have been any distinction between a portreeve and
a bailiff other than what might arise through local usage. In the
sixteenth century, when so many small boroughs in the West were
enfranchised, several of them, presumably by analogy with neigh-
bouring constituencies, also called their returning officers port-
reeves.

Note C. — Two of the persons named (John of Launceston and
Thomas of Cockington) may have been clerks in orders. Up to
1407 clergymen were occasionally returned to the Commons ;
they have been excluded by resolution since 1553 and by statute
since 1801.

IV. — Addenda.

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

BY MRS. G. H. RADFORD.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Plymouth china has a special claim on us as Devon folk,
for it was made by a Devon man, William Cookworthy,
born at Kingsbridge in 1705, died at Plymouth in 1780.
It also appeals to all Englishmen, for it was the first true
china made in England and from "all British " materials,
discovered to the lasting advantage of his country by the
same great man and by him first compacted and made into
porcelain. To us porcelain is so familiar that we have lost
our sense of wonder at its smoothness, delicacy of shape
and colour, and its extraordinary durability ; but in Cook-
worthy's early days this was not so. Porcelain was only
to be seen in the houses of the wealthy, as it had to be
brought over the sea from China, either directly or through
Holland. In England we still commonly speak of china
when we mean porcelain.

For centuries the secret of its composition had been so
jealously guarded that Europe was in ignorance. It was
not until missionaries were allowed to settle in China that
the process of making porcelain began to be understood.
One of these Jesuit missionaries, Pere d'Entrecolles, wrote
home describing what he had seen and heard at Kiang-te-
Chin, one of the largest porcelain factories in China, where
he was stationed. He also succeeded in sending home
specimens of the natural constituents used in the manu-
facture ; these were known as kaolin and petunste, the
first a non-fusible substance, the second fusible. Baron
Reaumur, the distinguished French chemist, after whom
the thermometer is named, published in 1727-9 the results
of his experiments on these samples in the Transactions of
the Academie des Sciences. These were read by Cook-
worthy, an excellent French scholar, with keenest interest.
What a delightful and wonderful thing it must have been

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

383

to learn that these delicate, smooth, translucent porcelain
cups and vases were really made of stone and clay, fused by
fire ! This knowledge came to a man who was f amiliar in
his laboratory with the action of heat in melting solid sub-
stances, and who had seen in his travels an immense variety
of stones and minerals. His trade as a wholesale chemist
took him often into Cornwall, and as he always rode on
these journeys and had plenty of leisure to use his eyes,
many strange stones must have been carried back to Ply-
mouth to be melted in crucibles.

Among the many Cornish friends visited by Cookworthy,
perhaps the most useful to him when making these
researches was John Nancarrow, superintendent of mines
in the St. Austell district, a clever engineer who made
considerable improvements in the early steam-engines.
From Nancarrow he must have heard of the clay used to
mend furnaces and the fire-places of the engines by the
tin miners, which was able to stand intense heat without
disintegrating.

The soapy rock at Mullion was known without question
to both. This steatite had been used in the manufacture
of a kind of porcelain at Bristol before 1750, 1 and later at
Worcester, but here the natural element was added to an
artificial compound, and although the result, especially
at Worcester, was beautiful, it was not true porcelain.

It is perhaps well to explain here, by a quotation from
two great authorities on the subject, the difference between
hard and soft porcelain : —

" True porcelain, sometimes called hard paste, is
composed only of natural elements (Chinese, Dresden,
Plymouth, Bristol, etc.)."

" Artificial porcelain, also known as soft paste, where the
body is an artificial combination of various materials
agglomerated by the action of fire (St. Cloud, Old Sevres,
Chelsea, Bow, etc.)." 2

There are many versions of how William Cookworthy
first discovered the long-sought-for kaolin. A traveller 3 in
1797 was told at the china stone works in St. Stephen's

1 Travels in England (chiefly in 1750-7). By Dr. R. Pococke, after-
wards Bishop of Ossory. Printed by the Camden Society, 1888.

2 Official Guide to the English Pottery and Porcelain in the British
Museum, by R. L. Hobson, p. 85, quoting Mr. Wm. Burton's definition
of soft paste.

8 The Rev. John Skinner, who visited the works in the autumn of
1797. His diary remains in MS. in the British Museum. Add. MS. 33,635.

384

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

that being present at the founding of some bells at Fowey
. he noticed the appearance of some of the stones which had.
been contained in the mould, etc. ; probably the great heat
of the molten mass of bell metal had fused some stones used
to line the mould, and Cookworthy's practised and eager
eyes saw what he had so long desired. If this is true, and,
it is at all events a possible story and gleaned early on the
spot, it would have enabled him to identify stones of the
same appearance elsewhere.

He actually found both kaolin and petuntse " in the
parish of Germo, in a hill called Tregonnen Hill " 1 (596 ft.
high, about a mile from Godolphin House, between Helston
and Marazion). " The whole country in depth is of this
stone. It reaches East and West from Breag to Germo, and
North and South from Tregonnen Hill to the sea. From the
cliffs some of this stone hath been brought to Plymouth,
where it was used in the Casemates of the Garrison."
" The stone of this petunste is a species of the granite, or,
as we in the West call it, the Moor stone." " The stone ia
compounded of small pellucid gravel and a whitish matter
which indeed is kaolin petrified." " Caulin (kaolin) in the
Chinese way of speaking, constitutes the bones as the
Petuntse does the flesh of China Ware." This recalls the
story of Pere d'Entrecolles, who telling a Chinese manu-
facturer that in Europe porcelain had been attempted
with petuntse but without kaolin (then unknown), had
been answered that the Europeans were indeed a won-
derful people to attempt to build up a body with flesh
without bones.

But Cookworthy had now the supreme delight of know-
ing that he had discovered that here in England, in
his own neighbourhood, the long-desired kaolin existed
in immense quantities. What a benefactor this made
him to his own West-country (his mother was a Cornish-
woman and he Devon) he never lived to see. After
being certain by repeated experiments that he had
the real materials for making porcelain, the next thing
would be to shape it into cups or other vessels. Cook-
worthy, though not a practical potter, had certainly
knowledge of the necessary processes, whether gained
earlier in Staffordshire on visits to the Marshes, Friends,
who, after the Elers left the potteries, took Bradley Farm

1 Cookworthy's Memorandum, printed page 199 et aeq, of Memoirs of
William Cookworthy by his Grandson, 1853.'

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

385

and tried, according to Shaw, 1 experiments in their old
furnace ; or at Bristol, where the manufacture of pottery
had been carried on for very many years. It does not
appear, though records are far from complete, that after
being settled at Plymouth he went to Staffordshire ; his
visits there must have taken place from London in his
young days, perhaps when travelling for the great Quaker
firm of Bevan, now Allen and Hanbury.

But to Bristol business and the duties of his ministry
often took him, and it would have been easy to experiment
at some of the pottery kilns there with his newly discovered
Cornish materials. At Bristol was established for a very
short time a " new work from the clay and stone discovered
in Cornwall," mentioned by Richard Champion, in 1765,
in writing to his brother-in-law, Caleb Lloyd, who had
sent him some kaolin (but not petuntse) from America.
This was in November, 1765, and Champion tells him a
month later that although his kaolin is purer than the
Cornish, unless he " sends the Stone which always rises
out of the Clay, you cannot have any China made out of
the latter." 2

It is evident from this letter that Champion knew the
right composition of porcelain, and the knowledge was
probably acquired from Cookworthy, whose acquaintance
his devoted sister had made for the first time in the
previous year, when Sarah Champion (4 January, 1764),
after recording the fact, speaks of William Cookworthy as
" the first inventor of the Bristol China." Cookworthy, in
his petition for a patent in 1768, says, " the materials at
this time " are " applied to none of the uses of Pottery but
by him and those under his direction." This new work
was very soon given up. In February, 1766, Champion
writes that this was owing to difficulties with the glaze ;
he also speaks of " the proprietors," among whom he was
not included.

Cookworthy was not baffled by this partial failure ; on
the contrary, finding by experiments that the stone from
St. Stephens was more free from impurities, he, probably
at the suggestion of Mr. Thomas Pitt of Boconnoc, took
out a patent, 17 March, 1768, for a " kind of Porcellain
newly invented by me, composed of moor stone, or Growan,

1 History of the Staffordshire Potteries. By Simeon Shaw, 1829, p. 121.

2 Given by H. Owen, p. 11, and kindly verified by the present owner
of the letter.

VOL. XLIV. 2 B

386

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

and Growan Clay." The petition states " that the ware
wch. he hath prepared from these materials hath all the
characters of the true Porcellain in regard to grain, trans-
parency, colour, and infusibility, in a degree equal to the
best Chinese or Dresden ware, whereas all the manufactures
of porcelain hitherto carried on in Gt. Britain have only
been imitations of the genuine kind, wanting the Beauty of
Colour, the Smoothness and Lustre of Grain and the great
characteristick of genuine porcelain, sustaining the most
extreme Degree of Fire without melting. That this
discovery had been attended with great labour and
expense, and to the best of his knowledge and belief, in
regard to this kingdom, is new, and his own, the materials
being even at this time, applied to none of the uses of
Pottery but by him and those under his Direction."

The materials were to be obtained from Mr. Pitt, a
lease being granted for 99 years on a royalty. At this time
Thomas Pitt, nephew of the great William Pitt, 1st Lord
Chatham, was M.P. for Old Sarum, subsequently for
Okehampton, both of which boroughs he owned. He was
quite a young man (b. 1737) very interested in art, whose
father, Thomas Pitt, Lord Warden of the Stannaries, had died
in 1761, leaving him Boconnoc and much other property.

Cookworthy certainly made porcelain at Plymouth at
the date of the patent and previously. The late Mr. R. N.
Worth 1 first drew attention to the fact that he rented at
this time a bakehouse in the High Street, and suggested
that the china factory was carried on there. From the
town rentals it is evident that William Cookworthy had
this house from 1761, but it would have required con-
siderable alterations, for it is of course quite impossible to
get the heat required for porcelain as hard as that made
at Plymouth in a baker's oven. " The necessary tempera-
ture could not have been reached without entirely destroy-
ing the oven." 2

The kiln or oven actually used by Cookworthy and
described by him in his Memorandum, 3 already quoted,
was drawn by Richard Champion at a much later period.
Among the careful measurements written against this
sketch or plan is the date " Oct. 16, 1770," perhaps the day
when Champion visited the Plymouth manufactory and

1 In Devonshire Association Transactions for 1876, p. 494.
* Letter from Mr. Wm. Burton, F.c.s., etc., to the writer.
3 Page 206.

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

387

sketched the kiln, though this is mere conjecture. Mr.
Hugh Owen reproduces this drawing 1 " under the mis-
leading designation of an enamel kiln." 2

In a letter written by Mr. William Burt, Secretary to the
Chamber of Commerce in Plymouth, on "Manufactures
formerly carried on in the Port " (of Plymouth), dated
1 December, 1814, 3 he speaks of the " extinct manu-
factory of the finer china founded by Cookworthy," and
gives information " furnished by a person employed in it
during his youthful days." Fifty or sixty persons were so
employed, and the manufactory buildings were at Coxside.

It does not seem possible to disregard this evidence
taken from an actual worker, who had nothing to gain
by false statements. It has on the face of it much in its
favour, for though it is extremely probable that, while
experiments were being carried on by two or three work-
men under William Cookworthy's immediate supervision,
premises near to his house and place of business would be
chosen (High Street being near to Notte Street), there
were other considerations. The material had to be
brought to Plymouth and then prepared. The china clay
and stone (kaolin and petuntse) must have been brought to
Plymouth by sea, and for this Coxside, just by the water's
edge in the harbour, was most suitable and convenient,
no expense of land carriage being incurred. Then mills
were necessary to grind the stone. It is perfectly clear
from Cookworthy's own statement that all these processes
had been carried out before he took out the patent.

The probability is, on the evidence at present available,
that when the patent was taken out in 1768, two or three
people joined Cookworthy in establishing the works on a
larger scale, these being Mr. Thomas Pitt and probably
three Bristol merchants, George Bush, Abraham Clibborn,
and Richard Summers, wKo certainly had some financial
interest in Cookworthy's work.

Then it was that fifty or sixty people were employed,
and the demand was so great "at home and abroad,
particularly in America, for its articles, which consisted
of enamelled and blue and white china, of all descriptions,
both ornamental and useful, that they could hardly be

1 Page 19, Two Centuries of Ceramic Art in Bristol. By Hugh Owen,
f.s.a., 1873.

2 History of English Porcelain By Wm. Burton, p. 125.

3 Published under title of Review of the Trade . . . of Plymouth, 1816.

388

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

made fast enough." 1 To support this it may be mentioned
that Plymouth and Bow china are still found in old houses
in America, and that when Benjamin Franklin was in
England he sent home to his wife, February, 1758, " a
large case and a small box containing " " . . . something
from all the china workers in England." 2

That the china factory was not very near to Notte
Street, Cookworthy's residence, is to be inferred from the
fact that Sarah Champion when in Plymouth early in 1770,
although she visited the Cookworthy family several times,
left Plymouth without seeing the china works, for which
she apologizes very prettily in a letter to her friend (after-
wards her sister-in-law) Elizabeth Fox, knowing how
greatly Cookworthy was interested in his manufactory/
There was a shop for selling the ware in Notte Street,
where Cookworthy's chemist's shop was also situated. 3

It will be seen, if this theory is correct, that Plymouth
china naturally falls into two classes, the first made in the
experimental stage, and the second when the larger works
were carried on and it was desired to make it a commercial
success.

And here it should be said that if Plymouth china seems
to us rough and badly made, no one in England knew how
to make or paint this new porcelain. " To make hard
porcelain was quite a new departure in England, the
mixture of the raw materials, the fashioning of the ware,
the conduct of the firing, all differed materially from the
usual routine of the potter's trade. No workmen could be
found to understand such unwonted processes ; each had
to try and gain experience before he could be of much
service." 4 This quotation from one of our greatest
artist-potters makes us appreciate Cookworthy's technical
difficulties. The spiral ridges, the warping cracks, and
distortions in firing, the smoky appearance caused by
" those tingeing vapours " that occasioned him so much
trouble, all evidence these difficulties

In the first stage a few workmen were employed under
Cookworthy's direct supervision and often with his help.
It has always been a family tradition that some of the
early painting in blue was actually done by him, and indeed

1 Burt, p. 174.

2 China Collecting in America, A. M. Earle, 1892.
8 W. Burt on the worker's evidence.

4 Old English Porcelain. By L. M. E. Solon, 1903, p. 169.

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PLYMOUTH CHINA.

389

he says this in his Memorandum. The designs were
generally taken from Chinese models. There is one graceful
little design that appears on many early pieces ; some very
early cups that have never left Kingsbridge, Cookworthy's
native place, have this pattern. The cups are so distorted in
firing as to be almost oval. These early pieces are usually
articles of everyday use, generally cups (the coffee-cup
shape), small cream-jugs, and very solid inkstands. The
most interesting of these last belongs to Miss Fox, of
Plymouth ; it is circular in shape, resembling the Bow
inkstands, decorated with little panels of Chinese design
in grey-blue and discoloured in firing, and was labelled by
Miss Lydia Prideaux, " This inkstand used to stand on
my Father's Office Desk, he died in the Summer of 1796."
Another belonging to the same lady " was obtained when
my brother John Prideaux was writing an account of
Wm. Cookworthy, 1 in the neighbourhood of the old ' china
House,' he bought it from a workman who had been
employed in the works," etc. It is very like the other ;
both bear the Plymouth mark, as do the Kingsbridge
cups.

This mark [ 2\. ], the alchemical symbol for tin, was no
doubt chosen by Cookworthy because his materials came
from the tin country. It is generally found on these early
blue and white pieces ; sometimes, but very rarely, in com-
bination with other characters. The number XII is
mentioned by Llewellyn Jewitt and Chaffers, and I have
seen it with a crescent and also a x . This last is often
called Bristol-Plymouth, but it has the characteristics of
Plymouth, and may only have been added by some work-
man. Another mark, ,A% is found on an early cup that has
been treasured since it was first made, in the Collier family
of Plymouth. This is the only example at present known
of this mark.

Through the great kindness of a descendant of Richard
Champion, I am enabled to illustrate for the first time one
of these very early pieces, probably made by Cookworthy
himself. It was labelled by Miss Eliza Hester Champion,
born 1769, daughter of Richard Champion, the Bristol
potter, " Plymouth China made by the great William
Cookworthy of Plymouth." The jug measures 3| inches in
height, 10 £ inches at its greatest circumference. Its owner

1 Relics of William Cookworthy. Collected by John Prideaux (1787-
1859, great-nephew of Wm. C), published 1853.

390

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

describes it as " all white, the design is raised, the clay i&
not quite white, but the glaze is pure white, it is not
marked, the bottom is rough as if it had been resting on
sand in the kiln."

In the second period, when more workmen were em-
ployed, there being a larger capital to draw upon, larger
and more ambitious pieces were made, and both potting
and painting improved greatly. Sets of mugs were made,
some crudely painted in bright flowers for cottage or
ordinary use, and some decorated most exquisitely with
birds in a floral setting, drawing and colouring being alike
beautiful. Tea-services, too, at this period when tea-
drinking was becoming general, had a ready sale at
home among the Friends of Plymouth, and in America.
William Chappie, of Exeter, a contemporary of Cook-
worthy's, complains 1 bitterly how tea was ousting beer,
and china and earthenware pewter: "the dispiriting
Infusion of an Asiatick Shrub " is " preferred to the
exhilarating Beverage derived from the red-streak Apple-
tree or the Barley Mow, the Capacious Tankard . . .
rejected for a Complete Set of Tea-tackle and a Sugar-loaf
. . . and the Country Squire to keep a step higher than
his neighbouring Farmers, to please his Modish Madam
and escape being censured as a tasteless Churl, must prefer
the Brittleness and Frailty of Dresden Porcelain to the
Solidity and Permanence of Danmonian Pewter."

Besides this useful china, groups and figures were made
for ornamenting mantelpieces, graceful birds in colours
and white, groups of children and the so-called " Gardiner
and his Wife," having a background of raised flowers or
bocage, besides small single figures of cows, hares, Hons,
etc. Also vases and large single figures, of these the best
known are the Four Quarters of the Globe. These are
13 inches high, well modelled and graceful, especially
Europe and Asia, and the colouring slight and refined ;
the white figure of Europe, given to the Geological Museum
by the wife of General Nelson, r.e. (born in Plymouth,
1803), is particularly charming. The other two figures of
the set, America with a prairie cat, and Africa with a
crocodile, are less artistic.

The most famous vases are those belonging to Sir John
Fry, engraved for the Art Journal of 1863 and given by
H. Owen (p. 78). These have the Plymouth mark and every

1 Review of Risdon's Devon, pp. 97, 98.

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

391

appearance of being made at that factory. In the Trapnell
Collection, so recently dispersed, was an interesting pair of
vases from the same mould, but with different colouring.
One (No. 629) made at Plymouth, the other (No. 416) at
Bristol ; the Plymouth vase unique in having impressed in
the clay before firing, a seal — a classically draped woman's
head. This seal may perhaps have belonged to Thomas
Pitt, who was so much interested, financially and other-
wise, in the china ware. It is possible that it was he who
bought some of the Chelsea moulds in 1769, when he was
residing at Twickenham. Certainly, some figures made at
Chelsea and Plymouth are identical. N. Sprimont, the
director at Chelsea, formerly a silversmith, is said to have
used models that had served him for silver ; he made cray-
fish salt-cellars, an example of which is in the British
Museum. There are in existence two undoubted Plymouth
salt-cellars with coloured crayfish. The figure of America
is in the Schreiber Collection made in Bow china ; this
mould may have been bought at the Chelsea sale.

There are some fine white Plymouth pieces, though on
this point much misconception has arisen, white Oriental
china being formerly described and even illustrated as
Plymouth. And early white Bow or Chelsea was also so
called. Of this, perhaps the most surprising instance is
the bust of George II, long treasured in the family of
Benjamin Cookworthy, the youngest brother of William
the potter ; it figures in* the Cookworthy window in
Plymouth Guildhall, and even led astray Lady Charlotte
Schreiber, that wonderful virtuosa and collector. It is
beautifully modelled and finished, being a copy of Rys-
brack's statue of the King, and stands 17 inches high on a
detached pedestal. It is, on the face of it, extraordinary
and unusual that large and expensive portrait models of
a king, none too popular in his life, should be made for
sale eight years after his death ; while it is highly probable
that busts of the reigning king would be made at a factory
near his capital and under Court patronage. Several of
these busts are known : one at the British Museum that
has been " improved " with oil colours, one at the Liver-
pool Museum, one formerly in the Nightingale Collection,
and the one at the Victoria and Albert Museum, South
Kensington, whose discovery in Edinburgh in 1869 gave
Lady Charlotte Schreiber so much pleasure because it was
"exactly like the bust " left by the late Dr. Cookworthy

392

PLYMOUTH CHINA.

as an heirloom in his family, 1 but which before 1884,
when Lady Charlotte gave her magnificent collection to the
nation, she described as white Bow or Chelsea. And the
Cookworthy bust of George II turns out to be the same ;
in colouring and texture and paste it is absolutely unlike
Plymouth. No one knowing anything of the subject
could fail to be struck with the difference between this
bust and some beautiful white figures of the Four Quarters
of the Globe that have come down in the same family.
Whether the bust ever belonged to William Cookworthy is
not known ; if so, it may have been bought as a curious
specimen at the Chelsea sale, 17 May, 1769, when it is very
probable that he acquired some of the models, all of which
were advertised to be sold. Wedgwood proposed buying
some of the moulds, models, etc. ; " there is an immense
amount of fine things." (Letter to his partner Bentley.)

The white Sphinx 2 is interesting because of its large
size, 12 inches long by 9 inches high, and as an early piece.
Inside, where not covered by the glaze, it looks absolutely
like melted stone. And also, because it is precisely the same
as an early Sphinx made by Josiah Wedgwood in black
basalt, illustrated in Miss Meteyard's Life of Wedgwood, 3
itself now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South
Kensington, having been removed from the Geological
Museum in Jermyn Street. It is perhaps the only instance
of Cookworthy and Wedgwood using the same model, for
they were not friendly or even acquainted with each other,
as far as is known. The design is very beautiful, and is
said to be French, the little saddlecloth with its elegant
tracery dating from Louis XIV.

Mr. William Burton thinks that " probably Cookworthy
and Wedgwood obtained models in Plaster of Paris from
the same source, unknown to each other," which may have
been the Chelsea sale, though this model had not been
used by the Chelsea factory as far as is known.

The rarest and in some ways the most interesting pieces
of Plymouth china are those inscribed and dated under-
neath. Of these the earliest is the famous cup or mug now
in the British Museum, having the arms of Plymouth,
painted in blue, and underneath the cup the inscription,
" March 14. 1768, C.F." (Cookworthy fecit), three days, it

1 Journal, Vol. I, p. 57, published 1911.

2 See illustration:
8 Fig. 36, p. 159.

Plymouth China.— To face p. 392.
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Mr. James Doel.

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393

will be observed, before the patent was taken out. The
photograph was taken by kind permission of the Museum
Authorities, direct from this unique specimen, which
belongs, one is glad to say, to the nation. This is not the
only piece of dated Plymouth china. There are two most
interesting sauce-boats, kindly lent for exhibition to the
Exeter Museum, so that any of the members who care to
do so can see for themselves what Plymouth china is like.
These very rare specimens are thus described by their
owner, Captain Luxmoore : 66 The butter-boats are white
and embossed. On both sides in the centre a small bunch
of coloured flowers. Around the spout and rim, also on
handle, sprigs of puce-coloured foliage decoration. Inside
of rim same decoration. At the bottom of inside, small
bunch of flowers coloured. At the bottom is written in
vermilion paint, 'Mr. Wm. Cookworthy's factory Ply-
mouth 1770.' "

There is also a beautifully painted teapot with the same
inscription (see illustration), which' the owner, Mr. Doel
of Plymouth, a life-long collector, has kindly given for
reproduction. This particular specimen has never been
out of Plymouth, having come to the late owner direct
from the factory. In the British Museum is a large
Plymouth mug, decorated in the rich " Indian " colouring
with an inscription, but unfortunately in this case very
much rubbed and obliterated. " November ye 27th, 1770 "
is clear, but the words above are not to be deciphered
with certainty. It is curious that the date should be the
same given by Richard Champion in his sketch of
Cookworthy's kiln as that on which the "Last Burning
of Enamel " took place.

It is impossible in the short space at my disposal to
speak on the vexed question of the duration of the works
at Plymouth — Whether when works at Bristol were opened
under the name of W. Cookworthy and Co. in September,
1771, the works at Plymouth were closed, or whether the
two factories were carried on simultaneously. It is only
certain that in October, 1773, William Cookworthy agreed
to transfer his patent to Richard Champion, that this
agreement was legally completed in May, 1774, and
Plymouth china ceased to be made.

TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOURNE IN
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

BY SIR ROPER LETHBRIDGE, K.C.I.E.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

The Tithe Commutation Act of 1836, in substituting a
rent-charge (based on certain septennial averages) for
the ancient tithe paid in kind, merely completed and gave
legislative sanction to a tendency that had long been in
active operation in various parts of the country. As tithe
itself had originally grown up by custom in the earliest
ages, so commutation — obviously convenient and even
necessary under modern habits — had gradually grown up
by custom in a similar way. I have found an interesting
illustration of this in the answers to Interrogatories, taken
by a Commission issuing out of the Court of Exchequer
in the twenty-seventh year of King Charles II, in an
important suit relating to the tithes of my own parish of
Exbourne. I am indebted to our Member of Council,
Miss Lega-Weekes, for a copy of so much of the record of
the case as is to be found in the Public Record Office —
and as this record throws much light on the general
question, I have much pleasure in submitting it to the
Association, with notes to indicate its actual bearing on
the history of the tithe.

In or about the year 1675, the Rev. Abraham Franke,
clerk in holy orders, and an Exbourne landowner— he was
at this time the owner and occupier of an estate in Ex-
bourne now called Buskin, then called Burskin, 1 and was
at the same time Rector of Poughill, near Crediton, where
his Vicars were successively the Rev. Francis Elston and

1 It is interesting to note that the ancient name of this estate, Bruskin or
Burskin, brings us somewhat nearer to the French etymology, " broussequin,"
of its modern name Buskin, the old half-boot of tragic actors. It is possible
that the name referred to the shape of the estate on the map, like the common,
name of many fields — "the Lady's Stocking," "the brandize," and so forth.

TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOURNE.

395

the Rev. Laurence Braggingston — with some other com-
plainants, brought a suit against the Rev. Samuel Finney,
the Rector of Exbourne, about some claims made upon
him for tithe. The record is not sufficiently complete to
enable us to know the ground of his action or its result.
But it seems reasonable to suppose that Mr. Franke found
that the customary tithes in Exbourne differed from those
in his own rectory of Poughill, and that he brought the
suit to ascertain whether the differences were sanctioned
by the custom of Exbourne.

Abraham Franke was the head of an old-established
family in Exbourne — his ancestor Ricardus Franke
having been one of the Trustees of the Church House in
that parish, named in the deed of 1507, still existing,
wherein the site of that house was granted by the lord of
the manor of Exbourne to certain trustees on a yearly
rent of 4d., which is still paid every Michaelmas by the
Rector and churchwardens at the annual Manor Court. The
Rev. Abraham Franke's son Abram, born at Exbourne in
1675 (the year of this suit), appears to have taken holy orders
and become Vicar of the neighbouring parish of Burring-
ton, near Chulmleigh ; and the son of the latter, also called
Abram, matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, in 1721.

The defendant, the Rev. Samuel Finney — Rector of
Exbourne at the date of the suit in 1675 — was born at
Exbourne in 1637, one of three " conforming " sons of a
rather famous divine of those days, the Rev. Thomas
Finney, successively Rector of Jacobstowe and Exbourne
from 1617 to 1662, who was ejected as a Nonconformist
on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662. He was succeeded as
Rector of Exbourne by his son Samuel, and an account of
his life, with much praise of his piety and scholarship, is
given in Calamy's Nonconformist's Memorial. Thomas
Finney, while still Rector of the adjoining parish of Jacob-
stowe, had married in 1620 the widow of Henry Hazell,
a former Rector of Exbourne. She died in 1626, and in
1629 he married Jaquet, daughter of John Yeo, of Rede
House, in Hatherleigh (and sister of the famous Hatherleigh
Nonconformist, Bartholomew Yeo, ejected from the
rectory of Merton in 1662— see Transactions of the Devon-
shire Association, Vol. XXXVI, page 289, and Vol. XLIII,
page 403), by his wife Rebecka Rolle, daughter of Henry
Rolle, of Heanton Sachville and Stevenstone, and sister
of Colonel Rolle, the well-known Parliamentary leader.

396

TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOURNE IN

The defendant's sister, Mary Finney — whose memorial
tablet is in Exbourne Church — married first Simon West-
lake (whose brother John is mentioned in these pro-
ceedings), and secondly Robert Clapp, also mentioned
below. And her daughter, Rebecca Westlake, married the
Rev. John Lethbridge, Rector of Jacobstowe, son of the
Thomas Lethbridge who was one of the Commissioners
named below. From this it will be seen that the defendant,
Samuel Finney, was closely related by marriage to three
(Thomas Lethbridge, John Westlake, and Robert Clapp)
out of the eight landowners of Exbourne actually named
in these proceedings — and two more, Simon Brock and
George Tattershall, subsequently became related to him
in the same way.

The Commission runs as follows : —

Carolus II., dei gratia Angliae &c Rex Dilectis nostris Thome
Lethbridge, gen., Johanni Rosyer, gen., Shilston Calmady,
arm., et Thome Northmore gen., salutem. Sciatis quod nos
de fidelitate industria &c. . . . vobis mandamus quod &c. . . .
ipsos testes et eorum quemlibet pro se separatim de et super
articlis predictis super sacramenta sua coram vobis . . .
diligenter examinetis. . . .

It is dated 12 February, 1675 ; and the returns were to
be made on parchment to the Barons of the Exchequer
within three weeks after Easter. The four Justices named
as Commissioners were all well-known men in their day in
Devon. Thomas Lethbridge, of Exbourne Manor, was
the first cousin of Christopher Lethbridge, the Mayor of
Exeter at the time of the Restoration, whose life is given
in Prince's Worthies of Devon. John Rosier was the owner
of Bydown House in Swymbridge, now the property and
residence of Mr. John Pyke-Nott — in Swymbridge parish
church there are several memorial tablets of the Rosier
family. Shilston Calmady, whose name figures largely in
the history of Okehampton, was the son of Sir Shilston
Calmady, of Leawood in Bridestowe — being the son of a
knight he is here described by the King's Commission
as " armiger," while his colleagues are simply " generosi."
His son, John Calmady, was M.P. for Okehampton at the
Restoration, and voted for the return of Charles II. And
finally, Thomas Northmore, of Cleeve in St. Thomas,
Exeter, was M.P. for Okehampton in 1696-8, and brother
of John Northmore, the first Town Clerk of Okehampton,

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

397

whose family house; still known as Northmore House, is
now the Town Hall of that ancient borough.
The Interrogatories were as follows : —

Interrogatories

to bee administered to witnesses to bee produced on the pt
and behalf of Abraham Franke, Clerke, and others pit 8 , and
Samuell finney, Clarke, defendt as followeth : —

(1) Imprimis. Doe you know the said Complt Abraham
Franke Clarke and doe you know Joane Holmes
widdow William Viccary Thomas Lethebridge John
Baker Robert Clapp Richd Downe and George
Tattershall, owners and possessors of messuages lands
and tents within the pishe of Exburne . . . etc. and
how long have you known them ?

(2) Doe you knowe believe or have heard that within
the sd parish of Exburne there are or have been
severall antient and generall customes and usuages
from the tyme whereof the memory of man is not to
the contrary that there hath been severall certain
sums of money paid to the Rector of the said parishe
of Exburne aforesaid or to his farmer or other pro-
prietor of the tenth and ecclesiasticall duties of the
same for and in Hew of full satisfaccon and discharge
of the tithes in kinde ?

Doe you know of the paymt of any tithes (except
the tithes of corne and graine) what was itt, and when
and how paid and for what and how many of the
titheable matters and things hath there been money
paid or accustomed to bee paid or used or accustomed
to bee paid to the Rector and proprietor of the said
titheable matter, how long have you known the
same ?

(3) Doe you know . . . etc . . . that there hath been
by all the tyme aforesaid usually and accustomarily
paid by the inhabitants of the said parishe to the
Rector or his farmer for and in lieu of tithes in kinde
of and for their apples groweing upon theire respective
tenemts within the parishe and titheable places
aforesaid and by them made into syder the yearly
sume of fower pence for eu'y Hogshead of syder and
soe after that rate for a greater or lesser quantity in
full discharge of all tithes of the said apples soe made
into syder. And have you not heard that some
smale peice of money hath been paid for the whord
fruite.

Digitized by

398
<4)

(5)

<6)

<7)

<8)

TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOURNE IN

Doe you know . . .etc. that there hath been by all the
said tyme usually yearly paid to the said Rector and
Proprietor for the tithe milke of eu'y cowe not bringinge
forthe a calfe One penny, and yielding milke yearly
in full discharge of such tithe milke, and for the tithe
milke of eu'y cowe bringinge forth a calfe within the
said parishe two pence yearly in full discharge of
such tithe milke for that yeare, and for and in dis-
charge of the tithe of eu'y such calfe soe brought forth
sixpence and noe more.

Doe you know . . . etc. that there hath been from
the tyme whereof the memory of man is not to the
contrary usually paid to the Rector, owner or pro-
prietor of the parishe aforesaid one farthing yearly
in lieu of the tithe milke of every ewe milked within
the said parishe. And doe you know . . . etc. that
by all the same tyme there hath been usually yearly
paid to the Rector and proprietor one penny yearly
called a garden penny in lieu of the tithe of all garden
fruits and likewise one penny yearly called a hearth
penny in lieu of the tithe wood used and spent in or
upon every messuage or tenent.

Doe you know the messuage and tenement wherein
the compt. Abraham Franke lives, what is the same
called, do you know . . . etc. ... of any tithe hay
paid out of the said tenement, or any sume of money
for the same, what is such sume of money and how
long have you soe knowne the same paid, is not the
same called Stents of Meadows. Doe you know any
other of the Complts messuages lands and tenemts
in theire possession or either of them, and which of
them pay tithe unto the said Rector and proprietor.
Is there not certaine sumes of money paid out of the
said severall messuages and tenements ? How much
is the same severall sumes ; declare the same, what
is paid out of either of the said messuages and tene-
ments and how long ... etc.

Doe you know, . . . etc. . . . that by all the tyme
aforesaid there hath been accustomarily paid yearly
at the feast of Easter or afterwards on demand unto
the Rector of the said parishe one penny for the tithe
of every Colt foaled within the said parishe in sattis-
faccon of the tithe of such Colt.

Doe you know . . . etc. . . . that there hath been
usually paid to the Rector of the sd. parishe or his
farmer yearly at the feast of Easter or afterwards on
demand for every lamb fallen in lieu of tithe of such

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

399

Lambs . . . and three pence yearly for eu'y fleece
of wooll shorne from theire sheepe kept within theire
said parishe in full discharge of the said tithe wool.

(9) What els do you know . . . etc. . . . concerning
the customes and manners of tithing within the
parishe aforesaid ?

The Depositions were as follows : —

Christian Smale, wife of John Smale of Chawleigh . . .
etc. . . . yeoman, aged 75 or thereabouts.

(to 1st). This deponent saith that she doth know Abraham
Franke, clerke, complt. Thomas Lethbridge, John
Baker, and Richard Downe, . . . etc., and doth
know that John Baker and Richard Downe are
owners and possessors of severall messuages lands
and tenements in the parishe of Exburne, in . . .
etc. . . . and that shee hath knowne the sd John
Baker for the space of 6 years last past . . . and
the sd Richard Downe f r . . . 60 yrs . . . etc.

(to 3rd). . . . saith that she doth not remember whether there
was ever any tithe Apples paid by the inhabitants
and occupiers of estates within the sd parishe of
Exburne to the Rector of the sd parishe or his farmer,
or anything in lieu of such apples or syder.

(4th). . . . deposeth not.

(to 5th) . . . saith that she doth know and remember that
about 60 years since dureing the tyme this depont
lived in the sd parishe of Exburne, being severall
yeares there was usually yearly paid to the sd Rector
and proprietor of the parishe aforesaid by Symon
Brocke deceased this deponents father being an
inhabitant of the sd. pishe of Exburne, one penny
yearly called a garden penny in lieu of the tithes of
all garden hearbs and likewise one penny yearly
called a hearth penny in lieu of the tithe of wood used
and spent in and upon his said messuage and tenemt
in the parish of Exburne aforesaid and more to this
Interrogation this deponent deposeth not.

(to 6th) . . . Saith that she doth know the messuage and
tenement in the Interrogatory menconed wherein
the Complt. Abraham Franke liveth and that the
same is called Burskin, and doth alsoe know the
messuages and tenements wherein the aforesaid
John Baker and Richard Downe doe live but doth
not remember whither there hath at any tyme been

Digitized by

400 TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOtJRNE IN

any tithe hay paid to the Rector aforesaid out of
either of the sd. messuages and tenements or anything
in lieu thereof.

(to 7th & 8th). . . . deposeth not.

Nicholas Saule of Hatherleigh . . . husbandman aged
80. . . .

(to 1st) . . . Saith that hee doth know all the complts in the
Interrogatory named (except John Baker) and that
they are owners and possessors of severall messuages
lands and tenemts. in the said pishe of Exburne and
that hee hath knowne the said Abraham Franke for
about half e a yeare last past, and the Complt. William
Vicary for about 2 years last past. And that he hath
known George Tattershall for about 1 yeare and
halfe last past and that he hath knowne the complt.
Johane Holmes widd. Thomas Lethbridge, Robert
Clapp and Richd. Downe for several years last
past . . .

(to 2nd) . . . saith that he hath heard and doth verily believe
that there have been severall ancient customes and
and usuages within the pishe of Exburne, viz., that
the Inhabitants of the said pishe have usually yearly
paid to the Rector and proprietor of the sd parishe
of Exburne in lieu of tithes in kinde of and for any
theire apples growing upon theire respective tenemts.
within the parishe and titheable places aforesaid and
by them made into syder, the sume of fower pence for
every Hogshead of Syder by them made in full satis-
faccon and discharge of the tithe of such apples soe
made and converted into syder and this deponent
further sayth that hee hath often tyme heard and
doth verily believe that the inhabitants of the parishe
aforesaid have likewise usually yearly paid unto the
Rector or proprietor of the tithes of the saide parish
of Exburne 1 penny in lieu of the tithes of all other
apples groune upon theire respective tenements.
And further saith that for 60 years last past hee hath
heard it reputed and doth beleive that there were
such customes respectively in the parishe aforesaid,
and the reson of this deponents beleife thereof is for
that this depont. liveing as a seruant unto one Mr.
John Westlake who was an inhabitant of the said
parishe of Exburne did several times pay unto Mr.
Thomas Finney deceased, the defts. father being
then Rector and proprietor of the tithes of the said
parishe of Exburne the sume of fower pence for every

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

401

hogshead of syder and one penny yearly for all other
apples groune upon his said masters tenement by
order of his said master, in full sattisfac and discharge
of all the tithe of the said apples soe made into syder
and of all his other apples groune upon his said
tenement as aforesaid.

(to 5th). . . . saith he hath heard ... etc. . . . that there

hath been a custume in the parishe of Exhume
aforesaid that the inhabitants of the said parishe
have usually paid yearly unto the Rector and pro-

penny called a hearth penny,
(to 6th). . . . saith that he doth know the messuage and

tenement wherein the Complt Abraham Franke
dwells, called Burskin within the parishe of Exburne,
and sayth that hee hath not known any tithes paid
in kinde for the said tenemt. or any sume or sumes
of money in lieu thereof but saith that for about fifty
years last past there was Is. 8d. yearly paid in lieu of
the tithe hay groun upon the Barton of Court scituate
in the parishe aforesaid to the owners and proprietors
of the tithes of the parishe aforesaid by him this
deponent for his said master Mr. John Westlake,
being then owner of the said Barton of Court.

Thomas Tucker of Exburne in the county of Devon, Black-
smith aged 55 years . . . produced on the parte and behalfe
of the Complts . . .

(to 1st). . . . saith that he knoweth all the Complts in the

interrogatory named and that they are owners and
possessors of severall messuages lands and tenemts
in the parish aforesaid, and that hee hath knowne
them for severall years last past.

(to 6th). . . . that hee doth know the messuages and tene-
ments in the Interr. menconed called Burskin where-
in the Complt. Abraham Franke dwells, and that
twelve yeares since or thereabouts the deponent
being shoeing of a colt in the presents of Mr. Thomas
Finney the defendant's father who was then Rector
. . . and demanding six pence in beere as a thing
usually paid at the shoeing of a colt the said Mr.
Thomas Finney asked the deponent whither that
were his custome or whither hee had a custome for
that and withall said that Burskin meadow (being
parte of the aforesaid Tenemt called Burskin) was
worth ten pounds per annum, and that hee had but
six pence out of the same.

VOL. XLIV. 2 C

parishe aforesaid one

402 TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOUBNE IN

Thomazin Frost wife of Nicholas Frost of Exburne, . . .
yeoman, aged 40 years.

(To 1). ... doth know . . . and hath known for severall
years past ... all the complts, and that they are
owners and possessors of severall messuages lands
and tenements in the parish of Exburne.

(to 3rd). . . . hath heard and doth believe that there hath
been for severall years last past, a custome within the
parishe of Exburne that the inhabitants of the sd
parishe have paid to the Rector- or proprietor of the
tithes of the same parishe or his farmer, for and in
lieu of tithes in kinde of and for there apples groune
upon there respective tenemts within the pshe
and titheable places aforesaid and by them made
into Syder, the yearly sume of fower pence for every
hogshead of Syder, and soe after that rate for a
greater or lesser quantity, in full discharge of all
tithes of the said apples soe made into Syder, and
the reason, to this Deponent's beliefe is for that her
husband's landlord called Moses Brocke did in the
Deponents presents pay unto the deft. Samuell
Finney, being owner and proprietor of the tithe of
the sd parishe of Exburne, for and in respect of Moses
Brockes tenemt. the sume of 6d. for and in lieu of
the tithes of one hogshead and halfe of Syder and
that the sd Moses Brocke informed this Deponent
and her husband that it had been the custome of the
sd parishe for 40 yeares then last past.

and this deponent further saith, that after the death
of the sd Moses Brocke (who died about 5 yeares
since) this deponents husband hath enjoyed the sd
tenement called Moses Brock's tenemt under ceriaine
Annuityes yssueing out of the same by virtue of
agrt made by the sd Moses Brocke during the life
of Mr. John Lethebridge as she believes.
And further this deponent saith that her said husband
being poor and unable to vindicate his right in the
defence of a law suite wherewith he was threatened
by the deft Samuell Finney Clerke, did promise to
pay unto him the sd defendt 42 s. per annum for and
in lieu of all tithes for Moses Brooke's tenemt. and
hath already paid 21 s. in parte thereof.

(to 6th) . . . saith that her sd husband hath usually paid
unto the defendt Samuel Finney, some smale sume
of money which she believes five pence, in Hew of full
satisfaccone of the tithe hay of the tenemt. called
Moses Brooke's tenmt.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

403

William Hole of Exburne in the Co. of Devon husband-
man, aged 50 produced on behalf of Complt. saith : —

(to 1st) . . . knoweth all the Complts . . . etc and that they
are owners and possessors of all the tents named etc.

(to 6th) .... doth know the mess. & tenmts. called Burskin
wherein the Complt Abraham Franke dwells . . .
in the parishe of Exburne & that he . . .

Here the record comes to an abrupt conclusion, the
remainder being lost.

From the evidence that is here given, several points
emerge that are of considerable interest to the student.

In the first place, the form of the interrogatories and
of the evidence clearly indicates the " customary " nature
of tithe. The evidence is simply as to " the customs and
usages from the time whereof the memory of man is not
to the contrary " — which here settle the " modus." As
we know from Sir 'Henry Maine's Early Law and Custom,
from Mr. Seebohm's English Village Community, from Mr.
Horace Round's Feudal England, and from the works of
the late Bishop Stubbs (the father of modern research into
ancient British History), Professor Freeman, Professor
Maitland, and the other eminent writers of the modern
historical school, it has been on such evidence and by a
similar procedure that all our chief local institutions have
come down to us from the early village community, and the
ancient tribal systems, common in many respects alike to
our Celtic and our Teutonic* ancestors. The boundaries
and customs of townships, of manors, of parishes, and of
counties — fishing rights, stannary and other mining cus-
toms, rights of way and of light and air, tolls and chief-
rents of manors and of boroughs — these and many other
incidents of our modern civilization have been handed
down to us by custom.

One of the ablest and most scholarly of living writers
on these subjects, Mr. Horace Round, has well observed,
in his Feudal England, p. 539, that

" The central idea of that great advance which the present
generation has witnessed in the domain of history, has been
the rebuilding of the historical fabric on the relatively sure
foundation of original and contemporary authorities."

And the greatest of modern historians, the late Bishop

404 TITHE COMMUTATION IN EXBOUENE IN

Stubbs, in his preface to The Chronicle of Roger Hoveden,
said : —

" With the superficial student and the empiric politician,
it is too common to relegate the investigation of such changes
to the domain of archaeology. ... If such things are archaeology,
then archaeology is history/ '

Our Devonshire Association, during its half-century of
strenuous life, has done much to aid this " rebuilding of
the historical fabric " for the West of England, by the
labours of such archaeologists as Bowring, Brooking-Rowe,
Worth, Reichel, Whale, Chanter, and many others whose
names will endure.

The " hearth-penny " mentioned in these proceedings
as the tithe for the wood consumed in each one of the
tenements of the parish, was the name given to one of the
customary services of the Kote-setlan (cottier or border)
in the tenth century, as set forth in the Rectitudines
Singularum Personarum, quoted by Seebohm (English
Village Community, page 129) : —

" Det super heorth-penig in Sancto die Jo vis, sicut omnis
liber facere debet."

This payment of the old British cottier (the British or
Saxon bordarius of Domesday) was customarily made on
Holy Thursday — and it appears from the same record
that his " Church-scot " was payable on the Feast of St.
Martin, 11 November (det suum cyricseatum in festo
Sancti Martini).

From the evidence here given it is evident that in
Devonshire in the time of Charles II, and even earlier,
the tithe on several titheable products — hay, apples for
" whording " (hoarding), cider, garden produce, firewood,
and so forth — had been commuted for small money pay-
ments from the owners or occupiers of land. The tithe on
hay was apparently very fight — 6d. being the tithe on a>
large meadow called Burskin meadow, and Is. 8d. on the
" Barton of Court." These estates, now called Buskin
and Court Barton, owned in 1675 by the Rev. Abraham
Franke and Mr. John Westlake respectively, were shortly
afterwards bought by Mr. George Tattershall, of Exbourne
and of Pennycott Manor in Shobrook, mentioned in these
proceedings as a landowner in Exbourne — and they are

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

405

now the property of his descendant, Mr. John Arnold
Tattershall, of Hayes House, Exbourne. The tithe on
cider was evidently commuted at 4d. per hogshead ; and
on all the other apples gathered for " hoarding," only the
very light tithe of Id. on each tenement. In addition to
the " hearth-penny " for the firewood on each farm, there
was a " garden-penny " for the produce of each garden.

In the next place, we have in these depositions an
interesting confirmation of Hallam's statement that,
notwithstanding the abolition of episcopacy under Crom-
well and the Commonwealth, and the intrusion of large
numbers of Nonconforming ministers into many livings,
there was no interference with the ancient custom of tithe.
The fact that Mr. Thomas Finney, the Rector of Exbourne
during that period, was ejected as a Nonconformist on
St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662, may be taken to show that
he was largely in sympathy with the views of the Parlia-
mentary authorities — and his remark to the Exbourne
blacksmith (quoted by Thomas Tucker above) as to the
inadequacy of the sixpenny tithe on Buskin meadow as
compared with the sixpenny beer-money to the black-
smith on the shoeing of a colt, show his Puritan principles
did not lead him to abate his customary dues. Of course,
the incidence of the tithe was entirely altered by the Act
of 1836 — but it is interesting to note that the custom of
paying 6d. as " colt-ale " on the first shoeing of a colt,
besides the ordinary fee to the blacksmith, is still in full
force at the Exbourne smithy, and I believe at other
Devonshire forges.

It is also of interest to note that aD the personal names
mentioned in these proceedings, except perhaps Franke,
are still represented in the parish or its immediate
neighbourhood by the lineal descendants of those named
herein.

THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-
GILDS BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

BY MRS. FRANCES ROSE-TROUP.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Without entering into the origin and history of gilds,
in general, or the various opinions held upon these points,
we may do well to collect such information as we can
towards a history of the local associations, Confraternities,,
Brotherhoods, Gilds, Companies, Corporations, or what-
ever they may be styled.

This subject was touched upon at the meeting of the
Devonshire Association in this city forty years ago, when
Sir John Bowring, in his " Ancient Exeter and its Trade,"
referred to some of the Companies, and Mr. W. Cotton,
in " Some Account of the Ancient Gilds of the City of
Exeter," dwelt at considerable length upon the history
of the Merchant Adventurers, 1 and of the Tailors, with
some reference also to the other Companies.

But a great deal more information than was then used
is to be found among original documents of the City and
Cathedral Archives, as well as elsewhere, and some of
this I have collected and now offer to the Association
as a contribution towards the early history of the Exeter

That gilds existed throughout England at a very early
period is well known, but only four copies of ordinances of
the ancient brotherhoods which were written in Anglo-
Saxon have been discovered, and of these two are Devonian,
one of an Exeter, the other of a Woodbury Gild. The
former, preserved in the British Museum, 2 is usually

1 Afterwards printed with further material in An Elizabethan Guild
of Exeter.

2 Cotton MSS. Tit. B.V. Fol. 76.

Gilds.

THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS. 407

assigned to the early part of the eleventh century, and
may be translated in these words : — 1

" This assembly is associated in Exeter, for the love of God
and for our Soul's need, both in regard to our health in life
here and to the after days which we desire for ourselves by
God's doom. Now we have agreed that our meeting shall be
held thrice in the twelve months, first at St. Michael's Mass,
secondly at St. Mary's Mass after Midwinter and thirdly at
Allhallows Mass after Easter. And let each Gild-brother
have two vessels of malt and each 4 cniht ' one vessel and a jar
of honey : and let the mass-priest at each meeting sing two
Masses, one for our living friends, the other for the departed :
and let every brother of common condition sing two psalters
of psalms, 2 one for our living friends and one for the departed.
And at the death of a brother let each man say six masses or
six psalters of psalms and at a 4 southfaring ' let each man give
five pence. And at a house-burning, each man one penny.
And if any man neglect the day of the meeting, on the first
occasion he must provide three masses, for the second five, on
the third let no man excuse him unless it be that his neglect
arose from infirmity or his lord's need. And if any man fail to
pay his subscription on the proper day let him pay twofold.
And if any man of this brotherhood miscall another let him
make boot with thirty pence. Now we pray, for the love of
God, that every man hold this meeting in the right spirit, as
we have in the right spirit agreed upon it. May God help
us thereunto."

Such, then, was the agreement — charter we might
almost call it — of the earliest known gild in our city, for
religious observances and mutual aid. Although the
Gild of Woodbury cannot strictly be included as an Exeter
Gild, yet, because of its connection with the bishop and

1 For a transcript of the Anglo-Saxon text see Thorpe's Diplomaticum
Anglicum, p. 613, with a translation in parallel columns. Kemble gives
a translation in Saxons in England (i. 512) ; Coote, in Romans in Britain
(p. 408), gives a free rendering, which is by no means accurate. The
translation here given is based on Kemble with such variations as serve
to convey a clearer meaning, and which have been approved or suggested
by Prof. Skeat. The word Cniht has been left, as it is difficult to find an
English equivalent upon which all authorities are agreed. Suthfore,
Prof. Skeat points out, means "South faring" or a journey south. It
may well mean a pilgrimage to Rome. That is south enough. He
calls attention to the fact that everyone contributes to this five times as
much as to a house-burning. I am greatly indebted to Prof. Skeat for
his assistance in this translation.

* Prof. Skeat says : " A psalter of psalms meant the whole set of one
hundred and fifty, but was also used, as here, for the portion of psalms
usually said at once, just as we often have four or five together.'

Digitized by

408 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

canons, and for reasons hereafter given, it is inserted
here : —

" In the name of Christ and St. Peter the apostle, a guildship
is gathered at Woodbury land ; and the bishop Osbern and the
canons within St. Peter's monastery at Exeter have adopted
the same society in- fellowhip along with the other brethren.
They will now, as an acknowledgment, pay to the canons yearly,
for every hearth, one penny at Easter ; and also for every de-
parted guild-brother, for every hearth, one penny as soul-shot,
be it a man be it a woman, who belongs to the guildship.

" Brihtwi, Wilnoth, Ealdwine, Leofric, Brihtmaer, Alfric,
Eadmser, Edwine, Algar, Edwi, Wlword, Alword, Edwine,
Godwi, Osgod, Atheleoue, Brihtmaer, Godric.

" In Woodbury land there is also another guildship gathered
to Christ and St. Peter ; and they pay at Martinmas, from every
hearth, one penny to St. Peter's monastery, for the canons,
and also every soul-shot, for every hearth one penny. And
these are the names of the men : Kytel, Theodric, etc.

" From Cliston guildship, Isaac priest, ^Elmaer, Godric, etc.

" From Collaton guildship, Ordric pr., Aimer, Ailwine, etc.

" From Alwine's guildship at Woodbury, Alstan, Leawine,
Ailwine, etc.

" From Bridford guildship, Edwine, Wulfric, Ssewine, etc.
" From Clistwick, Walter pr., Eadmser, Leowine, etc.
" From the guildship at Lege, Ailwi pr., Tyrri pr., William,
etc.

" From Nutwell, Godric, Alwine, Edwine, etc.

" From Colyton, Alwine Tredda's son, Godric. Ailric, etc.

" From Sidmouth, Algar, Wulwine, etc.

" From 'Halsf ord, Ilberd pr., Edwine, Alwine, etc.

" From Whitston, Edzi, Godric, Edwine, etc.

" From Exmouth, Godgith, Esgar, Edrid, etc." 1

It will be observed that there was a gild in existence
which was joined by Bishop Osbern and the Canons of
St. Peter, and as Osbern was bishop from 1073 to 1102,
the date of this document can be assigned to the last
quarter of the eleventh century. We find that, a little
more than a century later, in 1205, the then bishop of
Exeter acquired from Abbot Jordan and the Convent
of Mont S. Michel the Church of St. Swithin, in Wood-
bury, with all its appurtenances, and bestowed it upon
the Vicars Choral. 2 It seems possible that there was
a close connection, therefore, between the early gild

1 Thorpe, p. 608.

2 Documents of France, p. 279 ; and Chapter Doc. No. 1129.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

409

of that place and the Vicars Choral. But there was
another brotherhood in Exeter whose early history
eludes us, but it is quite possible that it was the successor
of one of these early gilds, that is, the company known
as the Brothers and Sisters of the Kalender, who are
chiefly f amiliar to the students of Exeter history as having
given a name to the Great and Little Kalenderhaye.
The former of these became the site of the residences of
the Vicars Choral, and lay to the south of St. Mary Major's
Church, while the smaller enclosure was in St. Martin's
Lane. Very little has been written about the Kalenders
of Exeter. Oliver, in his Monasticon, 1 gives only a few
lines to the Fratres Calendarum, and adds but little
further information in his Lives of the Bishops. 2 Their
history remains to be written. 3

" From the first foundation of ecclesiastical revenues
under the Christian Emperors," writes Oliver, 4 "it was
customary for the bishops to provide and maintain an
hospital or almshouse, which was usually in the vicinity
of the principal church. Fronting the west end of our
Cathedral was a similar institution." 5

It may not be wide of the mark to guess that the brother-
hood first occupied the place in St. Martin's Lane, and
afterwards moved to more spacious quarters in the Great
Kalenderhaye. But when they were first established,
or when they were transferred from one place to the
other, is unknown. Even the origin of the name of Kalen-
ders has been shrouded in doubt, the usually accepted
derivation being that from the Kalends of the month,
at which time they are supposed to have held their chief
meeting. Possibly so, but to judge from evidence men-
tioned below, it is apparent that the name eventually
seemed appropriate to the lay mind because they com-

3 I must here acknowledge the kindness and courtesy of Miss Lega-
Weekes, who, on finding that I was at work upon this subject, relinquished
her purpose of writing upon it, and kindly placed some of her notes at
my disposal, but these I have not been able to use.

4 Bishops, 260.

5 Mr. Foweraker has shown me a cutting from the Exeter and
Plymouth Gazette of 4 October, 1861 (Oliver dates his dedication of the Lives
of the Bishops 7 August, 1860), by " W." on Fratres Calendarum, wherein
the contents of these pages, 260, 261, and 262, are given almost word for
word, with a certain amount of additional information. This article
reads very much like Oliver's contributions to the newspapers, but its
•authorship is unknown, I believe.

1 p. 401.
* p. 260.

410 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

memorated the departed in each month of the Calendar,
praying in the month of their decease for the souls of
those who died. Brentano, 1 writing of the early gilds,,
considers it probable that even before a.d. 858 the clergy-
formed themselves into societies bound by mutual agree-
ment, such as that of the Anglo-Saxon Gild of Exeter, to
pray for each other's salvation and to observe certain
rules. He quotes the Capitularies of Hincmar, containing
ordinances against the extravagances of priests at funeral
meals and at the feasts held after their own meetings >
especially those of the priests of a deanery (or diaconasia)
on the first of each month (i.e. the Kalends). No priest
was to get drunk then, nor was he to empty goblets to
the health of saints or of the souls of the departed ; nor
was he to force others to drink, nor get drunk himself to
please others. The priests were not to burst out into
indecent noise or roaring laughter ; they were not to
sing vain songs nor tell inane jokes ; nor were they to
allow scandalous performances of bears or female dancera
to be made before them, nor delight in other mummeries,
" because this was heathenish and forbidden by Canon
law." Nor were they on any occasion to provoke each
other or anyone else to passion or quarrels, and still less
to fighting and murder ; nor was the one provoked to
assail at once his provoker. On the contrary, the priesta
were to break their fasts with honesty and the fear of God ;
sacred legends and admonitions were to be read, and
hymns sung, and everyone was to retire early from the
feast.

It may have been in pursuance of such laudable in-
structions that the Gild of Kalenders arose, and that a
branch of them was established in Exeter. 2

1 English Gilds, lxxxviii.

2 There was a Gild of Kalenders at Bristol which continued to a
comparatively late period, but which, in its after years, developed into
a society for preserving ancient records (see Ricarfs Kalenders, by Lucy
Toulmin Smith, Camden Soc, 1872). Miss Smith quotes William of
Worcester as an authority for the statement that the Bristol Gild was.
founded about a.d. 700, and she describes it as "a brotherhood of the
clergy and laity, men and women, of Bristol, who in very early times
used to meet in the Church of Holy Trinity." Their ordinances, of which
I have obtained a copy through the kindness of Mr. J. S. Young, resemble
those of the Exeter Gild, but are more elaborate, and were compiled
in the early part of the thirteenth century. On the first Monday of each
month the Brethren were to assemble in the Church of All Saints to
sing Mass for the faithful dead in the Lord, and to pray for any infirm
members of the Fraternity. At the death of a member they attended his-

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

411

But this gild, like one of the same kind at Bristol,
consisted of both clergy and laity, men and women. 1
Their ordinances are recorded briefly in the Obit Book
of the Fraternity, still preserved in Exeter, of which a
free translation is here given : —

" Our Lord Jesus Christ is firmly and without doubt held by
the faithful to be the Creator of all creatures and therefore it is
fitting, most dear Brethren, that prayer be made to Him with
all devotion. With heart and soul spiritually let us serve Him ;
for He in the agony of the Cross, by tasting death, delivered us
from the power of the devil and on the third day, by rising,
having paid our sorrows, restored us to Paradise. Wherefore
then it is to be considered by the sons of the most holy Church
of God that they should deserve to have the friendship of so
great a Redeemer. For He Himself has said ' Ye are my
friends, if ye do whatsoever I command you/ Let us prepare
therefore to maintain this friendship and let us cogitate how we
may please Him who redeemed us by His most holy Body and
most precious Blood. Therefore the Brethren enrolled, for the
remedy of their souls and the health of all Christian people,
have founded this Fraternity in honour of the Lord and St.
Mary His mother and the Twelve Apostles.

" The order of this Fraternity is thus to be followed : at the
kalends throughout the year, at the place appointed, they
ought to assemble the vicars and if any one owes forfeit against
another let him do right and make agreement. And if any of
them through necessity can not come at the kalends let him
find another in his stead. Afterwards the vicars ought to enter
into the church and, the accustomed prayers having been said,
let the vicar proceed to the appointed place to pray for all the
faithful living and dead and especially for the Brothers and
Sisters by name. And the vicar whose office it shall be to

exequies, elaborate instructions being given for the ceremonies in different
cases. If between the Brothers and Sisters there arose discord, peace
was sought by arbitration ; but if the discordant ones refused to accept
the arbitration, they were expelled. When members of the confraternity
were ill and in poverty, they were supported by the society for a year,
or placed in a hospital. Fines were inflicted if a priest was absent from
Mass or a funeral, or on the first or second day of the month when the
deceased were prayed for ; if absent from ordinary services, they were
required to repeat several prayers and psalms. No member of the
confraternity should run about the church while Mass was being sung,
but let all stand in the chancel or kneel, so as to provoke the laity to do
the same by their example. None but those of honest conversation
and of good fame were to be admitted, and these were to take an oath
to uphold the interests of the Fraternity on the Evangels. If they failed
in their duty their names were to be deleted from the Kalender.

1 This is evident from the references to the " Brothers and Sisters
of the Kalender," and that some are styled " presbiters," distinguishing
them from lay-members.

412 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

commence the commendation of souls shall then chant mass
and after the Epistle two of the vicars shall sing the Gradale,
two and two verse by verse. And thus the said service should
be celebrated on the first Thursday in every month of the
year." 1

The earliest reference to the Kalenders which we have
found is in a document in the Dean and Chapter Archives
(No. 2078). Though undated, we know from the names of
the witnesses that it was written about 1200 ; many of
the same names occur in deed No. 1129, which is dated

By this deed they relinquish their rights in the chapels
of St. Peter the Less and of St. Paul. In compensation
they received an annual rent of eight shillings and
another of two shillings, and moreover were granted
the right to hold their " servitium kalende" in the chapel
of St. Mary Major. 2

The next reference is in a deed among the Municipal
Archives (No. DCLV), dated St. Matthias's Day, 38 Henry
III (24 February, 1253-4), whereby Walter Test granted to
Reginald le Fussere the moiety of a piece of land at the
back of St. Paul's Church, towards the east, rendering
by the hands of him and his successors to the Brothers
of the Kalender the moiety of fourpence, and to him and
his successors one penny. From this it would seem that
the whole portion of land had, at a previous date, been
charged with a rent of fourpence, payable to the Brothers. 3
Oliver mentions, both in his Monasticon (p. 401) and his
Bishops (p. 260) the seal of the Fraternity attached to a
deed of 1260, but this I have not been able to trace.
He describes it as a small oval, representing a tower with
a high spire flanked with two small turrets. Below the
tower is a cross. The legend is s fratrv d' kalend'
exonie.

We learn from a list of Concealed Lands that John,
Canon of Exeter, on St. Edmund's Day, 1271, gave to

1 I am deeply indebted to Mr. E. Salisbury, of the Public Record
Office, for elucidating the many difficulties of this page of the precious
Obit Book now in the custody of the Dean and Chapter of Exeter.

2 See R. L. Poole, Rep. on record of the Bishop and Dean and Chapter
of Exeter, p. 58.

8 Mr. D. T. B. Wood, of the Manuscript Room of the British Museum,
has called my attention to Add. Charter 27,523 — the will of John de
Douleys, 1267, in which he leaves a tenement by the East Gate to the
Brothers of the Kalender of Exeter.

1204.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

413

the Brothers and Sisters of the Kalenderhaye in Exeter
certain tenements, late of Alured his father, lying between
Smythen Street and Prustes Street, to maintain a chaplain
to pray for his soul and for the souls of Alured his father
and of his mother. 1

So far this is the latest deed in which we have found the
Brothers of the Kalender mentioned. But Leland, writing
in the early part of the sixteenth century, informs us that
Bishop Grandisson "turned an old almose of xij poore
men, and as many women, to whom nomination was
given ' fratres Calendarum,' to the use of the logging of
the Vicars Choral in the Cathedral Church of Excester." 2

Exactly what Grandisson did and when he did it we
cannot discover, as in all his wonderful registers there is
no reference to the Kalenders, but that the community
ceased to exist about this time is almost certain. Oliver
asserts, without quoting any authority, that when Gran-
disson enlarged and refounded the Hospital of St. John,
near Eastgate, he removed these brethren into that
establishment, intending to appropriate the site to the
purpose of a college for the Priest Vicars of the Cathedral,
who had hitherto resided in the smaller Kalenderhaye,
but it was reserved for his successor, Bishop Brantyngham,
to complete the residences for them, which were ready on
5 November, 1388. 3

If we are to accept these authorities it would appear
that the once important Confraternity of the Kalenders
had degenerated into an almshouse of poor men and women
at some date between 1271 and 1368, and was then com-
pletely lost, being absorbed into St. John's Hospital.
But is this a fact ? Future investigation may produce
positive proof of this theory which I now propound, i.e.
that Grandisson proposed to combine, and Brantyngham
concluded the arrangement, two existing fraternities,
which, to some extent, existed for kindred purposes.

1 Oliver, Bishops, p. 260, in a note mentions a deed of these tene-
ments, but gives no reference.

2 Leland's Itinerary (Toulmin Smith ed.), Part I, p. 236.

8 I have been unable to trace the early history of the Annivellors.
Oliver gives some notes on them on page 264 of his Bishops.
There was a college for them, with an entrance from Katherine Street
and another nearly opposite the north door of the Cathedral not far
from the Little Kalenderhaye. Bishop Grandisson mentions twenty-one
of these chantry priests on 26 November, 1337 (there were twenty
Kalenders mentioned in the early deed), and Bishop Lacy speaks of the
" Ordinatio Annivellorum " of the eighteen Chantries of the Cathedral.

414 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

The Kalenders — from a time to which the mind of man
runs not to the contrary — were in duty bound to pray
for the souls of their members and benefactors ; the Priest
Vicars had to assist at Masses for their benefactors, and
in some cases the same persons gave to the two companies
of orators, so that their services overlapped, as it were,
and it was deemed advisable to combine the two, the
college buildings of the Vicars Choral being erected upon
the site of the ancient home of the Kalenders. In support
of this suggestion I would call attention to two facts :

(1) that at the confiscation of Chantry property, in the
reign of Edward VI, certain lands were concealed from
the Commissioners. In Elizabeth's reign among those
reported as concealed belonging to the Vicars Choral
were the tenements given by John, Canon of Exeter,
in 1271, to the Brothers and Sisters of the Kalender ;

(2) that the prayers for the departed benefactors of the
Kalenders were, apparently, continued by the Vicars
Choral. This is a legitimate inference from the present
condition of their Obit Book, which contains not only
the Ordinances quoted, the order for receiving a Brother
or Sister and their Bidding Prayer, but also, under the
heading of each month, the names of their deceased mem-
bers and their benefactors. This volume passed into
the hands of the Vicars Choral, a#d was used by them
to record the " ordering " of the obits of their benefactors,
many of whose names are inserted at the end of the
monthly register of their predecessors, as if they had
placed them thus in order that they might the more readily
read the names consecutively. 1 Not only so, but in
one of the " Ordinations " the Vicars Choral refer to Con-
stance Serell, lately admitted as a sister, and they expressly
undertake that she and others named should participate
in " fraternitate Misse Kalendar" and all other Masses,
showing that in some way they were able to confer this
special privilege as late as 1438.

1 They also added a Kalendar of their own, the writing of which
may be assigned to the late fifteenth or sixteenth century. This volume
is full of interest, and I hope to obtain leave to transcribe and print
its contents. The frequent occurrence of Saxon names suggests that
the Kalenders counted many pre-Conquest benefactors among their
number, including " Aimer, pater Ste. Sativole." The latest entry by
the Kalenders which I have been able to trace appears to have been
added just after the list was written, and before the rubricated name of
the month was added, and is that of William Weston, Canon of Exeter,
who is mentioned in Grandisson's Registers as late as 1354. The name
■of Bishop Grandisson himself is added in a later hand.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

415

But as it has yet to be proved that the Kalenders were
merged into the Vicars Choral, it is as well not to consider
the later body the true successors of the Anglo-Saxon
Gild, and therefore to leave their history, for which much
material exists, for a future occasion.

Turning now to the Trade or Craft Gilds of Exeter, we
are faced with a difficulty in trying to place them according
to their " auncientie," to use Hoker's phrase. If we
follow the order of precedence given by him in one place,
we find a doubt cast upon the list by a statement made
by him elsewhere. As a matter of fact, the Exeter Municipal
Records are crowded with entries of the "incorporation "
of the several companies. They are seldom styled re-
incorporations, or renewals of incorporation. They occur
so frequently in regard to particular companies that one
is tempted to conclude that the authorities forced them
to obtain new grants of incorporation, either to show their
dependence on the civic authority, or to punish them for
a misdemeanour, or in order to fill the city coffers with the
fines. Seligman writes : — 1

" The towns often assumed the right to recognize the for-
mation of guilds, which was regarded as a perfectly legitimate
exercise of municipal power. But this authorization was in
general of no avail without an express charter from the
monarch. "

But in Exeter, on the contrary, the one Royal Charter
granted in pre-Reformation days was considered an
infringement of the city's rights, and was eventually so
recognized, and, what is more, there are indications
that the Exeter Gilds were associations of members of
the same or kindred trades banded together at their own
instance, and that they only sought incorporation as a
means of legalizing their possession of property, or for
establishing their control over other craftsmen who had
not joined their company. Hoker, in his History of
Exeter* heads his account of the companies thus : —

" The whole Citie according to their Artes and occupacions
be all reduced in to severall Companyes, every one of theym
haue their particular governors to directe them and governe
theym in their severall Artes w ch is a greate ease unto the Mayo r
of the Citie he being therby not troubled with their causses.
Of theise some be incorporate by the prince and some by the
mayo r of this Citie. ,,

1 Amer. Economic Asa., II, p. 65. 2 Fol. 4246.

416 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

This was written after the incorporation of the Merchant
Adventurers by letters patent of Queen Elizabeth. He
then proceeds to describe the Taylors' Company as the
first and most ancient. This, of course, may be corrects
as we know that the company existed prior to 1466,.
when Edward IV granted them letters patent, but the
actual date of their formation we do not know. From
Hoker's Common Place Book 1 we learn that as early
as 1458 there was a dispute as to the " auncientie " of
foundation, and consequent precedence, between the
Cordwayners and the Tuckers, which was wisely com-
promised by the Mayor's decision that the members of
the two companies should march in the Midsummer
procession hand in hand. 2

Cordwayners. Under the year 1387 Hoker enters : 3
"M d that this year the Cordewayners and Curryers
of this Citie were first incorporated," and again under
1481 he enters: 4 "M d this yere the Cordewayners of
this Citie were incorporated or reduced yn to one felowship
or company vnder the common seal of the Citie but
sithens [he was writing after the middle of the sixteenth
century] altred and newlye made accordinge to the statute
of the lord Chancellor and the Justices of England."
In his History of Exeter 5 he states that this new incor-
poration was due to some imperfection in their earlier
charter, which failed to comply with a statute of 19
Henry VII (1504-5), so that they were reincorporated
in 1572. The ordinances of the Gild are recorded on the
Mayor's Court Roll of 21 & 22 Edw. IV (1482), where
they style themselves Master and Wardens of " the crafte
of cordynerez, of the fraternyte of the blyssed Trinyte,"
and therein may be read their duties and the penalties
inflicted for neglect of them. 6

Their arms he gives as " Azure, a chevron or, between
three goats' heads argent attired." Their company was
known as the Fraternity of the Blessed Trinity. They
obtained the use of the Chapel of the Holy Trinity, which
belonged to, but stood a short distance from, the Church

1 Fol. 3126.

2 In the Chapter Act Book, under 1563, is a list of companies in their
order of precedence, viz. "Tuckers and Weavers; Bakers; Cappers;
Skynners ; Smyths." The Cordwayners are not mentioned.

8 Common Place Book, f. 290. 4 Ibid., fol. 321.

6 Fol. 425a.

« See English Gilds, 331.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

417

of St. Laurence. 1 This chapel they rented from the Dean
and Chapter, and here they held their services, having
their own chaplain, and, at the time of the confiscation,
possessing jewels and plate valued at £4 10s. 7d., and " two
lyttle bells hanging on ye south syde of ye sayd chappell." 2
The following inventory of their possessions at that
period is here copied from Chantry Certificate No. 15 : —

«• THE PARYSHE OF SAYNT LAWRENCE.
" The fraternyte called the Shomakers fraternyte.
" (Not contained in the book of tenths.)
" ffounded by the Shomakers of the Cytye of Exetor being
incorporate by the Mayre & comonaltie of the sayd Cytye who
have allways syns the first incorporacon of the sayd ffraternyte,
wythe the Issues of the Revenues of the landes belonging to
that their sayd ffraternyte ffounde A pryste.to praye for the
Brethern of the same ffraternyte & other the benefactors of the
same in A chapell called Trynyte Chapell being in distance from
the paryshe church of Saynt lavrence aforsayd . . . roddes or
theraboutes w ch Chapell thabovenamyd Shomakers do hyer of
the Dean & Chapiter of the Cathedrall church of Exeter for
that use & purpose.

The yerely value of al the landes'
& possessions belonging to the
sayd ffraternyte founded by
the Shomakers aforsayd
Wherof

r fforrent resolute yerelye going \
owt of the sayd landes to dyuers
Defalked -! & sondrye Parsons as by par- lxx s
ticular book therof more playn-
^lye apperyth
And so Remayn clere to the vse^
of. . . the now Incumbent there
paying to the Kings highnes lexix 8 iiij d
the x th whiche is not here re-
prysed

The value of ornaments Jewells
plate goodes.& Catalles belonging
or apperteyning to the sayd
ffraternyte

vi H xix 8 iiijd

y e Kouthe syde . _
!y e sayd Chappell.

The lands held by the Fraternity, the purposes for
which they were given, and the names of their occupants,

1 The ancient doorway, which opened into Musgrave's Alley, formerly
Trinity Lane, is, I am told, in the possession of Mr. Harry Hems.

2 See below.

VOL. XLIV. 2 D

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418 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

Sold to
If. Prediaux

are to be found in the list of the possessions of the Devon
Chantries, a translation of which is given below : —

Fraternity of the Cordtoayners.

/Agnes Hole, widow, holds within'

the manor of Hayes a close of -xxvj 8 viij d
land & renders annually
From this in rent resolute to the ) xS

Prebend of Hayes ]
The same Agnes holds of the same ^

another close of land and ren- > ix 8 iiij d
ders therefor p.a. J
John Bery holds in the parish of ^

S. Paul of the same ij stables J- vj s viij d
& renders )
Robert Bealde holds in the)
parish of S. Paul a garden & >ij 8
\ renders p.a. )

These premises were given to maintain a Chaplain in
perpetuity, celebrating in the Chapel of the Fraternity
called "the Trinitee Chapell."

Obit

John Riche holds a tenement"
with appurtenances called
Westcliffe & Palmers in Sour-
ton & renders therfor p.a.

John Blancheford & John &st-
lake hold a close of land in
Sourton cold " Colfyre Parke "
& renders therfor p.a.
From these in rent resolute to
the Lord of Sourton

xxij 8

vj 8 vnj

iij 8 iiij d

These premises were given for the maintenance of a
priest to celebrate in the chapel aforesaid, and to pray for
the souls of the said Fraternity.

Sum : lxxiij 8 iiij d
Walter Gaydon holds within the
parish of S. Mary Arches two
tenements with their appur- xviij 8
tenances which were given for beside what
the sustentation of an obit in Vis paid for

the Chapel of the Holy Trinity
aforesaid, that the donor of
the tenement aforesaid should
be prayed for on " the bedde
roll " and renders p.a.

rent to
the Chapter

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BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

419

And the annual rent of iiij 8 ix^
going out of a tenement in the
parish of S. David's now in the
tenure of John Brogan which I .... 8
was given for the sustentation m ^
of a cleric in the said chapel in
perpetuity

fThe parishioners of the same\
hold a house called " the I

With the exception of Walter Gaydon's tenement these
were all sold to Nicholas Prideaux, while his a little later
passed into the hands of the Wardens. 1

Tuckers. As the Tuckers disputed with the Cord-
wayners for precedence, it is as well to place them next,
although we have no record of them earlier than the year
of the dispute. Hoker (Common Place Book, f. 71) states
that the incorporation of the " We vers Tuckers and
Sheremen " was dated " yn November A xviij Edwardi
quarto 1480, and allowed under the hand and subscription
of Humfrey Browne, one of the Justyces of the Assyses y
August A Philippis & Maria quinto & sexto, 1556." 2

Mr. Cotton 3 quotes at some length from their minute
book, which begins 12 August, 1565, and also refers to a
letter preserved at the Guildhall, asking the Mayor and
Bailiffs to confirm certain ordinances, and to allow them
the use of the Chapel of the Assumption of Our Blessed
Lady for the election of their master and wardens, and
for other privileges, but this undated document and
another must be assigned to a post-Reformation date. 4

1 To show how different branches of trades were kept distinct,
Seligman (p. 72) quotes the difference between cordwayners and cobblers.
4t If any one has to do with old shoes he shall not meddle with (?) new
shoes among the old in deceit of the common people and to the scandal
of the trade."

2 A similar statement is to be found in his History, fol. 425, while in
fol. 4836 is an incomplete entry, " The Tookers were incorporated by
the mayer ano xiiij."

8 Trans. D.A., XII, p. 134.

4 The former Mr. Stuart Moore has dated 1602 (?) and the latter
1490 (?), both being doubtful. On examining the two documents
together, I found that they were the same verbatim et literatim, and not
only so, but in the very strokes of the letters, for the handwriting is
identical, as well as line for line, so they cannot be correctly assigned

Holy
Trinity

Church . . that was given Vxxd
for saying prayers upon the I
^ bedde roll and renders p.a. '

420 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

Mr. Elijah Chick has collected in pamphlet form a
good deal of information about this company, and gives
a full account of the Tuckers' Hall, which is still used as
a meeting-place for the company.

We find the following entry concerning their chapel in
Chantry Certificate No. 15 : —

" Parish of S. Mary Arches.
" A fraternity called y e Weuers & tuckers fraternitye.

" (Not conteyned in the book of tenths.)
" Founded by the Weuers & Tuckers of the Citie of Exeter
being incorporated by the Mayor and Comynalte of the sayd
Citie who have allways w* the issues & profyttes of the landes
belonging to that their sayd fraternyte of o r ladye, found a
pryste to praye for the Brethern of the sayd ffjraternyte and
other the benefactors of the same wHn the parishe churche of
Saynt Marye Arches aforsayd.

Yerelye value of all the landes^
& possessions belonging to the I u . d
sayd fraternyte ffounded byj v ^
the Weuers & Tuckers aforsaidj

!for rent resolute going owt of the]
sayd landes & possessyons to > xv 8 vj d
dyuerse and sundrye parsons )
And so Remayn clere to the"
use of . . . now Incumbent „
there the x th in this value not "
reprysed

The value of the Ornaments \ xl s viij d ouer
Jewells plate goodes &|&besydeone
Catalles belonging or apper- > lyttle bell
taynyng to the sayd frater- I waving by
nyte ) est . . .

There is no reference in the Book of Chantry Land to
any property belonging to them.

Their patron saint was Our Blessed Lady of the Assump-
tion*

Bakers. Although we have followed Hoker's lead so far
as to the " auncientie " of the companies,it would seem that

to dates one hundred and twelve years apart. Turning over a Chamber
Act Book while these documents were on the table before me, I came
upon an entry dated 1563 interpolated in exactly the same hand between
entries made at the same date by a hand which wrote most of the
entries at that period, so there is no reason to suppose that the twa
Tuckers' and Weavers' documents are of a much earlier date.

Digitized by

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

421

the bakers had some claim to be among the earliest com-
panies, on his own showing. Under 1428, in his Common
Place Book, 1 he writes : —

" M d that the M r and company of the bakers had made an
order emonge theym selfes that none of theym thensforthe
shold geve any advantage breade or l d vpon the dossen. And
also dyd refuse for certeyn days to bake any breade at all to
thende that the citesens shold yeld to theire order as also that
the mayer shold wekely geve them suche an assysse as they
shold lyke of. But the mayer beinge a very wyse man &
lerned yn the Lawes after that matter was well abated and
consydered dyd commite the M r and wardens and the cheffest
of the offenders to warde where they were kept and remayned
untyll they had revoked theire former decree and payed the
ffynes assessed upon theym."

On looking up his reference to the Mayor's Court Roll,
we find this confirmed by an account of the trial of one
Richard Woodward, who on the Sunday next after the
feast of Saint Dennis, 7 Henry VI, of malice aforethought
assembled a conventicle of many bakers of the " Arte de
Bakers crafte," and acted as is above said.

From this it is evident that the "Bakers crafte" had
formed itself into a company at a date prior to 1428,
but the record of their incorporation under the common
seal of the city in 1482 is usually taken as the date of the
establishment of this company. At that time their request
for incorporation and their ordinances were entered upon
the rolls of the Mayor's Court. 2 It should, however,
be mentioned that Hoker. who leaves a blank for their
date in his History* has on 4826 these entries : —

" The Bakers were incorporated 3 November, A 2 Ed. 4.
Rich. Druea,"

and Richard Druel is given as Mayor in 1463 in Oliver, all
of whose dates in this list must be taken with a year's
latitude, which would be 2-3 Ed. IV.

" The Bakers to be incorporated vnd r the como seale A 3°
H7V

that is, in 1487-8.
Skinners. Following Hoker's Common Place Book, we

1 Pol. 303. 2 See Toulmin Smith' ^English Oilds, p. 334. 3 Fol. 425a.

422 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

should place the Skinners next in order of seniority.
Under 1462 :—

" ij Ed. iiij to Hew Germyn Mayer. M d that this yere the
Skynners were first incorporated by the Mayor & common
counsell and the first master was named John Maeyr and the
wardens were John Hackworthie & Jaymes Jarvis. And then
it was ordered by the saide Master Wardens and companye
that no person being of that company shold sell or vtterany
wares perteyninge to that arte & mystere being a foryners
gooddes and not of the goodds of some freeman of that com-
pany vpon payne to pay for every offence xx s ."

In 1482 the charter of the Glovers and Skinners was re-
newed. In some entries the company is styled that of
" White tawers, glovers, Skynners, grey tawers, poynters,
and parchment makers," and again to these is added
" Furriers." On fol. 4826 of his History, Hoker notes : —

" The Skynners to have a corporaCon authorysed vnder the
Mayers seale payenge yerely the rent of iiij d 3 Augusti A° xxij
Ed 4 Roger Worthe mayor/'

that is in 1483.

Tailors. Hoker, in his History, 1 writing of the Cor-
porations, has, " The first and most ancient ar the Taylors,
who were incorporated by King Edward the fourthe."
Letters patent for this purpose were not issued until 17
November, 1466, but it is quite evident that they had
formed themselves into a company before that date ; in a
cloth -producing district like Exeter the tailors would
naturally have been an important body of men, likely to
have been associated together for their mutual benefit,
and Hoker would hardly have styled them the most
ancient company if this was really their earliest founda-
tion. When they took the unusual step of seeking a royal
charter, there can be little doubt that they were already
a power in the city, and one which, for some reason,
declined to accept a subordinate position under the civic
authorities. Even if there was no friction between the
tailors and the City Fathers before the charter was
granted, there certainly was soon after ; such friction
that matters were taken into the courts of law, with the
result that there is plenty of material for the history

1 FoL 424d*

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

423

of the conflict. Leadam, in dealing with this and another
case of the period, considers that the trouble was to a
large extent due to politics, one party siding with the
Yorkists and the other with the Lancastrians.

The Mayor and his brethren keenly resented the action
of the tailors in obtaining the King's charter, considering
its grant as an unwarrantable interference with the rights
and privileges of the city, which had heretofore incor-
porated different companies. • They therefore endeavoured
to force the tailors to relinquish their charter, and, failing
that, sought to induce the King to withdraw it. The
result was that the tailors came into open conflict with
the authorities, and tried to force all " non-union " tailors
to join their association, and to this end used very modern
methods of " peaceful picketing."

The royal charter, dated 17 November, 6 Ed. IV (1466),
authorized the tailors to establish a gild, elect officers,
wear a livery, hold feasts, make ordinances, be a body
corporate, and have a common seal. The Master and
Wardens were to have supervision of all tailors and others
of the gild — for other craftsmen joined their powerful
corporation 1 — and they might "with the consent of
the Mayor . . . amend all defaults found."

How soon after the charter was obtained action was
taken against the tailors is not known, but proceedings
were in progress before 1475, when John Attwyll had
his expenses in London paid in connection with the case. a
At the same date Hoker notes : — 3

" 15 Edw. IV. M d that this yere. there was a greate contro-
versye betwene the Mayor and Citesens of the one partie and
the companye of the Taylors of the other partie , for and con-
cernynge a new incorporacion w ch the saide company of Taylors
had procured from the kinge, whereof ensued greate trobles,
longe and chardgeble suetes."

As far as we can elucidate the story from a variety of
documents, the matter was brought to a head in this
wise ; or rather, this is the version given by the opponents
of the tailors. On 20 December, 1476, and at divers
other times, the tailors assembled of malice aforethought

1 It is possible that it was an inherited membership, whereby a
tailor's son became a member, though he exercised another trade.

2 Receiver's Account Book, 1415, Ed. IV, quoted in English Gilds,
p. 308.

3 Common Place Book, fol. 319.

424 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

and, after exclamations and proclamations, declared
that all tailors within the city having tables 1 or shops
must become members of their company, paying a certain
sum for their privileges, and that those who refused so
to do must leave the city. After this, armed with bows,
glaves, swords, and daggers, they went to the houses
of Thomas Davy and Richard Long, freemen of the city,
and of Robert Harris, apparently not a freeman, but
an inhabitant of the city. There they used such menaces,
even threatening to mutilate their limbs if they joined
not the Tailors' Company, that the victims went in fear
of their lives. On another occasion — Mr. Leadam makes it
Saturday, 29 April, 1475, but this is not quite certain —
they appeared at the houses of Davy and Long " in maner
of werre arrayed with force, that is to say, jakkes, doub-
lettes of defence, swerdes, Bokelers, Gleyves, and staves,
and other weapons defensible," and in riotous wise
assaulted Davy and " hym bete wounded and evill
entreted," so that he was in despair and jeopardy of
his life, and he dared not remain in the city. They
also threatened and evil-entreated Long. These non-
unionists were, in consequence of this terrorism, they
declared, driven from the city, which they left on
10 August.

But the story told by the Master and Wardens of the
craft was a different one. Under royal letters patent
it was their duty to see to the " governance, keeping
and regiment" of the Gild, and to correct and amend all
defaults of those of their company who exercised the
mystery of tailoring. But the Mayor and Bailiffs, in
spite of their charter, refused to let them in their corporate
capacity " plede or implede " defaulters in the courts of
the city. And it coming to the ears of the Master and
Wardens that Thomas Davy and Richard Long, who
" occupied the said mistere were not of connyng nor able "
to use it, and even did misuse it, to the great hurt of the
King's liege peoples, they, by right of their letters patent,
paid them a domiciliary visit in peaceable wise, to see
in what manner they exercised the mystery, and on the
King's behalf urged them to use it truly. Whereupon,
at the instance of Davy and Long, the Mayor and Bailiffs
appeared on the scene with a multitude, and in riotous
wise assaulted the Master and Wardens, so that they were

1 Mensa stable for displaying goods.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

425

in great fear of their lives, and because of the malice
evinced they dared not remain in the city.

The Mayor and Bailiffs insisted that they alone had
the right of scrutiny and correction within the city,
even in the fees of the Bishop and the Dean and Chapter,
and that any contravention of their privileges, even by
letters patent, was contrary to the customs, liberties,
and usages of the city. They even proceeded to dis-
franchise several of the tailors, and issued an order that
"non inhabitant shall, from hensforth, make no garne-
ments w* ony taylor underneth writen and disfranchised,
ne wyth no noder of there opinion uppon payne for the
fyrste gylte xl d and for the second gylt vi 8 viij d and the
iij gylte to lese his tranches." Moreover, certain tailors,
members of the city council, were refused their Christmas
gifts of wine and canon bread. As Hoker puts it, sundry
of the Common Council, men of good wealth and coun-
tenance, " standinge upon their reputation and myndyng
not to take the foyle," maintained their cause ; some
tailors were disfranchised, some had their shop windows
shut down, and some were excluded from the Common
Council. The matter lingered in the courts, but after
two years of litigation the King, on 6 February, 1476-7,
gave his award, which, briefly stated, allowed the Master
and Wardens to be chosen only from among the members
of the tailors' craft, that they were to make no order
prejudicial to the liberties of the Bishop, the Church,
or the Mayor and city, they were to "have jurisdiction
in the city only, to reform faults of their own mystery,
while no tailor was to be admitted to the freedom of the
city unless the Master and Wardens testified that he was
fit. This award appears to have been read out at a gather-
ing in the Cathedral by the King's Commissioners, after
which ceremony the Mayor and Common Council held
a wine-party at Matthew Chubb 's house to celebrate
their victory. But they were called upon by the King
to show their magnanimity by agreeing to reinstate
the " discomened " and disfranchised tailors.

In spite of all this troubles did not cease. The tailors
evidently carried out all the privileges left to them under
their charter in a manner not calculated to make peace,
while the Mayor and his party sought to undermine the
authority of the Tailors' Company and to draw away
their followers. To this end they persuaded certain

426 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

tailors, in order to retain their franchises, to renounce
the charter, purchased by the tailors contrary to the
liberties of the city, and the use of it, by their oath made
upon the crucifix and the Holy Evangelists. Among
these renegades was "one John Tregasco," who thus
renounced his oath as a member of the Fraternity. In
consequence he was sued for perjury by the Master and
Wardens, but by the persuasions of " some gentyl-men
and money," he was readmitted and resworn, but on his
refusal to attend dirges, Masses, and other duties according
to his oath without reasonable excuse, the Master and
Wardens " fett him oute of his house, and broft him to
Tayleor Hall and there put hym in a pere of stockys :
and kepte hym by the space of a day and a nyghte,"
releasing him only on his finding sureties for £20 that he
would be of good bearing from 17 October, 1481,
thenceforth.

At last matters reached such a pitch that the city
authorities petitioned Parliament that the tailors' charter
should be annulled, which petition was the source of con-
siderable expense to the city. In it, after reciting their
privileges and the disturbances caused by the tailors'
charter, they requested that the letters patent, and every-
thing pertaining to the same, as well as the Gild and
Fraternity, should be "irrite, erased, annulled, voide,
and of noo force nor effect." This was passed, and the
King endorsed it, " Soit fait comme il est desire," and the
dispute at last was ended. 1

Among the documents relating to the Tailors' Gild which
are now preserved at the Guildhall are many of deep interest,
but from these only brief selections can be made. To
show how large a portion of their thoughts was occupied
by the religious side of the Gild, it may be noted that on
20 Septembor, 1479, while the dispute mentioned was still
at its height, new ordinances were made, calling upon
the members to contribute toward finding a priest. Many
pledged themselves to pay sums ranging from 6s. 8d. down
to 3s. 4d., for seven years, while it was agreed that the
Master was to " ffynde the preste ys tabell" ! 2

1 The balance of the sum allowed for expenses in connection with
the petition to Parliament, amounting to 8s. 2d., " was given by the
grace of the city to the Gild of Corpus Christi, to lighten their charges
this year" (English Gilds, 308). I have not been able to trace this Gild.
It may have been a religious or charitable gild, or one which superin-

tended the annual pageants.

* English Gilds, 324.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

427

As early as 1472 they had already proposed to have a
priest of their own, as in the will of Richard Geffrey,
dated 6 April, 1472, 1 a tenement outside the Eastgate,
which had been given and enfeoffed to the testator's
wife, with remainder to the brothers of the Fraternity of
Tailors, was bequeathed to that Fraternity for establishing
a chaplain to pray for the benefactors of the Fraternity.

While on 20 June, 1480, Richaurd Renell, who had
already contributed 6 s 8 d to the above, gave a house and
chamber in the tower of the Eastgate to the Fraternity >
if they would write the names of her relatives and others
on their special table of good doers to be prayed for ;
one priest to pray by name three days every week for
the good estate and prosperity of Master Good and her-
self during their life, and for their souls after death. 2
Their Bidding Prayer, which was to be read on the four
quarter days, included the Brothers and Sisters of the
Fraternity, Edward IV, " furst sovereign of this Gild &
Fraternity, the Queen, the Prince, & all the King's
progeny, the Lords of the Council, the soul of Dame
Elizabeth Courtenay, and for her progeny, for the souls-
of Richard Orenge, first Master of the Fraternity, of Rich.
Geffrey & John Hamlyn, Walter Genys & Thomas Rowse."

The documents relating to the Gild passed into private
hands about the middle of the nineteenth century, and
afterwards came into the custody of the city, while their
seal was bought by Mr. Walrond shortly before 1854.
This is described as the silver matrix of the Fraternity of
Tailors at Exeter, of circular form and elaborate work-
manship. It represents St. John the Baptist clad in
camel's skin, and holding the Agnus Dei. The figure is
placed in a quatrefoil panel with an escutcheon at each
side, each charged with a pair of shears. The legend
is " Sigillum comune fraternitatis sissorum ciuitas exonie."
The handle is attached by a hinge so as to fall flat on the
reverse of the seal, which is of circular form. 3

1 See Mayor's Court Roll, 16 and 17 Ed. IV.

* I have not been able to discover where this chaplain celebrated Mass.

8 Archaeological Journal, XI, p. 182. In the list of goods given to
the Gild, quoted by Toulmin Smith, is the entry, " Cristoffer Cressch
hafe y* cloth over y* hye bench paynted." One of the earliest entries
in the oldest book of the Gild is dated 2 October, 1478, when Cristoffer
Cressha, executor of the testament of Robert Cressha (who had joined
the Gild in January , 1477-8) gave half the "hole cloth painted on the hye
benche in recompense of his brother his dewtes and allsoe the sayde>
Cristof , promised to be a Brother."

428 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS

Beside the Companies already mentioned, only two
more can be traced as established prior to the Reformation,
i.e. the Barber-Surgeons, first incorporated under the
Common Seal of the city, according to Hoker, 1 in 1487,
and the Cappers, who under 1493, Hoker states, were
granted to be incorporated in the previous year, and were
in the beginning of this year fully incorporated. Else-
where they are styled "Cappers, Haberdashers, and
Eeltmakers."

Such, then, were the Companies existing up to the
Reformation, whose priests, chantries, bederolls, and
other "superstitious uses," with the property given
to support them, were swept away by Edward VI. But
-almost immediately, i.e. in Queen Mary's reign, a charter
was obtained for the Company of Merchant Adventurers,
whose history, as we have said, has been written by the
late Mr. Cotton. 2

For the rest we have found no record of incorporation of
other. Companies prior to Elizabeth's reign, though in all
probability some of these existed in earlier days. We can
only add the names of the later Companies, with their date
of incorporation : Smiths and Cutlers, 1560 ; Coopers and
Hellyers, 1566; Butchers, 1566; Brewers, 1578; Car-
penters and Masons, 1586 ; Glaziers, 1602.

Reference has been made to a dispute as to precedence
in 1458, on the occasion of the annual Midsummer Eve
Procession or Watch, as it has been called. This custom
of the Midsummer Watch had come down from a very
oarly date, and the assembly at it served several purposes,
as it mustered all the able-bodied men, gave the authorities
the opportunity of inspecting the condition of their armour,
for any defects in which fines were inflicted, and also gave
occasion for display and junketing to the delight of all
citizens.

The custom, shorn of much of its glory it is true, con-
tinued to a comparatively late date, but after Elizabeth's
charter to the Merchant Adventurers, in reward for the

1 Common Place Book, fol. 323d.

2 A curious statement concerning this Company escaped his notice,
which Lambert gives in his Two Thousand Years of Gild Life. He quotes
from Anderson a document relating to the Company of Merchant Ad-
venturers of London, which was called upon in 1661 to defend itself
in Parliament against the merchants of Exeter. " Exeter had once one
of the most considerable courts [of Merchant Adventurers] in it, though
there be only one member there " (see p. 153). Hoker states that a
-charter was obtained in Mary's reign.

BEFORE THE REFORMATION.

429

citizens' faithful service in the siege of Exeter in 1549, the
celebration may have been combined with the anniversary
services held on 6 August — the day on which the siege
was raised — and this continued down to the middle of the
nineteenth century. On that day the Mayor and Cor-
porate Trades marched in procession to hear a sermon in
the Cathedral. 1

But the display of earlier days must have been
sumptuous. It would be difficult for us now to imagine
the scene on St. John's Eve, when the narrow streets
of the city would have been full of bustle and confusion
before the Companies fell into line in the procession.
First came the City Waits, perhaps members of some
Minstrel Gild, then followed the Mayor, accompanied
by the Aldermen and Common Council in their robes
and armour, with the sergeants-at-mace and other officers,
all mounted on horseback, and bearing the emblems of
office — maces, cap of maintenance and sword — for if the
Mayor chose to go on horseback the other members of
the municipal body had to do the same, and the Sheriff
would probably have a henchman behind him and the
important officers their menial attendants. Then came
the members of the various Companies, clad in their
harness and liveries, arranged in groups according to their
" auncientie," and distinguished by their devices, i.e.
statues as large as life, finely painted and gilt, representing
their tutelar saint — among whom we would have seen
St. Mary, St. John the Baptist, St. Clement, and the
emblems of the Trinity, of the Blessed Virgin of the
Assumption, and of All Saints.

Nor was the scene lacking in illuminations, probably — as
at Canterbury — the Mayor provided two cressets or six
or more torches at his pleasure, each alderman two cressets,
and each councillor and constable and the town clerk one
cresset. Beside each image would be four large tapers
decorated with flowers of wax, shields and parchment
streamers, called " pencils," borne by men hired for the
purpose, and every member of the Gilds carried his own
lighted taper.

Thus arranged they proceeded to go round the city
walls, to see whether any repairs were required, and then
marched slowly through the streets, while their wives-

1 Jenkins' Exeter, p. 118, note.

430 THE KALENDERS AND THE EXETER TRADE-GILDS .

and sweethearts looked down from the overhanging
windows. Each individual of each Company endeavoured
to outshine his neighbour in the brilliance of his accoutre-
ments and the sumptuousness of his apparel.

After the parade followed a banquet. Perhaps all
assembled together at the Guildhall, or they may have
gone each to the hall of his own Company ; but if all
united at one feast they may have rivalled their Bristol
brethren, who are reported to have consumed on one
such occasion ninety-four gallons of wine.

Nor were their religious duties forgotten. Masses for
the souls of the departed, whose names were enumerated
in their Bidding Prayer, would have been offered in each
Company's special chapel, which would have been a blaze
of light with a multitude of tapers kept burning through-
out the night.

And in such manner on Midsummer's Eve would the
Companies have displayed their readiness to defend their
city, their hospitality, and their charity towards their
neighbours, while they also called to mind their bene-
factors in the way in which they themselves desired to be
remembered.

I have to acknowledge with grateful thanks the assistance
rendered by the Rev. E. T. Foweraker, Librarian of the
Cathedral, Mr. Lloyd -Parry, Town Clerk, Mr. Tapley
Soper, and Mr. Bowers. My work would have indeed
been inefficient if I had not had such ready access to
documents in the custody of these gentlemen, as well as
the assistance of Mr. Gay and Mr. Chick.

CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE
IN IRELAND.

1654-6.

BY THE REV. JOHN B. PEARSON, D.D.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

The late Mr. William Cotton, f.s.a., was an early member
of the Devonshire Association, having been elected in
1866. In 1888 he published in Notes and Gleanings, a
magazine for Devon and Cornwall, some account of the
dealings of the Corporation of Exeter in reference to an
estate awarded to them in 1654 in compensation for
moneys advanced by them and others on the outbreak
in Ireland in October, 1641. I hope I shall not be thought
a plagiarist if I give in some detail an account of this
estate, prefaced by a short abstract of the information
derived by Mr. Cotton from the archives at Exeter.

Notes and Gleanings, pp. 5-7. By a certificate dated
Guildhall, London, 25 April, 1646, the Commonwealth
admits itself to be indebted to the citizens of Exeter
and others for £15,728 10s., and by a deed enrolled in
Chancery of 21 March, 1654, 4185 acres of meadow,
arable land and profitable pasture, English measure,
are awarded to the said citizens, as Adventurers, in satis-
faction, not in any sense for the whole debt, but for the
amount of £1883 6s. 8d.

N. and (?., p. 25. An agreement is given at length
between one Abraham Boon, of Coundon, Warwickshire,
and the citizens of Exeter, giving terms on which Boon
is to survey the land as awarded.

After three more articles, pp. 42, 55, 92, Mr. Cotton
gives at p. 112 an account of the estate as surveyed by
Boon with the approval of the Commissioners sitting at
Clonmel, about twelve miles distant. As this is the estate

432 CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE IN IRELAND.

of which I propose to give an account, I transcribe it
here.

7 September, 1655. "This day, God willing, your lot
for Exeter will be set out, which contains : —

" Mortall's town and castell, Kilbred, Coliah, St. John's
town and castell, Peppardstown, Bally higgen, Lismanan,
Kilkenny-beg (in those times much destroyed). The
plott is past expectation, and such a one that the city
I am confident will give you thanks for it."

By a deed of 19 March, 1655-6, the city sold the estate
to Colonel Hierome Sankey, with two others, for £1500,
payable 20 March, 1659. Mr. Cotton concludes his last
article with the list of subscribers to the original loan,
in which the City of Exeter figures for £9890 10s., Borough
of Dartmouth, £2397 15s., Charles Vaughan of Devon,
£1000. Who was he ? John Rolle and Sir John North-
cott, each £450. Sir John Poole, of Shute, £103. The
names of Acland or Courtenay are not in the list ; perhaps
they were Home Rulers, and there is no sign that the
Bishop or Chapter contributed anything. Very likely
in 1642 there was more hard cash in the city than in the
county at large ; but the reverses of 1643, and again of
1646, must have affected their finances severely, and in
1656 £1500 in ready money may well have been more
serviceable than a distant estate, however otherwise
eligible, which they would have had to improve and
develop, even if their agents " escaped the wrath of an
infuriated peasantry," a contingency Mr. Cotton thinks
not improbable.

I had hoped last summer, and again this year, to be
able to cross over to Ireland, via Bristol and Fishguard,
and inspect the estate, easily verified from various statis-
tical sources within my reach, especially as I have friends
in the South of Ireland, one of whom has given much
attention to Irish history ; but for various reasons I have
found myself unable to go so far : age, among other things,
makes travelling irksome. Still, I think I have a right to
speak on this question. In 1852 and in 1860 I travelled
long distances one year in the South, the other in the
North of Ireland, and in 1886 and 1894 I saw a good deal
of the district of which Clonmel may be called the centre.
So, with your permission, I will give a somewhat more
extended account than Mr. Cotton has done how the idea

CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE IN IRELAND. 433

of this land compensation came about, and then state
exactly what the City of Exeter received. We must
remember that from 1641 to 1649 Ireland, with the ex-
ception of Dublin and the best parts of Ulster, was in
the hands of the Catholics, under the control of a Papal
legate, Rinuccini, Bishop of Fermo near Ancona, a *
thorough Italian but a man quite incompetent to adapt
himself to the times. In September, 1649, Cromwell began
the recovery of the island by the siege of Drogheda,
and by 1651 the country was entirely in his hands. Fleet-
wood, and after him Henry Cromwell, both men of tact
and power, took the situation in hand and, under in-
structions from the authorities in London, entered on
a policy which will be thought inhuman or unavoidable,
according to the views which my hearers entertain on
those times. A transatlantic saying, " The spoils to the
victors," seems to represent the principle which actuated
the Council of State at Westminster and their repre-
sentatives in Dublin. We can easily understand that
sound land in Ireland would seem to the Protestant
English a desirable acquisition, apart from the moral
considerations involved in the affair. On this side of the
matter I owe much to the Life of Sir William Petty \
published by Lord Fitzmaurice in 1895. Sir William, the
direct ancestor of the Marquis of Lansdowne, was a
medical practitioner in London during the Civil War,
who, after holding for a short time the Professorship
of Anatomy at Oxford, was selected by Fleetwood, then
Lord Deputy, to survey the lands in Ireland available
for the remuneration of the army and other creditors of
the State. It was a method of payment in kind which
had already presented itself to the angry minds of the
English Parliament. By an Act of 1642, one of the last
that received the assent of Charles I, 2,500,000 acres
in the sister island were declared forfeited for the benefit
of those who devoted their energies to its recovery, one-
eighth of its entire area, as nearly as may be. In 1654,
after the pacification of the country, it was estimated
that £1,500,000 were due to the soldiers who had served
under Cromwell and Fairfax, £360,000 to the old regiments
serving in Ireland who adhered to the cause of the Parlia-
ment, and beyond these debts much was due to the sub-
scribers to the original loans ; among others, the City of
Exeter. The estate awarded to the city in which we
VOL. xliv. 2 E

434 CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE IN IRELAND.

are assembled is the subject of my memoir. I have
already given its description, as taken from the Com-
missioners' award, 21 March, 1656, a description which
may serve as evidence of the continuity of well-organized
life; for the Grocers' Company, in whose hall the Land
Commissioners sat, have an annual income of £38,000,
while I have found without difficulty the names of the
town lands awarded by them in the census returns of
1861 and 1911.

Now as to the actual situation of the estate of which
the citizens of Exeter so promptly divested themselves.
Some of my hearers may be aware that the ancient
division of England into counties, hundreds, parishes,
and manors, is represented in Ireland by counties, baronies,
parishes, and townlands, the last being a subdivision vary-
ing, roughly speaking, from 100 to 1000 acres, some, how-
ever, much smaller ; their origin is certainly old but , I think,
unknown. I have noticed above that Clonmel, on the
River Suir, is the chief town in that district, the Suir
dividing Tipperary from the county of Waterford. North
of the Suir lies the barony of Iffa and Offa, many miles
in length from east to west, but hardly ten miles broad ;
and north of this is the barony of Middlethird, in which
the Exonians found an indemnity for the loan they had
advanced fifteen years previously. I am pleased to be
able to exhibit the map of this barony, as drafted by Sir
William Petty and his surveyors in 1654, and with it the
six and one-inch maps of the locality from the Ordnance
Survey. The estate lies north-east from the town of
Fethard, which is twelve miles due north from Clonmel.
I presume a tidy place, for a service gentleman, R.A.,
now living in my vicinity, informed me that he had been
quartered there with his battery, and that he resided
with the rector, who had a comfortable house. A few
years ago I might have visited the estate, but my sight
is too feeble for me to enjoy or appreciate a landscape,
and I fear that the corn and potato lands of fifty years
ago are now laid down for the most part in grass, to my
mind a regrettable, though, economics considered, perhaps
an unavoidable change, for I much prefer men, women,
and children to a mere ranch.

The estate is thus set out by townlands in the census
returns for 1861, supplemented by those for 1911. The
enumeration in 1861 is given under the names of the

CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE IN IRELAND. 435

ancient parishes : in 1911, by the electoral divisions, a
new method introduced with the new Poor Law, about
1840, for the election of guardians. It has now super-
seded the older divisions for administrative purposes.

Townland.

Area.

PopuTartion.

1841.

1861.

1911.

Mortlestown and Castle

754

155

Kilbreedy ....

174

Coliah (Cooleagh)

221

100

St. John's Town and Castell

818

352

182

Peppardstown .

201

Ballyhiggen (Higginstown) .

294

Iismanan ....

463

208

Kilkenny-beg

898

301

102

Add. Coolmore .

474

4302

1276

623

280

I have included the townland of Coolmore, though not
enumerated in the letter of September, 1655, because it
was the residence of Sir Hierome Sankey's family from
the time of his purchasing the Exeter estate in 1656
till towards the end of the last century. In Burke's
Landed Gentry for 1877 I find their pedigree set out at
length, though I am informed that they have now parted
with the estate ; on what grounds I do not know. In
1659 Sir Hierome sat in the Commons at Westminster,
and is returned as Sir Jerome Sankey, for the united
counties of Tipperary and Waterford. The form Hierome
seems borrowed by his godparents from the Sixth Article
of the Church of England.

As I have already observed, the survey of the counties
in which the lands were to be allotted, always called in
history the Down Survey, was carried out by Sir William
Petty in about thirteen months, employing soldiers from
the regular army. The results were recorded in manuscript
books, and from them maps of the baronies in the several
counties were constructed. The books have been pre-
served in the Record Office at Dublin, though partially
destroyed in a fire in 1711. Of the maps there are copies,
perhaps more or less imperfect, in Dublin, and in Lord
Ashburnham's collection, but the most authentic collection
is that in the National Library at Paris. It was on its

Digitized by

436 CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE IN IRELAND.

way from Dublin to England in 1710, was captured by a
French privateer, and has been reproduced and is sold by
the Ordnance Office at Southampton.

I have also had copies made for me in Dublin of the
survey book for the parishes in which the Exeter estate
was situated. It gives the names of, first, the former
owners ; second, the owners in 1654, a little modified
under the Irish Acts of Settlement under the Restoration,
as I see there the name of the Duke of York (James II) in
connection with the Hollow-blades Association, a pre-
decessor in title of the well-known Small Arms Company
at Birmingham, and Lord Massereene, whose peerage
dates from 1660. The former owners of the property
in this part were Robert and John St. John (I feel sure
members of the noble family of St. John of Bletsoe, in
Bedfordshire ; their peerage dates from 13 January, 1559),
and one Nicholas Everard, of whom I know nothing.
The present owners have all absolutely English names.
Sankey is not among them ; but an owner in those days
was probably a tenant-at-law or lessee. I need not
enumerate them ; but there is one genuine surviving name
among them, Thomas Osborne, directly represented,
through his wife, by the late Mr. Bernal Osborne, of
Newton Anner, near Fethard, a well-known M.P. for
many years, whom a few of my hearers may remember.
His father, Mr. Bernal, M.P. for West Kent, and an expert
in blue china, was in the Chair when I found my way in
my teens into the Strangers' Gallery of the House of
Commons. There are no Irish names whatever in the
list. By the Statute of Kilkenny, about 1360, the mere
Irish were prohibited from holding any position of im-
portance in Church or State, and I should doubt if they
were allowed to have their names recognized in the legal
ownership of land. Like copyholders in England in the
feudal times, they would only have been permitted to
occupy and cultivate it, an object-lesson in the power and
influence of race and nationality which we may safely
bear in mind when considering the political exigencies of
modern times.

The diminution of the population in seventy years from
1246 to 280 on about 4000 acres of useful land is at first
sight a very melancholy result of " law and order," main-
tained by the authorities "without fear or favour,"
but there is no disputing the hard results of the economic

CORPORATION OF EXETER ESTATE IN IRELAND. 437

conditions of life. Butter and beef, largely consumed in
England, have replaced the potatoes and oats on which
before the famine of 1845-7 the native Irish eked out a
precarious existence.

From the elevations given on the one-inch map the
district is hilly and undulating, ranging from 200 to 600
feet above sea-level. E.S.E. from Fethard, about six
miles distant, there is a steep eminence rising to 2364
feet named Slieve-na-man, considerably higher than Dart-
moor ; otherwise the settlers of the sixteenth century
would have found no difficulty in making themselves
homes as comfortable as in England, and that I believe
was the case for many years after, and would have con-
tinued so longer than it did if it had not been embarrassed
by the Catholic Irish, who were ever increasing and multi-
plying around them; tenants at will, in the most un-
limited sense of those well-known words.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

BY THE REV. J. F. CHANTER, M.A.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Exeter may well be described as having been a city of
guilds, for nearly every trade, calling, and craft in it was
organized and incorporated into guilds, each with their
wardens, hall, common seal, and arms. Hooker, its great
historian, writing of " trybes and corporations," says, 1 "The
whole city according to their duties and occupations be all
reduced into several companies, every one of these have
their particular governors to direct them and govern them
in their several duties which is a great ease to the mayor of
the city, he being thereby not troubled with their causes.
Of these some being incorporated by the prince and some
by the mayor of this city." So the cordwainers were incor-
porated in 1387, the glovers and skinners in 1462, the
tailors in 1466, the bakers in 1482, the barber-surgeons in
1487, the weavers and tuckers in 1490, the haberdashers in
1494, the merchant adventurers in 1556, the butchers in
1575, the brewers in 1578, the carpenters, masons, joiners,
and glaziers in 1586, and the painters in 1602.

But it is a curious yet striking fact that the goldsmiths,
who were the oldest, for their connection with the city goes
back to its earliest days as an English town, as is witnessed
by its long line of moneyers from the days of Bang Athel-
stan, and one of the most important, combining as they
often did the business of banking with their craft, do not
appear to have been legally incorporated till the end of
the seventeenth century.

It was not because they were few in number, for even in
the thirteenth century they were sufficiently numerous to
give their name to a quarter of the city, as the title given to
the Chapel of All Hallows, " in Aurifabria," bears record,
and the name of " Goldsmith Street " survives to the

1 Hooker MSS., foL 424.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

439

present day, yet in the great mass of civil and ecclesiastical
records that the city still possesses there is no mention of
this most important craft, except brief references to a few
individuals who exercised it till the eighteenth century, and
even the existence and whereabouts of these later records
I found were unknown to the present goldsmiths and au-
thorities of the city in the spring of this year.

Yet the existence of such a guild is witnessed to by the
city mark affixed to gold and silver vessels and articles that
for workmanship and design will bear favourable compari-
son with those of any English goldsmiths, though it should
be noted that Thomas Mathew, perhaps the greatest of the
Devonshire goldsmiths, was not an Exeter craftsman, but
worked at Barnstaple from 1563 to 1611, being buried
there 29 December, 1611, although both Cripps and Jackson,
the two standard authorities on English goldsmiths, record
his mark as an Exeter one.

And, first of all, I would give one reason why we do not
meet with any record of the incorporation of the Exeter
goldsmiths before 1700, and it is this: that the London
Goldsmiths' Company, under their charters, had a right of
jurisdiction over all workers of gold and silver within the
Kingdom of England ; no other of the London companies,
as far as I am aware, had this wide jurisdiction, and so while
in all the great provinces other crafts could be, and were,
legally incorporated, yet this jurisdiction of Goldsmiths'
Hall of London was a bar to the legal incorporation of the
goldsmiths till the Act 12 and 13 William III, c. 4.

It would appear that the London Goldsmiths' Guild only
exercised their authority at infrequent intervals — but still,
it was exercised ; the records of the London goldsmiths have
not as yet been published, and without these it is impossible
to say how far and how frequently it was exercised in
Exeter, but during the sixteenth century, which is the
earliest period of which we have any real information of
Exeter goldsmiths and their work, beyond the mere men-
tion of a few names, it is certain that the London Gold-
smiths' Guild made several inquisitions into the names,
status, and work of the Exeter craftsmen, and continued
doing so till their jurisdiction was brought to an end by the
Act of Parliament of a.d. 1700.

Of the moneyers, who may be described as the earliest
Exeter goldsmiths, we know little more than their names ;
these may be read in the papers of Messrs. H. S. Gill and

440

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

A. J. V. Radford, and I will not refer to them any
further.

During the fourteenth century we come across the name
of a goldsmith named John Wewlingworth, who flourished
in the city of Exeter. In the fifteenth century the accounts
of St. Petrock mention a John the Goldsmith, who was
warden in 1424; a Thomas Colyne, goldsmith, against whom
a suit was entered at the Guildhall in 1474 ; and a Thomas
White, goldsmith, and Isabella, his wife, formerly wife of
John Turner, barber, who were both deceased in 1478, and
had occupied a tenement in North Street. But as soon as
the sixteenth century begins, the local records, wills and
plate still existing, enable us to give further particulars, and
it is with this century that I would commence the story of
the Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild, and endeavour to carry it
down to its close in 1883.

Its early history, as far as I can unravel it, is mainly the
history of the individuals who composed it, for of its con-
stitution, rules, and regulations I have been unable to dis-
cover any records. The first member of any note is

William Cotton (1512-1560). There are several references
to him in the Churchwardens' Accounts of the parish of
St. Petrock ; sometimes he is called William Cotyn ; he was
churchwarden in 1512 and again in 1513. In the accounts
for the latter year there is a payment to Richard Duke of
20s. for a pair of indentures between William Cotton and
the churchwardens ; this pair of indentures was a lease of
a barn and a close on St. David's Mount within the Manor of
Duryard. In 1521 among the payments are "for 20 ozs.
of broken silver for making of a silver chrismatory parcel-
gilt for the use of the church £3. 6. 8 and for a piece of silver
weighing 11 J oz. for the same handed over by William
Cotyn altogether 31 J oz. and paid the same Cotyn for
making the same 31s. " ; and among the city records there is
a counterpart lease dated December, 1556, from the Cor-
poration to William Cotton, of Exeter, goldsmith, of a shop
on the north side of High Street in the parish of St. Pan-
eras; the dimensions of the shop are given as being in
length 21 feet, in breadth 6 feet, in height 9 feet from the
floor — an interesting note as showing the very small size of
the shops in those days. William Cotton was a Bailiff of
the city in 1517. The last mention I find of him is in
1561, when he is mentioned as late tenant of a meadow be-
yond the Eastgate.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

441

Henry the Goldsmith is mentioned in 1518 as repairing the
ship or incense boat of St. Petrock's, but I have not come
across any other reference to him.

William Smith (1528-1556) was the most prominent of
the goldsmiths of Exeter during the first half of the six-
teenth century ; he was son of Richard Smith, of Exeter,
and* grandson of William Smith, Alderman in 1494.

He resided next to the Broadgate ; among the Corporation
muniments is a lease dated 15 June, 1528, to William
Smith, goldsmith, and Agnes, his wife, of a house next to
the Broadgate for a term of fifty-eight years at a rent of
5 marks. Smith's seal, which is still attached to the deed,
shows armorial bearings, but too indistinct to describe.

He was Warden of St. Petrock's in 1531, 1537, and 1549 ;
a Bailiff of the city in 1537, Sheriff in 1550, and Mayor in
1553. In the Churchwardens' Accounts of All Hallows,
Goldsmith Street, he is mentioned as having purchased
from them a silver cross and chalice in 1540. He died in
1556 : in the register of St. Petrock's for that year is the
following entry : —

" Mr. W m Smyth alderman of the Cittie of Excester and of the
p'ish of S* Petrox dep'ted unto Almightye God in the p'sonage
of Denbery and was buryed in the chauncell before the high
filter in the p'ish churche of the said Denbery."

William Pynnefolde, goldsmith, appears in the Exeter
Act Book of 1559, 1 but I have no other record of him ; he
was probably an Oxford craftsman settled at Exeter.

James Walker (1550-1562) was the founder of one of
Exeter's most famous families, his descendants for many
generations occupying prominent positions in both Church
and State ; the family, according to tradition, came origi-
nally from Lancashire. James Walker, goldsmith, of Exeter,
married Grace, daughter of William Tothill, Alderman and
Mayor of Exeter ; the only civic office he appears to have
held was that of Bailiff in 1559. In 1562 he had two ap-
prentices to the trade of a goldsmith, viz. Gawen Furney
and Roger Wodes, but nothing of them is known, and they
do not appear to have ever worked in Exeter on their own
account. Walker made his will 2 March, 1562, which was
proved 7 April, 1563, so he must have died somewhere be-
tween these dates ; in it he desires that the legacies to his
children be employed according to the most " goodly ordre
of the Charter of Orphans of the city of Exeter." The

1 Act Book of the Chamber, 1 March, 1559.

442

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

witnesses were all famous Exeter citizens : John Vowell
alias Hooker, Richard HiUiard, goldsmith, and William
Lante. Walker's son Thomas was Mayor of Exeter in 1601,
1614, and 1625 ; his daughters married Sir George Smyth
and John Howel, M.P. for Exeter. In the Church of St.
Mary Arches there may still be seen many of the monu-
ments of the Walker family.

William Nicholls (1565). Among the city muniments
is an indenture dated 10 October, 1565, in which Jone
Tuckf eeld conveys to William Nicholls, goldsmith, of Exeter^
and Grace, his wife, a tenement in the Broadgate — this is
the only mention I have of him, but he was no doubt the
father of another William Nicholls who, in 1571, was an
apprentice to an Exeter goldsmith named John Averie. Of
none of these goldsmiths so far mentioned are there any
examples of their workmanship preserved, or any marks
used by them known.

And at this point it would be well to turn aside from a
record of individual goldsmiths and see what indications
there are of the customs, numbers, and marks used by
Exeter goldsmiths in the sixteenth century. The first half
of that century had been a period of destruction and con-
sequently a general decay in arts and crafts, but with the
feeling of settlement and stability after the first years of
Queen Elizabeth's reign there came a general revival in
trade, and in all branches of arts and crafts, in which the
goldsmiths shared. And it is fortunate that just at this
period we have a record which gives us a complete list of all
goldsmiths working in the western counties. In the county
of Devon there were two towns in which goldsmiths were
working — Exeter and Barnstaple. In the year 1571 the
following is the list of those working at Exeter : —

Richard HiUiard.

John Averie and his apprentice, William Nicholls,
John North and his apprentice, George Lyddon,
John Jones and his apprentice, Nicholas Reeve,
Richard Osborne,
Steven More,
Richard Bullyn,
Philip Dryver,
Henry Hardwicke.

This list gives a total of nine goldsmiths and three
working apprentices ; at the same time there were at Barn-

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

443

staple, the only other town in Devon at which goldsmiths
were found : —

John Cotton and his apprentice, Peter Quick,
Thomas Mathew and his apprentice, Robert Diamond,
Symon Hill.

I have inserted this latter list, though nothing to do with
Exeter, as both Cotton and Mathew have, in all the standard
works on English Plate and Goldsmiths, been included
among the Exeter goldsmiths. Both of them lived, worked,
and died at Barnstaple, and so cannot possibly be classed as
Exeter.

At this period there does not appear to have been any
combined action for assaying or marking plate in the city ;
no town-mark appears on any piece of plate made at Exeter
before 1570, but simply the individual mark of the crafts-
man, or in many cases no mark at all. In the West of Eng-
land the marks were either the maker's initials, interlinked,
or more often the initial of his Christian name on one punch
and the full surname with letters interlinked in an oblong
on a second punch.

The Exeter town-mark first appears about 1575; in no
dated piece of plate before that year is there any mark
except that of the maker. Thus the St. Sidwell's and St.
Edmund's chalices have the letters RH interlinked, the
initials of Richard Hilliard ; the St. John chalice has the
letters HD interlinked in a D-shaped shield ; the St.
David's chalice, dated 1571, IN for John North, the St.
Petrock's chalice, dated 1572, I IOVSS for John Jones ; the
same mark appears on theTrevalga chalice, also dated 1572.
But directly after we find the addition of another mark to
nearly every piece, what is gene rally called the town-mark,
which was the Roman capital X . usually with a crown
over it, and often with the addition of pellets in the angles in
a circular stamp, with or without surrounding dots. The
earliest example of this is the St. Mary Arches' chalice,
which is dated 1573. This addition, I can scarcely doubt,
was the result of a visit of inspection by the officers of the
London Goldsmiths' Company, who insisted that the plate
made in Exeter should not only bear the maker's mark, but
also evidence that it had been proved to be of standard
purity. This carried with it the co-operation of the gold-
smiths and the formation of a guild, if one had not existed
before, and the appointment of an assayer duly sworn into

444

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

his office before the Mayor. In some of the town-marks at a
later period we find a letter in the side angles of the X, or
below it, probably the initials of the assayer.

In 1575 a third mark appears, the letter A. For example,
the chalices of Holy Trinity Exeter, Lympstone, and Duloe
— which seems to show that following the London custom a
cycle of date-letters was also adopted: the letter B found on
chalices dated 1576 at Instow, Tamerton, and St. Perran,
and C on a seal-top spoon is confirmatory evidence. The
letters G, N, P on chalices of 1582, 1590, and a spoon, all
of Exeter make, have also been noted, and as all the Church
plate of the county is catalogued it may be that evidences
of a complete cycle of date-letters will be forthcoming. In
1600 and 1601 the letters a and b have also been noted on
spoons by William Bartlett, of Exeter, which suggests that
a second cycle of date-letters commenced in 1600.

The use of date-letters and the town-mark is, however,
by no means universal after 1575, which would suggest
that the organism of the Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild was very
incomplete ; the real authority was not at Exeter, but at
London, a long way off, and so we find a great deal of the
Church plate of Elizabethan times, which is undoubtedly
of Exeter or West-country make, bears no marks at all.

Of the goldsmiths who appear in the 1571 list some par-
ticulars may be of interest, as several of them were working
long before or long after that date.

Richard Hilliard (1548-1594). The first notice I have of
him is a reference in Hooker, where he is mentioned at the
time of the siege of Exeter in Edward VI 's reign. He was
a Bailiff of the city in 1556, and Sheriff in 1568. He resided
in the parish of St. George. From his will, which was dated
2 November, 1586, and proved 9 August, 1594, some par-
ticulars of his family may be gathered. He had three sons.
Nicholas Hilliard, the eldest, to whom he left his lands in
St. Pancras, Exeter, together with the patronage of the
Church of St. Pancras, does not appear to have held any
public position in the city. Jeremy Hilliard, the second,
succeeded his father in the business of a goldsmith, and will
be mentioned later on. Ezekiel Hilliard, the third, took
orders, was Rector of Stokeclimsland, and died in 1614.
The goldsmith's widow, Laurence Hilliard, who was his
executor, died in 1604. There were also four daughters.
Anne, married — Averie ; Mary, married — Beane ; Frances,
and Parnell. Richard Hilliard is interesting as being the

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

445

earliest Exeter goldsmith any example of whose work still
survives. In the churches of St. Sidwell and St. Edmund on
the Bridge there are chalices with covers that bear his
mark, R H, in a circle, with a concentric ring of dots, and
which may be dated as 1571.

John Averie (1570-1622) resided in the parish of All
Hallows, Goldsmith Street; he married, 27 October, 1570,
Grace Norbrook, and was buried 24 February, 1622. No
example of his work or mark is known.

William Nicholls, mentioned in 1571 as apprentice of
John Avery, was probably son of William Nicholls, gold-
smith, and Grace his wife, mentioned before.

John North (1568-1574). At St. David's there is an early
Elizabethan chalice which has the mark WN, which is
probably John North's. And at Curry Mallet, Somerset,
there is an Exeter-pattern chalice dated 1573, with the
marks I. NORTH, undoubtedly the work of J. North, of
Exeter; his apprentice in 1571 was George Lyddon.

George Lyddon (1570-1598) resided in the parish of All
Hallows, Goldsmith Street, where he married, 20 July,
1570, Margaret Harries ; he was apprentice to John North.
Lyddon died, and was buried 19 May, 1598. No work or
marks of his are known.

John Jones (1558-1583) is the best known of all the
Exeter goldsmiths of the sixteenth century, as more ex-
amples of his work and marks survive than of all the other
Exeter goldsmiths of the period put together, and they
may be found in all parts of the county of Devon and also
in the neighbouring counties of Somerset and Cornwall.
He resided in the parish of St. Petrock, of which he was
Warden in 1570 ; he was Bailiff of the city in 1567, and in
1576 he presented to the Mayor of Exeter a basin and ewer
of silver, parcel-gilt, for the use of the Mayor and his suc-
cessors for ever. Two of Jones' apprentices are known by
name: Nicholas Reeve, apprentice in 1571, and Edmunde
Harman, apprentice in 1583. His son Zackary Jones,
brought up to be a lawyer, was rather a scapegrace and left
no issue ; his daughters Agnes and Alice married Henry
Every and Thomas Bridgeman, respectively members of
well-known Exeter families ; his godson and grandson, John
Bridgeman, was afterwards the well-known Bishop of
Chester and father of Sir Orlando Bridgeman and ancestor
of the Earl of Bradford. John Jones died in January, 1583,
and in his will desired to be buried in the Cathedral Church

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of St. Peter, near his wife's grave. He appears to have
been a man of considerable property, making up his daugh-
ters' portions to £500 each, and in addition bequeathing to
them a tenement at Alphington, two freehold houses in
Exeter, tenements without the Southgate, and at the
Bakehouse in St. Mary the More ; to his grandson, the future
Bishop of Chester, he bequeathed his tenement at the
corner of High Street, near the " great conduit of the cittie
of Exeter." There are also bequests of his " great costed
salte," his new round salt of the weight of 28 oz. and £20
to the poor of Exeter. The witnesses of the will were
Robert Hooker, Jasper Bridgeman, public notary, William
Greenwood, and John Watkyns.

John Jones' mark on plate was I and IOWS in an oblong,
in addition to town-mark.

Nicholas Reeve, ^apprentices to John Jones ; nothing

Edmunde Harman, J further is known of either.

Richard Osborn (1569-1607) was a resident in the parish
of All Hallows, Goldsmith Street ; he probably belonged to
the family of Henry Osborn, of Berrynarbor, Registrar of
Barnstaple Archdeaconry, and Hugh Osborn, of Iddesleigh,
afterwards of Clyst St. George. The goldsmith had a son
Hugh Osborn, who also resided in All Hallows parish, and
a grandson, Richard Osborn, baptized 17 November, 1610,
who was probably also a goldsmith. Richard Osborn,
senior, goldsmith, was buried at All Hallows, 30 May, 1607.
A spoon of his make which I have seen has the Exeter town-
mark and OSBORN in an oblong, the R and N interlinked.

Steven More (circa 1570-1600), though recorded as being
an Exeter goldsmith, probably worked more in the South
Hams ; there are chalices of his at Halwell and Slapton, and
as the plate of that neighbourhood is examined there may be
additions to the number. The shape of the Slapton chalice
is very peculiar : the bowl, very conical, is 4 in. deep and
6£ in. diameter ; the stem trumpet shape, while the cover
is a usual Elizabethan type. The marks used by More
were S in pointed shield, and MORE in an oblong, and a
mark of quatrefoil shape, charged with a roundel in each
foil and in the centre. On the Slapton chalice there is the
letter T in a circle. On a spoon of More's work I have seen
there is a gateway with three towers instead of the quatre-
foil. May this be meant for the Exeter town seal ?

Richard Bullyn \( 1 57 1 ) . I can find no further mention

Philip Dryver ) or particulars of either of these.

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447

Henry Hardwicke (1570-1571) resided in the parish of
AH Hallows, Goldsmith Street, where, on 1 July, 1570, he
married Elizabeth Jermyn. I have no record of any marks
of his or any further particulars.

Thomas Bridgeman (1577-1620), son of Jasper Bridge-
man, Registrar of the Archdeaconry of Exeter ; he married,
at St. Petrock's, 5 February, 1577, Alice, daughter of John
Jones, of Exeter, goldsmith. He was Bailiff in 1584, and
Churchwarden of St. Petrock's in 1588 ; his children were :
John, afterwards Bishop of Chester, Humphrey, Agnes, and
Joan. I have classed him with the Exeter goldsmiths
owing to his father-in-law, John Jones, having in his will
left a bequest to his apprentice, Edmunde Harman " pro-
vided he served out his apprenticeship with my son-in-law,
Thomas Bridgeman." But there is nothing else to connect
him with the craft of a goldsmith, though he probably
carried on Jones' business for a time.

John Eydes (1583-1630). Among the city records is a
counterpart lease, dated 2 October, 1590, of a tenement in
St. Sidwell's, on the road to St. Anne's Chapel, to John
Edes, goldsmith. The spelling I have adopted is that of the
signature to the deed. John Eydes had a son, John Eydes,
born circa 1583, who was Vicar of Colyton in 1608, Rector of
Olyst St. Lawrence 1611, and Rector of Honiton 1614. His
daughter Elizabeth married Hugh Cholmeley, sub-dean of
Exeter and Rector of Clare Portion. John Eydes, gold-
smith, was Bailiff in 1595 ; the marks I and YEDS in an
oblong found on a seal-top spoon, circa 1583, with the
Exeter town-mark, may be ascribed to him.

Jeremy Hilliard (1586-1631) was second son of Richard
HiUiard, of Exeter, goldsmith, and carried on his father's
business. He resided in the parish of St. George, and was
Bailiff in 1591. In his will, dated 20 November, 1631, he
mentions his sons, Jeremy, William, and John ; his daugh-
ters, Grace Hilliard and Mary Passmore ; his wife Alice,
and his brother Mr. William Martin. No work or marks of
his are known.

William Horwood (1598-1613) resided in the parish of
St. George. His mark, HORWOOD, with Exeter town-
mark, is found on mounts of a stone- ware jug. His will,
which was proved in the Mayor's Court, is especially inter-
esting, because attached to it there is an inventory which
gives us a vivid picture of an Exeter tradesman of that
period, his stock-in-trade, value of his goods, furniture, and

448

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

expenses of his funeral. The goods were priced by another
goldsmith, Mr. William Bartlett, with others. It was made
on 20 March, 1613-4; it is as follows : —

Imprimis ffyve silver bolles, one silver salt, 15 silver
spoones all weighing 49 oz. quarter and halfe a
quarter at 5s. 2d. the oz. . . • . . . xij u xv 8
Item ffyve guilt bolles, two double salts guylt & three
guylt spoones all wayeng 55 oz., half and half a
quarter at 6s. 6d. the oz. ... xviij u I s vj d

Item a p'cell guilt stope and one p'cell guilt beakere
both wayenge 22 oz. and quarter and half a
quarter all at 5 s the oz. . v u vj ij d

Item in English Money .... iiij u xiij s

Item in broken silver & spoones one hundred and fyve

oz. at 4 s 4 d p'ounce .... xxij u xv 8

Item in olde silver lace ix. oz. & halfe at ij s p' oz. . xix 8
Item in olde guilte plate 15 oz. & halfe at V s p' oz. iij u xvij 8 vj d
Item in burnt silver xvij oz. at 4 s 2 d . . iij u x 8 x d

Item in Spanish Money 64 oz. at 4* ll d p. oz. . xv 11 xiiij 8 xuj d
Item in garnished correll and other small ware 7 oz.

at 5 s p. oz. . . . . . . xxxv 8

Item in guylte ringes 7 oz. 3 qter at 5 p oz. . xxxviij 8 vj d
Item Four bunches of rownd correll . . . xlvj 8 vj d
Item Two silver handels . . . . ij 8 vj d

Item Silver lemell (?) 4 oz. 3 quart at 4 s p' oz. . . xix 8
Item Stones for rynges and pearls .... iiij 8 iiij d

Item In goulde rynges and Jewells 4 oz. and quarter at

50s. p. oz. . . . . . v a xij 8 v 4

Item for a barrell of shop ayshes .... Iiij 8 iiij d

Item for a paier of ballancs & wayghts ... X s
Item ^11 the tooles in the shoppe the deshes and all

that belongs to the forge w 01 a washing platter . xl 8
Item a parcell of bookes w th a bible, pictures and ij

settles in the shoppe . . . . . vj s viij d

The remaining articles in the inventory were in the living-
rooms and are of no particular interest, but on the back of
the inventory are the widow's accounts of the expenses of
the funeral and winding up his affairs, which contain several
points of interest.

Expenses of my husbands buryall .... iij 8
Mr. Richards his factor in London .... xxi 8
George Townsend goldsmith in Totnes . . xx 8

Pd. to the nurse for my boy for ij months . . . vj d
Due to my lady Prideaux rent of my house Midsummer

quarter ........ xxx 8

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Laid out for a black apron & black scissers . . —

Mr. Goldinge for wine iij 8

Drashers wife for drink xxvj 8

John Whitrowe, cook for dressing of the meat . . iij 8
Mr. James Collyns & Mr. Thomas Baskervile apothecaries x 8
Altering a gown for myself against my husbands funeral xii j d
Paid Mr. Wilkie for two silver spoons ... xij

From these accounts we can gather that William Hor-
wood kept a shop and was also himself a working goldsmith,
and was in a good way of business.

C(?) Easton (1576-1592). After John Jones there is no
other Exeter goldsmith of whose work so many examples
have survived as of that of C. Easton, and it is therefore
especially regrettable that after search at many sources I
have as yet been unable to obtain any information whatever
as to him. There is a chalice dated 1576 of his at Stock-
leigh Pomeroy ; a chalice dated 1582 at Cadbury ; another
dated also 1582, formerly at Fen Ottery ; a cylindrical salt,
repousse and chased with marks and foliage ; a chalice
dated 1590 at St. Andrew's, Plymouth ; also spoons and
a jug mount. His work is specially interesting, as the marks
used by him are very varied ; in addition to the Exeter
town-mark, EASTON and ESTON in oblongs, and the
letters C, G, N & P. With the exception of the first, all of
these seem probably to be date-letters. I should be glad if
any members of the Association who have noted any of his
marks would send me particulars of them. The name Easton
also being somewhat common in the county, makes it more
difficult to identify him in wills.

William Bartlett (1600-1646) was one of the most pro-
minent citizens of Exeter in the first half of the seventeenth
century and, like several of the Exeter goldsmiths of that
century, a strong partisan. His eldest son, John Bartlett
(Vicar of St. Thomas in 1628, and ejected from St. Mary
Major in 1662), by his wife, Joan, daughter of Alexander
Horwood, of Barnstaple, merchant, was father of a
numerous family. Another son of the goldsmith was
William Bartlett, curate of Bideford, and later an intruder
there, father of John Bartlett, intruder atFremington ; and
of Mary Bartlett, who married Oliver Peard, the Noncon-
formist minister of Barnstaple. Another son was Bernard
Bartlett, merchant, of Exeter, buried at St. Kerrian's in
1669. In Haynes' Diary (T.D.A., 1902, pp. 235, 236) will
be found an account of tankards, bowls, dishes, saltsellers,
VOL. xliv. 2 F

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THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

spoons, gold rings, etc., purchased by Haynes from Mr.
Bartlett, " ye goldsmith," the transactions running from
1635-1640. Haynes mentions that the plate he exchanged
bore London marks, but unfortunately he does not give any
account of the marks on the new plate purchased from
the Exeter goldsmith. William Bartlett, goldsmith, was
Bailiff in 1615, and was buried at St. Mary Major, 10 Novem-

ber, 1646. The marks used by him w in a shield, with the
Exeter town-mark ; they are found on a chalice at Crew-
kerne, Somerset, dated 1607, and on spoons. In the latter
case a and b are also found, probably date-letters.

Ralph Herman (1610-1661). There may possibly have
been more than one goldsmith of this name, as the period
is a long one ; and probably Mr. Garret, the goldsmith (who
is mentioned in the will of Elizabeth Trosse as having sold
a silver bowl to her husband, John Trosse, who died in
1617), was the same as Ralph Herman, as in the register
of All Hallows, Goldsmith Street, there are many entries of
a family called Garret als. Herman. Haynes, in his Diary,
mentions purchases of rings and a thimble from Mr. Herman
and " Harman, ye goldsmith," which seems to link the name
with Harman, the apprentice of John Jones ; and Ralph
Herman, the goldsmith, lived in John Jones' old house
near the Broadgate, which he had purchased from Jones'
grandson and great-grandson, the Bishop of Chester and
Sir Orlando Bridgeman. Herman was Bailiff in 1632,
Sheriff in 1646, Mayor in 1652, and at his death, in 1662,
one of the Aldermen of the city of Exeter. In his will,
dated 25 July, 1661, and proved 25 April, 1662, he desired
to be buried in St. Peter's Church, in the grave where his
daughter Margaret was of late interred ; there is, however,
no record of either burial in the Cathedral registers. There
are numerous bequests : " To the poor of Exeter and St. Sid-
well's prisoners, Hospital of St. John, £400 to the Mayor,
Bayliffes, and Commonaltie of the Citty of Exeter, for the
poor of St. Sidwells, to be used in the same way as the
money given by Mr. John Periam and Mr. Thomas Walker " ;
£1600 to his now wife, Jane Herman ; £2000 to his grand-
daughters, Jane and Sarah Hutchings ; £500 to his grand-
daughter, Julian Pitt ; his lands to his grandsons, John
Hutchins and Herman Pitt ; legacies to the Puritan Minis-
ters at Exeter, and various kinsfolk. It appears that he
left an only daughter Alice, who had married, first, John,
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THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

451

Temple, by Anne, eldest daughter of Roger Fortescue, of
Buckland Filleigh, Esq., who died in 1647 ; and secondly,
Pitt. There were a succession of Herman Pitts, of
Thorverton and Exeter, up to 1786.

Ralph Herman had an apprentice, Nicholas Tripe, after-
wards a goldsmith at Exeter. The marks used by him were
(i) RH interlinked, (ii) HERMAN in an oblong, (iii) Exeter
town-mark. They are found on some seal-topped spoons.

Edward Anthony (1612-1667) was son of John Anthony,
of Exeter, merchant, by Edith Bastaple (married St. Mary
Major, 5 November, 1581) ; he was baptized 1 April, 1591,
at St. Petrock's. He resided for many years in the parish
of St. Martin. There are entries in the registers of that
parish of the baptisms and burials of his children from 1624
to 1638. Afterwards he appears to have lived in his native
parish of St. Petrock ; his first wife, Dorothy, was buried
there 24 April, 1655. And there also he married his second
wife, Mrs. Elizabeth Bennett, on 27 October, 1659. He was
Churchwarden of St. Petrock's in 1648, a Bailiff of the city
in 1633. His will is dated 3 January, 1666-7, and was
proved 13 August, 1667. In Haynes' Diary will be found
accounts of purchases of saltsellers, bowls, a sugar dish
and spoons from Mr. Edward Anthony, goldsmith. A
large number of spoons of his make still exist and may
frequently be met with ; the mark used by him was E
over an A, with the letter T interlinked, sometimes in a
circle, sometimes in a shield with the Exeter town-mark.

Jasper Radcliffe (1624-1675) resided for over half a cen-
tury in the parish of St. Petrock ; the arms he used were
those of the Radcliffes, Earls of Derwentwater, so he was
in all probability a cadet of that family. He married
(M.L. 12 April, 1624) Mary, daughter of William Francklyn ;
several of his children were baptized at St. Petrock's. He
was Churchwarden of St. Petrock's in 1645, but does not
appear to have held any municipal offices. Among the
city records is a counterpart lease from the Corporation to
Jasper Radcliffe, dated 22 January, 1646, of the fishing in
the river of Exe within the manor of Exe Island, with
liberty to dry nets and moor boats on the Bonhay. He was
buried at St. Petrock's, 20 January, 1625. The tombs of his
descendants may still be seen at St. Thomas', on which they
are described as of Franklin, merchants and esquires. In
Haynes' Diary there are accounts of purchases from Jasper
Radcliffe of spoons in 1636 ; they are described as 12 new

452

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

spoons of his making without heads ; they weighed 19 oz.
1 dwt., so were about 1 oz. 12 dwt. apiece ; 12 old spoons
with gilt heads and £14 were given in exchange ; there
are also in Haynes' Diary accounts of a purchase fromRad-
cliffe of a diamond ring, and a payment for filing and bring-
ing into fashion " six plaine silver spoons." Of Radcliffe's
work and marks we have fortunately still some examples.
One of the chalices at St. Petrock's is his work ; it is dated
1640, but is quite Elizabethan in style. The marks are JR
in monogram, RADCLIFFE in an oblong, and the Exeter
town-mark. A spoon by him has a variant of the first
mark IR with crossed trefoils between in a square, and the
town-mark in a shield shaped to the letter X ; Jt is pricked
1635.

George Barnes (1640-1648) is mentioned in the will of
Henry Trosse, 1641, as residing in a tenement in the parish
of St. Martin's, belonging to the said Henry Trosse. In his
will, which is dated 8 January, 1648, and was proved 12
August, 1648, he mentions his children, John, Susanna, and
Hester, all under twenty-one years of age, his mother
Margaret Barnes, and his wife Susanna. Also his lands,
now in the tenure of the " Smyths, cutlers or sadlers or
which belongeth to their hall." In his will he describes
himself as George Barnes, of Exeter, goldsmith ; there are
bequests to the poor of Axminster and Exeter. I have
not come across any plate or marks that can be ascribed
to him.

George Knowling (1658-1676). The only reference I have
to him is in the will of Ralph Herman, where he speaks of
" my loving friend George Knowling of Exeter, goldsmith.''
William Wotton, of Exeter, goldsmith, was also a nephew
of George Knowling ; he had a wife, Joan Knowling, and a
son, Robert, who matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford,
19 June, 1675, cet. 15, who was a barrister of the Inner
Temple in 1683, and was buried, 14 June, 1694, at the Inner
Temple. George Knowling appears to have been dead in
1680.

Nicholas Tripe (1662-1685) was son of Nicholas Tripe,
of Kingsbridge and Charleton, mercer. He was appren-
ticed to Ralph Herman, of Exeter, goldsmith, and probably
his successor. He married Jane, daughter of Anthony
Salter, of Exeter, physician, and sister of John Prince's
wife. Nicholas Tripe resided in the parish of St. Martin, of
which he was Warden in 1675 ; he was a Bailiff of the city

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453

in 1674. His eldest son, Nicholas, baptized at St. Martin's,
1 May, 1672, was in Holy Orders, and was buried at St.
Martin's, 3 September, 1698. His second son, Anthony
Tripe, was a goldsmith at Exeter. Nicholas Tripe died and
was buried at St. Martin's, 26 September, 1685. In his will
he states that his house cost him £600, but if any of his
sons should become a tradesman in the city of Exeter he
should have the said house for £500, paying his two
brothers their parts out of it. I do not know of any marks
that can be ascribed to Nicholas Tripe.

Samuel Catte (1665-1685). The only note I have of him
as a goldsmith is a token issued by him, the inscription on
which is : " 0. Samuel Calle R. Gouldsmith in Exon." He
was Bailiff of the city in 1667.

William Reed (1664-1680) resided in the parish of All
Hallows, Goldsmith Street. He was son of William Reed
of that parish. A stone on the floor of the church recorded
the deaths of William Reed, 9 April, 1659 ; and of his son,
William Reed, goldsmith, 27 March, 1680. Neither of
these burials is entered in the registers, which are, how-
ever, very defective.

William Wotton (1662-1690). He resided in the parish
of St. Mary Arches ; a slab on the floor, now somewhat
decayed, records his death, 29 August, 1690. Miss Cresswell,
in her Exeter Churches, does not give the year; I have
supplied it from other sources. He came from the neigh-
bourhood of Collumpton and was apprenticed to his uncle,
George Knowling, of Exeter, goldsmith ; he carried on at
Exeter not only the trade of a goldsmith, but also that of
a tobacco merchant, a curious combination. His first
apprentice to the goldsmith's trade was his brother-in-law,
John Ridler, who afterwards became his partner. A later
apprentice was George Edwards. In his will, which is
dated 22 August, 1689, a very lengthy document, he leaves
£1200 to his wife, also his house and garden near the Snaile
Tower in the city of Exeter for life, also two tenements
called flEord and Wayhouse in Holcombe Burnell for lif e and
half his household goods ; legacies to various relatives, to
all those servants that shall work for him in the tobacco
trade, to no less than eleven clergy at Exeter, and many
charities, some of which are still enjoyed by the parish of
St. Mary Arches. In a codicil he says, " Whereas John
Ridler of the Citty of Exon, goldsmith, and myself are
equal partners in trade, he is to have three periods of six

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THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

months for paying in my share of the stock between us, the
said John Ridler to have my house for three years at rent
of £36 ; in case George Edwards my present apprentice is
not willing to serve out his time with the said John Ridler,
my partner, I give him half the money I had from his
trustees when he was bound apprentice to me." He men-
tions also his cousin William Ekins, afterwards a goldsmith
at Exeter, and Mr. Joseph Wilcox, goldsmith at Plymouth.
William Drake, another Exeter goldsmith, was one of the
witnesses of the will.

John Ridler (1668-1700). As mentioned above, he was
brother-in-law of William Wotton, goldsmith, of Exeter, to
whom he was first of all apprentice and afterwards partner.
He resided in the parish of St. Thomas. On the floor of
that church is a slab with inscription, " John Ridler of this
parish, goldsmith, died 5 June, 1700 ; also his first wife and
seven of his children ; also Sarah, his second wife, who died
1 723, aged 65." Miss Cresswell found this stone illegible. I
have supplied the inscription from other sources.

James Tucker (1678-1708), son of Richard Tucker, of
Exeter, merchant. He resided in the parish of St. Mary
Arches, where there is a slab with the inscription, " James
Tucker of this Citty, goldsmith, who departed this life ye
25th day of December, 1708."

Thomas Salter (1679-1723). A member of a well-known
Exeter family and a prominent citizen. He resided in the
parish of St. Olave's ; he was a Bailiff in 1687, Receiver in
1706, Mayor in 1710 and 1722. He married, at St. Mary
Major, 6 January, 1679-80, Mrs. Thomazine Wise, of Holy
Trinity. I have not come across any marks of his before
1701, but after that there are SH on a porringer, and TS,
1720, and TS 1723, on a spoon. He was Warden of the
Goldsmiths' Guild in 1702 ; his history belongs more pro-
perly, as does that of all the succeeding goldsmiths, to the
second period of the Exeter goldsmiths, of which I shall
treat later.

Anthony Tripe (1695-1755) was born 5 May, 1674, and
was son of Nicholas Tripe, goldsmith, of Exeter, by Jane,
daughter of Anthony Salter, m.d. By his wife Dorothy he
had a son, Rev. Anthony Tripe, Rector of Exbourne, 1758-
1777, and Elizabeth married Rev. Tilleman Hodgekinson,
of Exeter, schoolmaster, and eight others who died young.
He resided in the parish of St. Martin's. He was Warden of

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455

the Goldsmiths' Guild in 1703, a Bailiff of the city in 1710,
Receiver 1719, Mayor 1725. His will is dated 20 March,
1755, and was proved 12 September, 1757, by his son,
Anthony Tripe. There are only marks of his after 1700,
NS, XEr and OS, AT.

John Mortimer (1684-1716). Marks of his are found on
spoons at the end of the seventeenth century. JM inter-

linked, and ^ He resided in the parish of All Hallows
on the Wall, and married a Mary Hutchins of that parish.
He was Warden of the Goldsmiths' Guild in 1702. After
1701 the mark he used was <st£>.

William Bryant (1685-1706) was son of Richard Bryant,
Rector of Silverton (1656-1688), by Grace, daughter of
Silvanus Wrayford, of Silverton. No marks of his are
known before 1701, after that it was Br. ; it is on a spoon
at St. Petrock's.

Edward Spicer (1685-1713), a member of a well-known
Exeter family. He was a Bailiff of the city in 1695 and
1703, Mayor in 1708, and Warden of the Goldsmiths' Guild
in 1704. I can find no record of any marks of his till 1706,
when he entered a mark SP in an oblong.

Nicholas Browne (1694-1728). I have no particulars of
him personally, but his mark is found on spoons, circa 1694,
NB interlinked in a shield with EX over and ON under his
initials. His mark, after 1701, is probably one of the missing
ones referred to later. He was Warden of the Goldsmiths'
Guild in 1704.

William Drake (1690-1725). The first note I have of
him is as a witness of the will of William Wotton, in 1690,
but no marks of his are to be found before 1701, when the
goldsmiths of Exeter were incorporated by an Act of
Parliament. He was Warden of the Goldsmiths' Guild in
1706, and Bailiff of the city in 1709. No marks of his are
to be found before 1701, or after.

Daniel Shade (1690-1717) was a Bailiff of the city in 1695,
and one of the first Wardens of the Goldsmiths' Guild in
1701. His marks are DS linked and SL on spoons of 1693
and 1713.

William Ekins (1690-1712) is first mentioned in 1690 in
the will of his cousin, William Wotton. Izaacke, in his
Antiquities of the City of Exeter, speaks of him as an eminent,
pious, and charitable person. He was, with Slade, one of the
first Wardens of the Goldsmiths' Guild at its reconstruction

456

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS ' GUILD.

in 1 70 1 . By his will he left £50 per annum to Exeter School
for the instruction of boys in mathematics, and especially
in navigation. His mark WE is on a spoon of 1696.

The above are all the names of Exeter goldsmiths before
1700 that I have been able to recover, and though a fairly
long list, is, I feel, most incomplete, for there are several
others of whom the initials are known from Exeter marks,
but I have been unable to identify them. Among these are:—

MH. These letters, linked in a circle with an X un-
crowned, are found on several Somerset chalices of 1574.

HD. These letters, interlinked in a D-shaped shield, are
found on an Elizabethan chalice at St. John's, Exeter,
which may be dated circa 1575.

HP. These letters, interlinked, are found with the Exeter
town-mark in a shield shaped to form of letter X on an
apostle spoon, in possession of Messrs. Bruford, circa 1646.

IL. With similar town-mark on apostle spoon, circa
1646. I believe this to be the mark of James Lillington, of
All Hallows (1629-1676).

TB. In monogram, with Exeter mark in circle on
apostle spoon of about same date.

IV. These letters are found on a paten at Kingsnympton.
In a shield over it is XON, with usual Exeter mark ; may
possibly be John Vincombe, of Exeter (1641-1674).

I MOV. Found on one of William Bartlett's chalices at
Chittlehampton. May be an assayer's name.

IP. Found on several pieces end of seventeenth cen-
tury ; may be John Palmer, of Exeter (1677-1698).

MW. Found on spoon, pricked 1676. Letters each side
of X in town-mark.

IS. Found on spoon, circa 1690, with Exeter marks.

A further study of Exeter registers and wills of the
seventeenth century will probably lead to the identifica-
tion of most of them. There are also a few other goldsmiths
of the end of this century, such as John Elston, whom it
will be more convenient to speak of among the eighteenth-
century goldsmiths. And with that century a new epoch
in the history of the Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild commences.
Up to the year 1700 their history is that of individuals
rather than of a guild ; but from that year it will be rather
of the Guild, its rules, regulations, and officials, that I would
treat than of the individuals who were its members. Also
with the eighteenth century the area must be extended.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

457

Up till 1700, in treating of the Exeter goldsmiths, we are
confined to those who were residents in Exeter and its
suburbs ; after that date the story of the Exeter gold-
smiths must necessarily include not merely those who were
members of the " corporation," to use a word applied to
them frequently in the minutes of the society, which was
limited to freemen of and living in the city of Exeter, but
also all goldsmiths in the counties of Devon, Somerset, and
Cornwall who registered their marks at the Exeter Gold-
smiths' Hall, whose plate was assayed there and bears,
therefore, the Exeter town-mark.

In the year 1696 an Act of Parliament was passed setting
up a new standard for gold and silver plate. The omission
(probably unintentional) of any mention of the provincial
assay offices in this Act had practically deprived them of all
their business, everything would have to go to London.
Under these circumstances combined action was taken by
the goldsmiths of Exeter, Chester, and Norwich. Petitions
were sent to Parliament setting forth their grievances and
the disabilities they had been placed under by the Act of
1696, and resulted in the statute 12 & 13 William III, cap. 4,
being passed. This Act of Parliament recites that the gold-
smiths and plate- workers remote from London were under
great difficulties and hardships for want of assayers in
convenient places to assay and touch their wrought plate,
and for a remedy of their grievance it enacted : —

(Sect, i.) That York, Exeter, Bristol, Chester, and Norwich be
cities for assaying and marking wrought plate and for exercising
other powers of the act.

(Sect, ii.) That the goldsmiths and plate- workers, freemen of
and living in any of the said cities and having served an appren-
ticeship to the said trade be incorporated as the Company of
Goldsmiths of the said citties respectively, and enabled them
annually to choose two wardens to continue for one year and
no longer unless re-elected.

By this Act the goldsmiths of the city of Exeter, on ful-
filling the conditions laid down in it, would become a legally
incorporated body, with powers of assaying and marking
plate with their own distinctive marks, which were (i) the
maker's mark, the first two letters of the surname ; (ii) the
town-mark — instead of the old crowned X the arms of the
city were adopted, Per pale gules and sable, a triple-towered
castle, turreted or ; (iii) a lion's head erased ; (iv) the figure
of Britannia ; (v) the date-letter.

458

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS ' GUILD.

The story of the proceedings by which the Act, as far as
it regarded Exeter, was put into operation, will best be
told by the entries in the minute book of the new Corpora-
tion, and as these minutes give us the rules, regulations, and
customs of the Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild it will be best,
especially as the minutes are brief, to give them in full for
the first year.

" By virtue of an Act of Parliament made in the 12 th year of
our Sovereign Lord William ye 3 rd King of England, &c. the
Company of Goldsmiths met at Taylors Hal] in ye Cittie of
Exeter on Thursday 7 th August 1701 present Daniel Slade,
Nicholas Browne, John Elston, John Avery, Thomas Salter,
Thomas Foote, John Mortimer, Edmond Richards, Joseph Lee,
Anthony Tripe, Philip Jerman.

And then proceeded to elect Wardens & ye majoritie fell on
Mr. William Ekins & Mr. Daniel Slade and they are hereby
declared to be ye wardens for ye ensuing year and Joseph Lee
Beedle to ye company — adjourned sine die.

" At a Court held the 17 Sep. 1701 at Males Coffee house in
this city resolved that we will with all convenient speed and
safety put the Goldsmiths' Act into execution or the act for
appointing Essayers and wardens in the country present William
Ekins, Dan. Slade, John Elston, John Avery, Nic. Browne, W m
Bryant, Anthony Tripe. Adjourned. Ordered that Mr. John
Elston, Mr. John Avery and Mr. Nich. Browne do treat and con-
clude a bargain with Mr. Benj. Hawkins for a house for the
company to meet in and a convenience for an assay office."

At a court held the 14th day of October, 1701, at
Hawkins' Coffee House, the aforesaid order was given to
the above committee to agree with Mr. Hawkins. The Com-
mittee reported that they had not agreed with the said
Hawkins, the house being not convenient.

Resolved That from henceforth nine freemen of this incor-
porated body shall make a court.

Resolved That what members so ever that be absent or be
wanting at the limited time of adjournment or summons without
shewing cause to either of ye wardens before the time limited
for meeting, then every such member shall forfeit one shilling
provided he be summoned the day before the court is to be
held in person.

Resolved That whosoever is Essay Master to this Corporation
shall give security to save harmless and indemnify the Corpora-
tion and every person member thereof in the sum of twenty
pounds and not to exceed that sum.

(signed) John Avery.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

459

Present William Ekins. Dan. Slade, Edward Spicer, Thomas
Salter, J. Mortimer, J. Elston, N. Browne, Jno. Audry, Esmond
Richards, witness Benjamin Browne.

Adj. to Weds. 22 nd inst. 3 o'clock afternoon.

At a court held 22 October, 1701, at Hawkins' Coffee
House, the committee appointed to find out a proper
place for the service of the corporation reported that they
had viewed several places, one of which they thought con-
venient. Ordered that Mr. T. Salter, Mr. Tripe, and Mr.
Richards be a committee to make further inquiries for a
convenient place for the service of the corporation and to
make a report at the next sitting of the said court. Ordered
that henceforth any member of the corporation that shall
offer to make any motion, stand up and address his speech
to the Warden and not be interrupted. (There were ten
present.)

At a court held 6 October, 1701. at Hawkins' Coffee
House : —

Resolved That the Assay Master provide convenient room for
Assay Office and all other conveniences at his own proper cost,
that two days in the week be appointed for assaying, that Mon-
days and Thursdays be the two days, that no plate be taken in
after 10 a.m. (adjourned).

That they subject themselves to the same 6d. as act provides.

At a court held on 8 October, 1701 : —

Resolved That the sixpence continue for 3 years, that the
Assay Master do not keep open shop after Lady Day 1702
neither take any apprentice while Assay Master, nor buy or sell
any gold or silver wares with any person during his being an
Assay Master, except with the goldsmiths of the city of Exeter,
neither shall he work or cause to be wrought any vessell or plate
which shall afterwards be touched or marked at his office. That
every member shall give an authentic note under his hand for
the sum of £3 to indemnify every member. Any fine levied by
reason of any defect in our dyett and the assay master be
bound for £17.

Resolved That Mr. Edmond Richards be Assay Master. There
were ten present at this meeting.

At the foot of Minutes is this note : —

" I, Daniel Slade, protest against Edmond Richards as not
qualified according to the Act of Parliament.' '

460

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

At a court held on 22 November, 1701 (nine present) : —

Resolved That John Mortimer make and prepare the diet and
punches.

Memorandum. Mr. Edmond Richards was on Weds. 19 th
inst sworn in as assayer before John Cholwell, Esq., Mayor.

(signed) W m Ekins, warden, John Mortimer, Anth. Tripe,
John Elston.

At a court held on 19 January, 1701, at Hawkins' Coffee
House, articles with Mr. John Elston were agreed on and
signed. Ordered that the articles between Mr. Elston and
' ye goldsmiths be entered on our book and signed there."

Articles and agreements made this 19 th day of Jan. 1701 be-
tween John Elston of ye citty of Exeter, goldsmith of ye one
party and W m Ekins & Dan 11 Slade, Wardens of ye Goldsmiths
company of ye said citty on the behalfe of all the goldsmiths as
are or shall be freemen within the space of one yeare and one
month after the date of this agreement and y* shall signe ye
same

Imprimis the above John Elston doth covenant and
promise for himself and servants that from and after the
19 th day of February next ensuing that he nor they will nor
shall not during the space of one whole year barter or exchange
any gold or silver of or to any person whatsoever except such
as shall or doe actually keep the trade of a goldsmith or silver-
smith for ye space of one year to commence from Feb. 19 th next
ensuing.

2 1 * The said John Elston doth covenant and agree to and
with all those respective goldsmiths who shall subscribe their
names to this agreement that he will from time to time furnish
and supply y m w th these p 8 ^ of plate underwritten at ye rates
following.

That is to say all manner of plaine Tankards

all sorts of belly porringers .

plaine upright cuppes w th two handles .

Upright mugges .....

Communion flaggons and pattens .
3 rd And all those p 8 ^ of plate above men- "i 7 d £ oz.

tioned shall be nureld for . . J fashon.

And for all trensher saltes nureld . 18 s per doz. fashon

And for all swage spoones from 1 oz. and \ 8 s ye doz.

upward as far as 2 oz. 5 dwt. for . . / fashon
And forkes at .... 14 s ye doz. fashon.
For all sucking bottles . . . .7 each fashon.
The beste sort of Castors . . I s ye oz. fashon.
Salvers at . . . . . 7 d ye oz. fashon.
And this ye s d John Elston doth promise to deliver well put
out of hand.

at 5 s £ oz.
fashon.

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THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

461

4 th We whose names are hereunto subscribed Goldsmiths of
the city of Exon doe covenant and promise y* from hereafter ye
19 th day of Feb™ next ensuing yt we will not send to London
for any of these p 8 * 38 of plate before mentioned neither will we
employ any workmen to make them here provided the s d John
Elston will promise to furnish us in 21 days from ye time of its
bespeaking.

5 th We the s d goldsmiths subscribing hereunto doe promise
yt we will not send any silver to London except forraigne coine
till such time as they have first enquired of ye above John Elston
whether he wantes any silver.

6 th And the s d John Elston doth covenant to give and allow
for all silver at ye rate of 5 s 2 d p oz. old standard.

7 th Provided always if Mr. Avery Mr. Fdfct either of them or
any other will conforme to ye above articles and subscribe to
them within ye space of one month from ye date hereof they
shall have ye same prices and ye same advantages as Mr.
Elston hath or is to have.

8 th That the s d John Elston doth covenant to make all other
peeses of plate not mentioned in ye above articles and to be con-
cluded by the London prices as they are now.

William Drake was also present at this court, but did not
sign the agreement.

The above-mentioned agreement is of great interest, not
merely for the full particulars it gives us as to cost price
of silver articles at that period, and the cost of making
various articles beyond the cost of the metal used in their
manufacture, but because it explains why more silver plate
of John Elston' s work and bearing his mark is found than
that of any other Exeter goldsmith. Indeed, it might be
said that there is more Elston plate existing than that of
all the other Exeter goldsmiths of the period put together.
If you go to any Devonshire church and notice a piece of
plate of the early eighteenth century, it is ten chances to
one that it will bear Elston's mark. And it is the same with
secular plate of the period. After 1701 John Elston made
all the plate for the seven principal goldsmiths of Exeter,
and all articles supplied by them bear Elston's mark, not
theirs. Elston was a working platemaker as distinct from
a trader.

W m Ekins,
Dan 1 Slade,
Ed w Spicer,

Thomas Salter, John Elston.
John Mortimer,
Anthony Tripe,

Nicholas Browne,

462 THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

From the seventh clause in the agreement we see also
that John Avery and Thomas Foot were also plateworkers
rather than traders, as it states that if they would
"conforme to the articles and subscribe to them" they
were to have the same prices and advantages as Elston was
to have. Drake's failure to sign the agreement seems to
suggest that he too was a working platemaker.

At a court ' ' held ye 21 March, 1701, at Hawkins' Coffee
House. Ordered that the assay master doe forthwith write
letters to those goldsmiths of the County of Devon, Corn-
wall, Somersett, and Dorsett that have not yet entered their
marks, and to signify that we are ready to receive them and
to assay and mai^ke plate according to the Act of Parlia-
ment."

This was the last court for 1701, and from them we gather
that in Exeter there were then sixteen or seventeen gold-
smiths, viz. William Ekins, Daniel Slade, Edward Spicer,
John Mortimer, Thomas Salter, Nicholas Browne, Anthony
Tripe, Benjamin Browne, Joseph Leigh, Edmond Richards,
William Drake, John Elston, John Avery, Thomas Foote,
Philip Jerman, William Bryant, John Audry. It is possible
that John Avery and John Audry may be the same, as both
names never appear at any meeting, and Avery's name is
often spelt Auery. Of these JohnElston, JohnAvery, Thomas
Foote, and Edmond Richards were certainly working gold-
smiths. Most of the others were probably not plateworkers,
though the marks of several of them are found on existing
plate. It is unfortunate that the first page of the minute book
on which the marks are entered is missing, and the first
three names now existing are numbered 24, 25, and 29, so at
least twenty-three marks are missing. How many of them
were Exeter residents it is impossible to say. Marks found
on plate now existing, but not now in the minute book, are
SL, Daniel Slade ; Ri, Edmund Richards ; 3Bt, with mullet
over, William Bryant; SB, Thomas Salter; Mo, John
Mortimer; 361, with crown over, John Elston; H\>, John
Avery ; Fo, Thomas Foote, all of Exeter. Several of the
other missing marks can also be supplied, e.g. Mu, Henry
Muston ; FR, Richard Freeman, of Plymouth ; RE, Thomas
Reynolds. Others of which I have seen no example were cer-
tainly those of Nicholas Browne and Anthony Tripe. This
will account for thirteen of the twenty-three missing marks.
With regard to later marks entered at Exeter the records are
not very satisfactory, some are found at the beginning of

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THE EXETER G OLD SMITHS ' GUILD.

463

the minute, others at the end. From these a good list can
be made up to the year 1729 ; after that there is no record
in the minute book of any. In a notebook of one of the
assayers are found the marks entered by a few from 1788
to 1792. The only record of the other marks was on copper
sheets kept at the assay office, and I have not been able to
get a view of any of these but the very latest. In 1886 they
were in the custody of a Mr. Jerman, but I am not aware
where they are at present ; all other existing records are
in the custody of F. Thomas, Esq., of the firm of Jerman and
Thomas, solicitors, Exeter, to whose courtesy and kindly
assistance, which I wish to acknowledge here, I am in-
debted for use of records and materials for the latter part
of this paper.

After 1701 the minutes of the goldsmiths are very brief,
except in a few instances recording only the date and place
of meeting, the names of those present and the names of
the wardens elected, and the date-letter for the year. The
meeting-place was at Hawkins' Coffee House till 1703, after
that date it was in most cases at a tavern. " The Phoenix,"
"The Fountain," " The Globe," "The Vine," "Barlow's,"
and " The Swan " are the names that appear oftenest.
Particulars of the sites of these places can be read in
Dymond's Exeter Taverns. Richards' Coffee House was
used from 1714 to 1718; the number present at the meet-
ings was on the average seven or eight till 1730, when the
numbers begin to decline till 1744, when only three were pre-
sent. After this date the meetings become little more than
formal courts to elect wardens, and the introduction of the
duty on plate in 1784 tended to keep the freemen of the
corporation at the smallest possible number, for while it
largely increased the revenues of the guild, as a poundage on
the duty collected was allowed to be retained by the com-
pany, the custom of dividing this money every year
among the members made them anxious to keep their
numbers down, till in 1835 there were only two members,
George Ferris, senior, and George Ferris, junior. No
register of admissions to the guild seems ever to have been
kept — it is not till 1767 that mention of a new member
appears and from then only occasionally — it is only by
noting when a new name appears at a court that the date of
their admission to the guild can be approximated. The
assayer in 1868 stated that there were no books or records
belonging to the company other than the minute books on

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464

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS ' GUILD.

which admissions were entered, and as admissions till 1857
were very strictly limited to goldsmiths or plateworkers
who had served an apprenticeship in Exeter and still re-
sided there, a large number of the goldsmiths who had their
marks registered at Exeter Goldsmiths' Hall, and so may,
in one sense, be regarded as Exeter goldsmiths, were not
members of the guild or corporation.

Beginning with 1702, I shall only note then the names
of wardens, and when a new name appears, unless there is
any special point of interest in the minutes, and as the date
of meeting was always 6 or 7 of August, it will not be
necessary to give the day except it was an extra court.

1702. Thomas Salter and John Mortimer. Wardens.

1703. John Elston and Anthony Tripe. Wardens.
At this court it was determined to hold monthly meetings,

but the resolution does not appear to have been acted on.

1704. Edward Spicer and Nicholas Browne. Wardens.
The names of Philip Elston and Thomas Reynolds first

appear, but as I shall give a full list of marks entered till
1729 it will be unnecessary to give new names till after
that date.

1 705. Benjamin Browne and Anthony Tripe. Wardens.

1706. William Drake and Thomas Foot. Wardens.

1707. Thomas Foote and Thomas Reynolds. Wardens.

At this court it was agreed that the upper warden pre-
side and summon court each month between 6 and 7 p.m. ;
that once a quarter a supper be provided — a fine of 6d. to
be levied for non-attendance, but sickness or being out of
town to be a valid excuse for non-attendance ; president to
be fined 2s. 6d. if he does not warn members to court.

Court held 5 January, 1707-8. Edward Richards dis-
charged from his office of being assay master. A committee,
consisting of A. Tripe, D. Slade, T. Salter, and Benj.
Browne, appointed to draw up articles for an assay master
and regulating goldsmiths.

Court held 19 January, 1707-8. Nicholas Browne added
to above committee.

(i) That to be continued for 7 years from 3 rd May 1708 &
that he do not exercise trade of a goldsmith in making & selling
any goldsmith's wares.

(ii) That he shall have sole profit of office he paying £6
annually to the wardens of the company for the time being.

(hi) To give six months notice if he thinks fit to leave.

The Assay Master's Articles.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS ' GUILD.

465

(iv) To furnish himself with all necessaries at his own cost.

(v) To give a bond for £20 to save harmless & idemnify the
company for any fine through any defect of the Diott (sic).

(vi) To assay twice a week Mondays & Thursdays except
they happen to be Holy Days.

(vii) He shall not take more than 4 d for an assay from town
goldsmiths.

Court held 19 April, 1708.

Edmond Richards elected, by a majority, Warden vice
Thomas Foot, deceased. Robert Palmer chosen assay
master.

Court held 6 May, 1708.

" To prevent divers scruples about our late choice of an
assay master, we do now unanimously release Robert
Palmer." This resolution does not appear to have been
acted on, as Palmer was assayer for many years after.

1708. Thomas Reynolds and Edmond Richards.

Agreed to stand by assay master and prosecute all gold-
smiths as shall expose for sale any plate not having new
standard mark or ye old. Mr. John Elston and Philip
Elston to have liberty to work for : —

Mr. Henry Muston, of Plymouth,
Mr. Henry Servante, of Barnstaple,
Mr. Francis Servante, Bideford.

1709. William Ekins and Thomas Sampson. Wardens.

1710. Thomas Sampson and Philip Elston. Wardens.

1711. Philip Elston and Daniel Slade. Wardens.

1712. Thomas Salter and Joseph Cole. Wardens.

1713. Joseph Cole and Edward Spicer. Wardens.

1714. Edward Spicer and John Elston. Wardens.

1715. John Elston and Nicholas Browne. Wardens.

1716. Nicholas Browne and John Brinley. Wardens.

1717. John Brinley and George Trowbridge. Wardens.
Mr. Slade, jr., to give an account of monies due from

his late father.

1718. George Trowbridge and Benjamin Browne.

1719. Benjamin Browne and Thomas Salter. Wardens.

1720. Thomas Salter and Philip Elston. Wardens.

1721. Philip Elston and Anthony Tripe. Wardens.

Wardens.

VOL. XLIV.

466

THE EXETER GOLD SMITHS ' GUILD.

1722. Anthony Tripe and John Burdon. Wardens.

1723. John Burdon and Thomas Blake. Wardens.

1724. Thomas Blake and Thomas Sampson. Wardens.

1725. Thomas Sampson and John Babbage. Wardens.

1726. John Babbage and Thomas Reed. Wardens.

1727. John Reed and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1728. Thomas Coffin and George Trowbridge. Wardens.

John Leigh's name first appears ; agreed that each mem-
ber pay Is. for 3 locks and keys and a box for keeping diet
and writings.

Court held March 28, 1728-9. Members' subscriptions
received : Anthony Tripe, Is. ; Nicholas Browne, Is. ;
P. Elston, Is. ; Ed. Richards, Is. ; Thos. Sampson, Is. ;
Thos. Blake, 2s. ; Jas. Coles, 2s. ; George Trowbridge, 2s. ;
John Reed, Is. ; James Strang, Is. ; Thos. Coffin, Is. ;
% John Brinley, Is. ; Sam. Glyde, Is. ; John Burdon, Is. ;
John Babbage, Is.

Pd. to Philip Elston for box for punches, 1 9s. 6d. ; 3 locks
to large box, 6s. Id. ; key small box, 9d. ; weights, 6d.

1729. George Trowbridge and Philip Elston. Wardens.

1730. Philip Elston and Moses Pelet. Wardens.
Francis Trowbridge's name first appears.

1731. Moses Pelet and Thomas Blake. Wardens.

1732. Thomas Blake and John Babbage. Wardens.

1733. John Babbage and Samuel Glyde. Wardens.

1734. Samuel Glyde and John Burdon. Wardens.

1735. John Burdon and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1736. Thomas Coffin and George Trowbridge. Wardens.
Last mention of Edmond Richards as present at courts.

1 737. George Trowbridge and Philip Elston. Wardens.

1738. Philip Elston and James Lecompt. Wardens.

1739. James Lecompt and Thomas Blake. Wardens.
Daniel Coleman first appears.

1740. Thomas Blake and Daniel Coleman. Wardens.

1741. Daniel Coleman and William Browne. Wardens.

1742. John Babbage and John Handleigh. Wardens.
Handleigh's name appears only in the year on which he

was warden.

1743. John Burdon and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1744. Thomas Coffin and Philip Elston. Wardens.

1745. Philip Elston and Samuel Glyde. Wardens.

1746. Samuel Glyde and John Babbage. Wardens.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

467

1747. John Babbage and Thomas Blake. Wardens.

1748. Thomas Blake and Samuel Glyde. Wardens,

1749. Samuel Glyde and Joseph Peirce. Wardens.

1750. Joseph Peirce and Philip Elston. Wardens.

1751. Philip Elston and Thomas Blake. Wardens.

1752. Thomas Blake and William Browne. Wardens.

1753. William Browne and Daniel Coleman. Wardens.

1754. Thomas Blake and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1755. Thomas Coffin and Thomas Blake. Wardens.

1756. Daniel Coleman and Lewis Courtail. Wardens.

1757. J anuary 1 2, Matthew Skinner, jeweller, appointed
assay master.

Richard Sams first appears.

1757. Lewis Courtail and WilHam Browne. Wardens.

1758. William Browne and Richard Sams. Wardens.

1759. Richard Sams and Matthew Skinner. Wardens.

1760. Matthew Skinner and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1761. Thomas Coffin and Thomas Blake. Wardens.

1762. Richard Sams and David Jones. Wardens.

1763. David Jones and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1764. Thomas Coffin and Matthew Skinner. Wardens.

1765. Matthew Skinner and Richard Sams. Wardens.

1766. Richard Sams and David Jones. Wardens.

1767. David Jones and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

At this court Mr. Thomas Haynes and Mr. Richard
Freeman appeared, paid their coltage and were duly shod.

1768. Richard Sams and Thomas Coffin. Wardens.

1769. Thomas Coffin and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.
1770 and 1. Richard Jenkins and David Jones.

Wardens.

1772. David Jones and Richard Sams. Wardens.

1773. Court held 9 March. Assay master reported hav-
ing received message requiring his attendance before a
committee of House of Commons to lay before committee
number of goldsmiths freemen of and inhabiting within the
city of Exeter, names and trades of wardens, before whom
assayer was sworn in, names and places of abode of all who
had entered their marks at assay office, and weight of plate
assayed. Matthew Skinner accordingly attended and made
his return; the Exeter goldsmiths were Thomas Gilbert,
David Jones, Richard Sams, Thomas Coffin, Richard
Jenkins. Marks had also been entered by Edward Broad-
hurst, R. B. Symons, Welch, Jason Holt, James Jenkins,

468

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

Thos. Thome, Benj. Symons Nathan, John Tingcombe,
David Hawkins, John Brown, Thomas Strong, William
Harvey, Thomas Beer, Richard Bidlake, all of Plymouth
or Plymouth Dock, and William Eveleigh, of Dartmouth.
Skinner also stated that Richard Jenkins and Thomas
Coffin were the only two Exeter goldsmiths who had entered
their marks ; that two of the members were not freemen
of the city of Exeter, but followed the trade of goldsmiths ;
all were resident within city of Exeter, two had only served
part of their apprenticeship. He had taken the oath before
Benjamin Heath, the Town Clerk, had never been taught
how to assay, but had purchased the implements of assay-
ing from the late master.

In short, it may be gathered from his examination that
the conduct of matters by the Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild was
at this time in a most unsatisfactory state, and Mr. Skinner
himself a most inefficient assay master ; though on his
return to Exeter a court was held on 10 June and he was
unanimously thanked for the faithful discharge of his
duties as assay master. The effect is seen, however, at
the next court.

1773. Richard Sams and Matthew Skinner. Wardens.
William Coffin appointed assayer in place of Skinner, and

Thomas Eustace chosen as a member of the corporation.

1774. Matthew Skinner and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.
1775 and 6. Richard Jenkins and Thomas Coffin.

Wardens.

1777. Richard Sams and Thomas Eustace. Wardens.
1778 and 9. Thomas Eustace and David Jones.
Wardens.

1780. David Jones and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.
John Adams and John Balle admitted members of cor-
poration.

1781 and 2. Richard Jenkins and John Adams.
Wardens.

1783. John Adams and John Balle. Wardens.

1784. John Balle and Richard Sams. Wardens.
Francis Trowbridge admitted a member of corporation.

From the assay master's books, 1780-1784, we can gather
some idea of kinds of articles assayed at Exeter, and their
makers.

Welch, of Plymouth, sends 166 punch ladles and boat-

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS* GUILD.

469

swains' calls. John Adams sends 271 wedding and mourning
rings. Eustace, spoons and chapes. Hicks, spoons, milk-
urns, cream-jugs, and buckles. Ashford and Co. spoons,
chapes, buckles and ladles ; other articles are officers' belt-
plates, tags, skewers, pap-ladles, buttons. The goldsmiths
sending them are, besides those named, Trowbridge, Alex-
ander Jenkins, Pearce, Adams, Richard Jenkins, Ezekiel
Abraham Ezekiel, Brown, Rd. Crutchett, Balle, Sams,
William Upjohn, etc. The weight of silver assayed varied
from 1169 lbs. to 1309 lbs.

At the end of 1784 a special court was held to consider
the new duty upon plate, which involved the election of a
new official, an accountant, whom we find elected annually
henceforth at a meeting in December. Richard Jenkins
was the first accountant.

1 785. Richard Sams and Francis Trowbridge. Wardens.

1 786. Francis Trowbridge and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1787. Richard Jenkins and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1788. Joseph Hicks and John Adams. Wardens.

1789. ^ John Adams and John Balle. Wardens.
Thomas Eustace having become bankrupt is discharged

from being a member. On the death of Richard Sams,
assay master, Richard Sams, junior, son of deceased
Richard Sams, appointed assay master.

1790. John Balle and Francis Trowbridge. Wardens.

1791. Francis Trowbridge and Richard Jenkins.

1792. Richard Jenkins and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1793. Joseph Hicks and John Adams. Wardens.
Richard Ferris admitted a member.

. 1794. John Adams and Francis Trowbridge. Wardens.

1795. John Adams and Richard Ferris. Wardens.

1796. Richard Ferris and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.

1797. Richard Jenkins and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1798. Joseph Hicks and Richard Ferris. Wardens.
Decease of John Balle, late accountant, mentioned this

year.

1799. Richard Ferris and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.

1800. Richard Jenkins and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1801. Joseph Hicks and Richard Ferris. Wardens.

1802. Richard Ferris and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.

1803. Richard Jenkins and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

Wardens.

470

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

1804. Joseph Hicks and Richard Ferris. Wardens.

1805. Richard Ferris and Richard Jenkins. Wardens.
G. Ferris admitted a member 2 April, 1806.

1806. Richard Jenkins and George Ferris. Wardens.
R. Sams, accountant, vice Hicks deceased.

Richard Jenkins died during his year of office. Richard
Ferris in his place. Death of John Adams, late accountant,
mentioned this year.

1807. George Ferris and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1808. Joseph Hicks and Richard Ferris. Wardens.

1809. Richard Ferris and George Ferris. Wardens.

1810. George Ferris and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1811. Joseph Hicks and Richard Ferris. Wardens.

1812. George Ferris and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.
George Ferris, jr., and George Turner elected members.

1813. Joseph Hicks and George Ferris, jr. Wardens.

1814. George Ferris, jr., and George Turner. Wardens.

1815. George Turner and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1816. Joseph Hicks and George Ferris, sr. Wardens.
The death of Richard Sams, assay master and accountant,

is recorded this year. Edward Cross Maynard was elected
assay master, and George Ferris, jr., accountant.

1817. George Ferris, sen., and George Turner. Wardens.

1818. George Turner and George Ferris, jr. Wardens.
The court this year was held at the assay office, and from

this date continued to be held there.

1819. George Ferris, jr., and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1820. Joseph Hicks and George Ferris, sr. Wardens.

1821. George Ferris, sr., and George Ferris, jr. Wardens.

1822. George Ferris, jr., and George Turner. Wardens.

1823. George Turner and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1824. Joseph Hicks and George Ferris, sr. Wardens.

1825. George Ferris, sr., and George Turner. Wardens.
Isaac Parkin's mark was entered this year. The amount

of plate assayed this year was 3557 li.

1826. George Turner and George Ferris, jr. Wardens.

1827. George Ferris, jr., and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1828. Joseph Hicks and George Ferris, sr. Wardens.

1829. George Ferris, sr., and George Turner. Wardens.
With this year commences an annual inspection of books

of the guild by a Government official ; the first is dated
14 May, 1829.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

471

1830. George Turner and George Ferris, jr. Wardens.
This year a good deal of correspondence with Treasury

is entered in minute book, also with regard to new indented
trial plates for assaying wrought plate.

1831. George Ferris, jr., and Joseph Hicks. Wardens.

1832. Joseph Hicks and George Ferris, sr. Wardens.

1833. George Ferris, sr., and George Turner. Wardens.

1834. George Turner and George Ferris, jr. Wardens.

At a special court held 27 April, 1835, present George
Ferris, sr., and George Ferris, jr., it was reported that owing
to the death of George Turner, head warden, and Joseph
Hicks there were only two members surviving. George
Ferris, sr., was appointed head warden for the rest of the
year. It was agreed that an accession of new members was
desirable, and resolved that Isaac Parkin, John Osment,
and William Rawlins Sobey, all of whom had duly served
their apprenticeship to the trade, and were resident in
Exeter, be applied to with a view to their becoming mem-
bers of the company, it being desirable that those manu-
facturers whose name-punches are or hereafter may be
entered with the company should have every reasonable
facility afforded them for assaying and marking their
plate.

Also, it was resolved that all monies received for duties
be paid into an account to be opened with Messrs.
Sanders and Co., of the Exeter Bank, in the name of the
Wardens.

With this year it may be said that the Exeter Goldsmiths'
Guild had reached its lowest ebb, and from this year more
business-like methods were introduced, and there was a
slight revival. The guild was, however, still kept a very
close corporation. The three goldsmiths invited to become
members were by no means all that were eligible for mem-
bership, and indeed of the three, one, John Osment, was an
engraver more than a goldsmith. Amongst other eligible
citizens there were William Sobey, of Goldsmith Street,
Edward Adams, George Carter, Henry Ellis, William
Jenkins, William Maynard, John Upjohn. Of these several
had entered their marks with the company.

At a special court held on 28 April, 1835, Isaac Parkin,
John Osment, and William Rawlins Sobey, all of Exeter,
silversmiths, appeared and were admitted as freemen of

472

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

the company, and Isaac Parkin was appointed accountant,
vice Hicks deceased.

1835. George Ferris, jr., and Isaac Parkin. Wardens.

1836. Isaac Parkin and John Osment. Wardens.

1837. John Osment and W. R. Sobey. Wardens.

From this year to 1840 it is each year recorded that the
new punches not having arrived the old ones were to be
used till they do.

1838. W. R. Sobey and G. Ferris, sr. Wardens.

1839. G. Ferris, sr., and Isaac Parkin. Wardens.

G. Ferris, sr., having died 10 February, 1840, George
Ferris, jr., was appointed warden in his place at a special
court.

1840. Isaac Parkin and W. R. Sobey. Wardens.

1841. W. R. Sobey and John Osment. Wardens.
John Stone appeared and was admitted a freeman of

the company in place of G. Ferris, sr., deceased.

1842. John Osment and George Ferris. Wardens.
The meeting is recorded as having been held at Gold-
smiths' Hall this year.

1843. George Ferris and Isaac Parkin. Wardens.

1844. George Ferris and Isaac Parkin. Wardens.

1845. John Stone and John Osment. Wardens.

1846. John Osment and W. R. Sobey. Wardens.
The inspector notes that the grounds of the admission

of John Stone as a member had not been stated.

1847. W. R. Sobey and Isaac Parkin. Wardens.

1848. John Stone and George Ferris. Wardens.

1849. George Ferris and W. R. Sobey. Wardens.
Amount of plate assayed in last year was 44,451 oz. of

silver and 266 oz. of gold.

1850. W. R. Sobey and John Stone. Wardens.

1851. John Stone and George Ferris. Wardens.

1852. George Ferris and W. R. Sobey. Wardens.

1853. John Stone and G. Ferris. Wardens.

1854. George Ferris and John Stone. Wardens.

John Osment was accountant for several years at this
time. Amount assayed this year was 66,756 oz. 15 dwt. of
silver, and 842 oz. of gold, most of it came from the firm
of Messrs. Williams, of Bristol, and small parcels from
Bunce, Bristol ; Fulton, Bristol ; Pope, Plymouth, and a

Digitized by

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

473

few Exeter workers. William Thomas Maynard was, at a
special court held 25 September, 1854, appointed assay
master vice E. C. Maynard, and was the same day sworn
in before the Mayor, John Daw, Esq.

1855. George Ferris and Joseph Head. Wardens.
Joseph Head and Thomas Byne were admitted as

members in the room of W. R. Sobey and J. Osment, de-
ceased. And Charles Pippet was appointed clerk of the
company.

1856. George Ferris and John Stone. Wardens.
This year Messrs. Williams, of Bristol, intimated to the

guild that if they continued to send their plate to be
assayed at Exeter it was desirable that their firm should be
represented on the guild, as they paid no less than £2500
annually to Exeter Goldsmiths' Hall for duty.

Counsel's opinion was taken on the point as to whether
the partners in Messrs. Williams' were eligible for
election.

It was stated that they had served seven years' appren-
ticeship with their father, Robert Williams, deceased, and
though not at present resident in the city of Exeter, would
keep a place of business there to give them the requisite
qualification of residence.

Counsel's opinion was that they were not qualified, but
added a rider that probably no legal authority would dis-
turb the election. With this loophole and anxious not to
lose their shares of the poundage on the duty paid by
Messrs. Williams, the guild, on 7 August, 1857, admitted
James Williams as a freeman of the guild.

1857. George Ferris and Joseph Head. Wardens.

1858. George Ferris and Thomas Byne. Wardens.

1859. George Ferris and John Stone. Wardens.

George Ferris, the head warden, who had been a member
of the guild for forty-eight years, died during this year,
and John Stone was elected head warden in his place for
the rest of the year.

1860. Joseph Head and John Stone. Wardens.

1861. James Williams and Joseph Head. Wardens.
Thomas Hart Stone was admitted a member of the guild,

having served his apprenticeship with his father, John
Stone.

474

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

1862. James Williams and Joseph Head. Wardens.

1863. John Stone and Joseph Head. Wardens.

1864. John Stone and Thomas Hart Stone. Wardens.

1865. John Stone and James Williams. Wardens.

1866. John Stone and Joseph Head. Wardens.

1867. John Stone and Thomas Hart Stone. Wardens.

1868. Thomas Hart Stone and James Williams.
Wardens.

Henry Lake was admitted a member of the guild, having
served his apprenticeship with John Fowler, deceased.
At the court this year W. T. Maynard, assayer, stated there
were no books or records belonging to the guild on which
admissions were entered, except the minute book.

1869. Thomas Hart Stone and Henry Lake. Wardens.
James Croad Ross having served his apprenticeship with

George Ferris, deceased, and Josiah Williams, of the firm
of J. and J. Williams, Bristol, were admitted as members
of the guild.

1870. Henry Lake and Josiah Williams. Wardens.

1871. Thomas Hart Stone and Henry Lake. Wardens.

1872. Thomas Hart Stone and James Croad Ross.

Thomas Hart Stone died during his year of office.
Henry Lake appointed in his place for rest of year.

1873. Henry Lake and Josiah Williams. Wardens.

1874. Henry Lake and James Croad Ross. Wardens.
Montgomery Hooper, solicitor, appointed deputy warden

and accountant. W. T. Maynard, assayer, reported that
new trial plates had been received.

1875. Henry Lake and James Croad Ross. Wardens.
James Ellet Lake, having served his apprenticeship with

his father, Henry Lake, and William George Caunter, wine
and spirit merchant, having served his apprenticeship with
William Rawlins Sobey, were admitted as members of the
guild.

Percy Hooper appointed to take place of his father.

1876. James Croad Ross and Henry Lake. Wardens.

1877. W. G. Caunter and J. E. Lake. Wardens.

From this year the work of the assay office decreased
rapidly, Messrs. Williams finding it more convenient to
send their plate to London. The goldsmiths sending to the

Wardens.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

475

Exeter assay office at this period were Williams, J. Bunce,
S. Smith, John Beer, all of Bristol ; William Pope, Ply-
mouth ; John Stone, Thomas Stone, Francis E. Stone,
Henry Lake, S. Sawtell, Exeter ; C. Cooper, Devonport ;
John Goodman, Taunton ; J. Lyons, Exeter ; Wippel and
Co., Exeter ; J. C. Yelland, Exeter. A few names also may
be given of the period 1836 to 1860, besides those who were
members of the guild : E. Sweet, W. Sobey, J. Langdon,
H. Norris, W. Woodman, W. Pope, R. Passmore, J.
Gregory, T. Byne, E. Ramsay, J. Fulton, E. Millard, R.
Williams, Philip Osment, Edward Osment, Eliza Osment,
and E. Sobey. Any of the initials of these plateworkers
may be found on Exeter plate of this period.

1878. W. G. Caunter and J. E. Lake. Wardens.

1879. J. E. Lake and J. G. Ross. Wardens.

1880. J. E. Lake and Josiah Williams. Wardens.

1881. J. E. Lake and W. G. Caunter. Wardens.

1882. W. G. Caunter and Henry Lake. Wardens.

1883. W. G. Caunter and Henry Lake. Wardens.

On 26 June, 1883, a special court was held to consider
the position of the business of the Hall, and the following
resolutions were passed :—

(i.) That having to the small amount of work on the past
few months it is not considered desirable to incur the expense
of new punches.

(ii.) That the punches now in use be returned to the Inland
Revenue Office.

(iii.) That the premises now rented be given up.

(iv.) That the books and papers of the Company be placed in
an iron chest and deposited with the Solicitor of the Company.

With this court the corporate existence of the Exeter
Goldsmiths was brought to an end, and the Exeter hall-
marks, which had appeared on plate for over three hundred
years, ceased being stamped. Since that date the freemen
of the company have also all been removed by death ; the
last survivor was W. G. Caunter, who died early in 1912.

From the pages of this paper a far fuller list of Exeter
goldsmiths than has yet been given can easily be compiled,
but as fresh names are continually turning up, I do not
propose to incorporate in it the chronological list of Exeter
goldsmiths I have been compiling for the last ten years. I
feel it is still incomplete, but would append lists of the

476

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

assayers and marks recorded in the records of the guild,
neither of which has been hitherto recorded. These marks
are in some cases roughly drawn, in others the punch is
stamped on the paper. They are given in order they appear
in the book, which it will be noted is not strictly chrono-
logical, some being at one end of book, some at the other.

Assayers.

Edmond Richards
Robert Palmer

Matthew Skinner .
William Coffin
Richard Sams
Richard Sams, jr. .
Edward Cross Mayiiard .
William Thomas Maynard

1701-1708
1708-1744

1757-1773
1773-

-1789
1789-1816
1816-1854
1854-1883

Marks recorded in Archives of the Goldsmiths 9
Guild of Exeter.

No. 24. November 13, 1703,Peter Eliot, Dartmouth. EL.
No. 25. November 13, 1703, Mary Ashe, Launceston. As.
No. 29. November 29, 1703, Jacob Tyth, Launceston.
No mark recorded, but simply statement entered his
mark. After this entries are not numbered.

May 8, 1704. Richard Willson, Plymouth. Wi.
1704. Richard Holin, Truro. HO, crown over.
1704. Edward Sweet, Dunster. SW in hexagon.

1704. Richard Vavasour, Totnes. VA in circle.

1705. Robert Catkill, Exeter.
1705. James Strang, Exeter. St.

1705. John Manby, Dartmouth. MA interlinked in
circle.

1705. Thomas Reynolds, Exeter. RE in circle.

1705. Richard Plint, Truro. PL, crown over, pellet

under in four-lobed shield.

1706. Thomas Haysham, Bridgewater. ffik in circle.
1706. Peter Jouet, Exeter. J @ in two-lobed shield.
1706. Edward Spicer, Exeter. SP in oblong.

1706. Thomas Sampson, Exeter. Sa, crown over, in
circle.

Digitized by

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS* GUILD.

477

1706.

1708.

1708.
1708.
1710.
1710.
1710.

1711.
1711.
1712.
1713.
1714.
1714.

1715.
1716.
1716.
1716.

1717.

1719.
1720.
1720.
1722.

1712.
1714.
1716.
1721.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.

Pentecost Symons, Plymouth. SY, crown under
in shield.

Samuel Blackford, Plymouth. BL in four-lobed
shield.

Mr. Freeman, Plymouth. FR in shield.
Peter Jouet,Topsham. in four-lobed shield.

Joseph Bennick, Liscard. &e in circle.
John Pike, Plymouth. gP^f, dash over, in circle.
George Trowbridge, Exeter. TR, crown over, in

three-lobed shield.
William Adams, Falmouth. AD in shield.
Mr. Tolcher, Plymouth.
Anthony Tripe, Exeter. TLV. crown over.
Joseph Collier, Plymouth. CO in shield.
Andrew Worth, ^lodbury. °ffo in circle.
Pentecost Symons, Plymouth. S£. crown and

rose over.

Edward Strong, Fowey. St in octagon.
John Brinley, Exeter. in two-lobed shield.

John Reed, Exeter. Re in circle.
Abraham Lovell, Plymouth. %0. mitre over in
octagon.

Zachariah Williams, Plymouth. XKDM, in irregular
shield.

John Burdon, Exeter. Bv, crown over in octagon.
Micon Melun, Falmouth. ML crown over in circle.
Francis Bishop, Bodmyn. $§i in circle.
Abraham Lovell, Plymouth. LO, mitre over.

John Suger. Su.

Adam Hutchings, Totnes. Hu.

Peter Arno, Barnstaple. AR, in indented oblong.

Sampson Bennett, Falmouth. 3§*.

Pentecost Symons, Plymouth, entered his OS mark.

Mr. Tolcher, Plymouth, entered his OS mark.

Joseph Collier, Plymouth, entered his OS mark.

Abraham Lovell, Plymouth, entered his OS mark.

John Burdon, Exeter, entered his OS mark.

Mr. Elston, Exeter, entered his OS mark I E.

Thomas Salter, Exeter, entered his OS mark.

Thomas Sampson, Exeter, enteredhis OS mark TS.

John Reed, Exeter, entered his OS mark IR.

John Murch, Tiverton, entered his OS mark IM.

478
1720.

1720.
1720.
1720.
1720.

1720.
1720.
1721.
1721.
1721.
1721.
1721.
1721.
1721.

1721.

1722.
1722.
1722.
1722.
1722.
1723.
1723.
1723.

1723.
1723.
1724.

1725.
1725.
1725.

1726.
1726.

1727.

1727.
1728.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

Richard Freeman, Plymouth. RF in shield, in-
dented at top.

John Manby, Dartmouth. JM in shield.

Anthony Tripe, Exeter. AT in shield.

Zachariah Williams, Plymouth. ZW.

Edmond Richards, Exeter. ER in four-lobed
shield.

Edward Sweet. ES.

John Suger. IS in four-lobed shield.

Samuel Blachford. SJS in shield.

Henry Muston. HM.

Samuel Blachford. SB.

Richard Willcockes, Plymouth. RW in circle.
James Stevens entered his OS mark and NS mark.
Jane Maryon, Penryn. IM in oblong.
John Burdon, Exeter. crown over in

circle.

Andrew Wotth, at ye Dock. AW interlinked.

Jane Maryon, Penryn. IM in oblong.
John Burdon, Exeter. IB crown over in circle.
Adam Hutchings, Totnes. AH in oval.
Sampson Bennett, Falmouth. SB in oval.
Abraham Lovell, Plymouth. AL, mitre over.
Samuel Wilmott, Plymouth. SW, crown over.
John Elston, jr., Exeter. ^S, label over.
Francis Bishop, Bodmin. & $f in two-lobed
shield.

Thomas Salter, Exeter. TS in two-lobed shield.

Philip Elston, Exeter. PE in oval.

John Webber, Plymouth. IW with indistinct

ornaments.
Thomas Clarke, Exeter. TC in oblong.
Anthony Tripe, Exeter. AT in circle.
James Marshall, Exeter. in four-lobed

shield.

John Boutel, Plymouth. BO in two-lobed shield.
John Boutel, Plymouth. IB in oblong with

curved sides.
Richard Torkington, Totnes. TO and IT in

oblongs.
Micon Melun. MM in octagon.
Samuel Blachford, Plymouth. SJS in oblong,

crown over.

THE EXETER GOLDSMITHS' GUILD.

479

1729. Richard Plint, Truro. RP in oblong.

1788. Moses Mordecai entered his mark. MM.

1790. James Traies, Dartmouth, entered his mark. JT.

1792. William Dunsford, Plymouth, entered his mark.

These last three entries are taken from notebooks of the
assayers, and are the only ones I could find in them. All the
others are from the minute book, the entries being at three
separate parts of book, the divisions between them being
noted by dotted lines.

A great many other marks may be obtained from the
copper plates, but as they are simply the stamps of the
punches and have no identifying names against them, it
would serve no purpose to record them here.

Since this paper was written a few additional marks have been
brought to my notice by H. D. Ellis, Esq.

George Lyddon (p. 445). The mark GL in monogram, on an
Elizabethan chalice and paten which came from the west country
and is now in the possession of Mr. Ellis, may very possibly be
the mark of George Lyddon, as no other country goldsmith with
these initials is known.

Steven More (p. 446). In a paper read before Soc. Antiq. in
1910 the tower found on Steven More's spoon is said by Mr. Ellis
to exactly resemble that on a Totnes seal, and the quatrefoil with
roundels is considered to be a Dartmouth mark.

WiUiam Horwood's inventory. Silver lemell should probably be
silver a Temail, i.e. silver and enamel.

Daniel Slade (p. 455). An earlier mark of his is DS in mono-
gram with a castle and EXON. It is found on a trifid spoon,
pounced 1693, in possession of H. D. Ellis, Esq.

William Ekins (p. 455). His mark WE is found on a trifid
spoon pounced 1696. It also has the mark C^JB in monogram with
EX over and ON under. The latter is not a maker's mark, but a
warden's, and shows there were wardens of the guild before 1700.
Or it may be an assayer's mark ; in either case, Nicholas Browne's.

WD.

Addenda.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE HOSPITIUM DE LE
EGLE, SOME ANCIENT CHAPELS IN THE
CLOSE, AND SOME PERSONS CONNECTED
THEREWITH.

On the first day of January in the fourteenth year of his
reign [1286], King Edward I issued a grant, 1 enrolled
upon the Patent Roll of that year (m. 24), giving per-
mission to the Bishop and Dean and Chapter to enclose the
Cemetery and precincts of St. Peter's Cathedral, Exeter,
with a wall of stone, on condition that gates and posterns
should be made in necessary places, and that such gates
should be kept open every day from dawn till night.

That a complete enclosure was anticipated is indisput-
able, in view of the word " circumquaque " (=6n every
side) ; but to obtain permission is one matter — to carry it
out another ; and it is at least conceivable that economy
might have dictated the retention of any such walls as
already effected a partial enclosure, and the supplementing
of such with new masonry, rather than the construction
de novo of an entire cingulum.

In the " grant made to the Mayor and citizens by the
Bishop, Dean, and Chapter" (Izacke, ed. 1677, p. 24) it is
the barring of access to the Close by the " said streets and
lanes " that is insisted on — thus : —

"... Concesserunt nobis quod includere possemus

1 Oliver, in the Appendix to his History of Exeter (p. cxxvii.), prints
three preliminary deeds, viz. : —

Agreement of the Citizens to the enclosing of the Cemetery.

Agreement of the Citizens to the providing of gates and posterns.

Licence of the Earl of Cornwall for the enclosing of the Cemetery.

See also in the Dean and Chapter's Archives, No. 3530, being Hooker's
Transcripts of Acts and Charters, etc. (ff . 42, 426).

BY MISS ETHEL LEGA-WEEKES.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Part I.

A*T ACCOUNT OF THE HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC. 481

Coemeterium predictum & praecinctum Ccemeterii pre-
dict* per vicos & venellas praedictaa. Ita tamen quod
portas . . ." etc.

And, on studying a " Piatt " or bird's-eye view of the
Close drawn by or for Hooker, and reproduced in a privately
printed copy of an "original MS." 1 of his, by [the Rev.]
Herbert Edward Reynolds (at Brit. Mus.), one finds that by
the time of Queen Elizabeth, at any rate, the enclosure
was effected for the most part by the rows of houses
standing about the Close, and by short lengths of con-
nective or garden walls ; the only long stretches of high
and solid-looking masonry of this nature being those
extending from Katherine Street past Bedford Place to the
City wall, and from St. Petrock's Church to " Litel Style."

The perspective is such that no wall could be seen over
the fronts and roofs of the houses in the High Street ; but,
from a deed in the possession of the Dean and Chapter, we
learn that more than a score of years before the issue of the
above-quoted grants there was already a wall on the north-
west side of the Close, screening the Churchyard from the
backs of the houses lining the High Street ; for, in this
deed, the date of which is 12 March, 1262, a tenement is
described as lying between a certain shop (whose approxi-
mate situation has been ascertained from other evidence)
and a tvall of stone by which the Cemetery is enclosed (i.e.
defined, bounded) ; and this wall is further stated to
extend from the Chapel of St. Simon and St. Jude on the
west, to the house of John Quinel, near the Chapel of St.
Peter the Less, on the east.

But let me quote the text in full : —

" D. and C. Records : Deed No. 49 [1263 a.d.].

" Sciant presentes et futuri q'd ego Johnannes de Henleg
consensu et assensu Lucie uxor mee quondam filie Ricardi
Waleraund Dedi concessi et hac presenti carta mea con-
firmam Ricardo de Bosco Arso Speciario, . . .

66 Unam Soldam in magno vico Exon sitam int' tene-
mentu Martin Durling vers' oriente et soldam qm Petrus le
Furbur tenuit, et Totum Tenementu nrm situm inter pre-
dictam soldam et muni de Petra quo clausum est cymiteriu
Beati Petri Exon et quod extendit se a Capella Ap'lo$
Simon & Jude ver's Occident' usque ad domum Joh'is

1 D. and C, No. 3530. See also another "Piatt" in Hooker's Hist.
Exon., ed. by Prof. W. Harte.

VOL. XLIV. 2 H

482

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

Quinel ppe Capdlam Beati Petri 1 p'ui vers' orientem cum
omibus suis ptinent'. Habend et tenend die tarn soldam et
dictum tenementu cum omibus suis ptin' dicto Ricardo et
heredibus suis vel assign de me et heredibus meis libere
quite pacifice et Integre ffure hereditar' imppetuum.
Reddendo inde annuatim nobis et heredibus nris sexdecim
solidos sterlingor ad qtuor aiim t'minos principales equis
portionibus pro omi s'vic's exaccos et demands sclari Hos
vero dicti Johannes et Lucia uxor mea et heredes nostri vel
assignati dictam seldam et tenementu predictum cum
omibus suis ptin' dicto Ricardo et heredibus suis vel
assignat' cont' oms homines et feminas tenem Warantizare
acquietare et defendere imppetum pro hac aut nfa Donacce
concessione presentis carte nre confirmacce et Warantizacoe
dedit nobis (? dcus) Ricardus decern libras sterlingor'
premanibus in recognie'em Quod ut ratum et Incocussum
gmaneat Imppetum presentem cartam sigillor' nfor.

ImpressionibS Co'boravimus Hiis testibus Dno ad
Canonico Exon Eccl'ie Dno (? W) ado capllo vicar eiusdem
Godefrido de Sowy ol'ico Philippo tinctore tuc maiore Exon
Johanne de Okiston Thorn de Langedon martino Durling
Benedco de London Ricardo le Poter Henr' de Suthampton
clico et aliis.

Dat Exon' die Sci Gregorii pp anno r. r.
" H. Angl xl° septimo." [12 March, 1262, E.L.-W.]
[Two seals.]

Certain grants of this period contain the clause that the
grantee is to " shut up entrances leading to the cemetery
of the Cathedral/ ' These last must have been openings in
the wall of the Close, and the fact that they were to be
blocked implies that the wall was not to be thrown down,
but was to be adapted to the new requirements ; e.g. by a
Covenant (Dean and Chapter Deed, No. 333) between
Peter, Bishop of Exeter, and William Dodderidge and
Benedicta his wife, the latter agree to block up their doors
adjoining St. Peter's Churchyard, and the Bishop and
Dean and Chapter release them their rent ; 22 September,
1285.

According to the Calendar of the Dean and Chapter's

1 The text of the above passage, which has been verified from the
original, and of which the correct translation is " . . . the house of John
Quinel near the ckapel of St. Peter the Less," has been mistakenly ren-
dered in the Hist. MSS. Report, Var. Coll., Vol. IV, p. 69, "... the house
of John Quinel, Chaplain of St. Peter the Little."

Digitized by

HOSPITIUM DE LB EGLE, ETC.

483

Deeds printed by the Historical Commissioners ( Various
Collections, Vol. IV, p. 72) : " Other deeds relating to the
obstruction of doors necessary for the formation of the
Close under Bishop Quinel, are Nos. 336, 346, 347, 348,
349 " (the last, I note, dated in 1295), but particulars of
the situations of these tenements are not given in the
Calendar..

Dr. Oliver, in his History of Exeter (p. 125), writes : —

" Within this parish (St. Martin) was the ancient Chapel
of St. Peter's the Less. The site was granted by Bishop
Quivil and the D. and C. to Thomas Fayreman, ... [7]
September, 1285, by the description : —

' Locum ubi aliquando sita fuit capella beati Petri juxta
magnum vicum Civitatis Exon, que aliquando appellabatur
capella beati Petri Minoris, dudum et a longis retro tem-
poribus deserta, unacum introitu et exitu versus magnum
vicum ad eundem locum spectantibS.'

The yearly rent was fixed at one penny at Michaelmas,
and double that sum whenever a relief shall happen."

To translate the above : —

The place where was formerly situated the Chapel of St.
Peter, near the High Street of Exeter, which was formerly
called the Chapel of St. Peter the Less, late and for a long
time back deserted, together with an entrance and exit
towards the High Street, pertaining to the said place.

By Dean and Chapter Deed, No. 336 (undated), Thomas
Fayreman concedes permission to the Bishop, Dean and
Chapter, to close, and keep closed in perpetuity, the door-
ways of every entry and exit in all his tenement towards
the cemetery of St. Peter's ("Claudere possunt hostia
omes int'oitus & exitus toti' tenementi mei v's cimiteriu
. . ." etc.).

The Church or Chapel of " S. Petrus Parvus " (the Little) is
included in the list of twenty-eight " kapellis " in Exeter,
to which one Peter de Palerna (1209-15) granted a rent of
Id. each per annum. [Hist. MSS., Var. Vol. IV, No.
2513.]

But it is even earlier mentioned in a Notification by the
Chapter [ibid., No. 2078, the date of which, given in the
Calendar as " c. 1150," has been corrected by the Com-
missioners' editor to " c. 1200 "] that twenty Brothers of the
city of Exeter and Kalendar Brothers ("Viginti fratres

484 AN ACCOUNT OF THE HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

civitatis Exonie et fratres kalendarios ")* having resigned
any rights that they might be found to have in the Chapels
of St. Peter the Less and St. Paul, were to be granted
certain rents towards their sustentation and augmentation,
and to be allowed to perform their service of the Kalend
(" servitium Kalendae suae ") in St. Mary Major's.

The absence of its name from the list in the Taxation of
Pope Nicholas, 1288-91, affords negative evidence of its
abandonment — if not destruction — before that date.

Among the abstracts in the Dymond Collection, 2 the
second to refer to the site of St. Peter the Less is one of
6 January, 1392 — Grant by Dean and Chapter to Robert
Wilford, " confirming their former Grant " [apparently
that to Fayreman, E.L.-W.], but with liberty to open a
door towards the Cemetery and to erect a stone wall,
and thereon to raise a chapel.

One of 1437 alludes to Wilford's " dwelling-house in High
Street " as being " opposite the Guildhall, and near a
vacant spot where a chapel has been rebuilt, on the S. part,
in the direction of the Cathedral Yard."

But the fullest particulars are yielded by the
following abstract : —

" 27 July, 1481, Lease by D. & C. to William King and
his wife Jane of spot of ground with a chamber or chapel
upon it built in the rear of a ten* once belonging to Robert
Wilf ord sit d in the High S* of Exeter opposite the Guildhall
and lying towards the Cemetery of S 1 Peter, 53 ft long, 23 ft
in breadth to E. and 12 to W. Term 39 years from 6
January, 1492. Rent 3 s 4*."

In the autumn of 1911 the proprietors of the National
Provincial Bank (which has a frontage of 51 ft. on the
north-west side of the Close, and another entrance in High
Street), having recently acquired by purchase the shop
(No. 60) in High Street (Messrs. Applin, Limited) lately
owned by T. C. K. Saunders, for the extension of the
Bank premises, set about the demolition of the buildings
on this site and of their own " strong-room, constructed of
brick inside ancient walls," which lay at the rear of this
shop and of the Norwich Union Office.

In the course of such demolition and of the necessary

1 Dr. Oliver, in his Lives of the Bishops, etc. (p. 260), misquotes the
phrase as " viginti fratres civitatis Exon. Kalendarii. ,,

2 Thirteen vols. MS. in Exeter Free Library, including notes by
Dr. Oliver and Pitman Jones.

PLAN Of dUPPOdLD' HISTORIC REMAINS

rouh-JO on Trie.

pQLMtizz or mc N/^tional Pcovincial Bank
or Tngland Ltd. -High (Smccr. CxtTCR. Aprils.

A-A
B

Supposed Ancient CloscWall

AnCICNT'Wau. umn which

Maypolc CVxidy

• M tO PUT

ii i T T i

Note.— This Plan is drawn at the First-Floor level, and the outlines of
C C and shaft (which vary on each floor) here include some latn-and- jK^macmn^

plaster work. PorYTff?

K Digitized by V^jOOQ LC

486

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

excavations, several lines of ancient foundations were un-
earthed, and a frescoed wall in a room over the strong-
room was exposed to view.

Fortunately Mr. Spencer, the Clerk of the Works, and
Mr. J. H. Brewerton, f.r.i.b.a., of Bournemouth, the
architect to the Bank, appreciated the antiquarian value
of such remains and took careful measurements and notes
of them, and I have the pleasure of reproducing a plan of
the site drawn by Mr. Brewerton, who has very kindly
placed it at my disposal, besides assisting me with much
detailed information on the subject.

Turning to this plan, the first points to which I would
call attention are the lack of continuous alignment in what
has been assumed to be the old boundary wall of the Close,
and the difference in thickness of its sections A and C.

These considerations alone would militate against the
idea that such a wall was built all at one time, and the
difference in the material or construction of the oldest parts
of each is a further argument against that theory.

The section C may be supposed to follow the original
line, since one end abutted on the now-vanished stone
gateway, known as Porta lata, Broad Gate, or St. Michael's
Gate (Jenkins' Hist. Exon., pp. 312, 367).

It is apparently of ancient construction ; has been
attributed to the Norman period ; is 3 ft. 6 in. thick ; and
has at its near end, in the angle of its return, a circular
shaft hollowed out in the midst of very substantial masonry,
and carried through basement, ground floor, and upper
story, as if to contain a spiral stair.

On a tracing of the 1886 Ordnance Map of Exeter, to be
seen at the Library, Mr. Dymond has marked a letter " a "
in the external angle of C and B, intended, possibly (though
on another property), to indicate the outline of this shaft
and its jamb, since no nearer feature appears on the map.
It refers to the note, " Norman column and arch, presum-
ably part of the ' Le Vauted Cylere.' "

Mr. Brewerton, however, found no traces of vaulting
in the basement of these premises, nor in those of
Mrs. Goff.

Mr. Brewerton is inclined to think that this wall " D "
is older than the also old, parallel wall B, though both rest
on an apparently common foundation about 7 ft. wide.

The projection of the wall B, with its older and wider
foundation L, towards the Close, so far beyond its junction

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

487

with the wall A, is rather puzzling ; it would almost seem
to indicate that another wall had turned from it at right
angles, bounding or intruding on the Close, considerably in
advance of A, which has hitherto been supposed to be the
boundary wall.

The wall A, I note, has less substance than one would
expect of an early cingulum, being only 21 in. thick ; and,
granting that it may replace an earlier one on the same line,
I should be inclined to assign it to the fourteenth century,
regarding it as coeval with B, E, 1 and F, and assuming these
to be the remains of Robert Wilford's Chapel.

These walls all go down to a depth of about 9 ft. below
the level of the High Street. The masonry above the
ground-level of A and F is modern.

But, deep as their foundations strike, they rest on — or
over-ride — others deeper still — to wit, H and G, whose plan,
being oblique in relation to the wall A, forms— if I may
borrow the terminology of heraldry — two "chevrons,"
and would appear to have outlined the north-east corner of
a rectangular building set within a larger rectangular
enclosure ; or, as Mr. Brewerton suggests, the wall H may
have been foundations for an internal columniation.

The material of all the " old " foundations shown on the
plan (with the exception of some about the " stair-turret,"
whose stones were roughly squared and coursed) was un-
dressed, broken limestone, necessarily intermingled with a
good deal of mortar. There were no slates or tiles, no fine-
wrought ashlars, no indications whatever of Roman work
about the masonry ; but certain differences in the character
of C, B and H, G suggested different periods of construc-
tion, while the position of H and G, in relation to the others,
proved these to have been laid not only before the square
chamber ABEF, as I have said, but before the massive
Close waDC.

The axis of these deepest and earliest foundations,
though not quite true in its orientation, virtually coincides
with that of the Cathedral, giving a hint that the super-
structure was of a religious character.

One might hastily pronounce them to represent the
ancient Chapel of St. Peter the Less, but the objections

1 Wide and old foundations of E, shown in 1910 plan, might have
been original boundary between City and Cathedral land. It lies some
distance back from High Street (about 35ft.), as do remains of massive
walls (some faced with large ? Norman ashlars) in cellars of Nos. 40—
47 High Street, and under 61.

488

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

have to be taken into account : (1) that they refuse to fit in
to any such figure as the " spot of ground 53 ft. long by
23 ft. wide at the east, and 12 ft. at the west end, whereon
that church ' formerly stood ' " ; and (2) that the edifice
they represent must have been demolished before the
construction of the supposed " Norman " wall C, whereas
St Peter the Less would appear to have been still in use in
1200-15.

I therefore do not commit myself to this identification,
but halt between it and the idea that these foundations
may be the traces of some building anterior in date even to
St. Peter's the Less — possibly one of the monasteries or
nunneries of Anglo-Saxon times. 1

It must be owned, moreover, that there are but slight
grounds for assuming the old outer shell of the late strong-
rooms to have been once a chapel. Its almost perfectly
square form is an unusual one for such a use ; it has no east
wall for an altar to have stood against — its sides making an
angle of nearly 45 degrees with the cardinal points ; and, as
I understand, the only vestige of a religious feature about
it was a fresco, or painting in tempera, on the inner surface
of its south-west wall, showing Italian influence in its design
of quasi-classic pilasters and plinth, arabesques, etc., and
having a long label painted with Gothic characters of
which the only words now decipherable are : " O Lord
soffer thy mercy . . .",on the upper line, and" . . . Eliza-
beth ..." on the lower line, preceded by about four
illegible words. For the last of these the rendering
" Regina " has been suggested, but a mingling of English
and Latin in the same text seems unlikely, 2 and it might
prove to refer to Elizabeth Wilford, or some other Elizabeth
connected with the property. The label is encroached on
by a large claw with three talons, resembling that of an
eagle, but the scaly leg is bent at such an angle that no
bird's body can have come above it, and from a suggestion
of a coiled and scaly tail near it I should guess it to have
formed part of the representation of a dragon, a wyvern,
or a cockatrice — it is not rightly a griffin, for that monster
must have lion's hind-feet.

Perhaps it was the supporter of the Tudor royal arms,

1 See Hooker's History of Exeter, D. and C. Record Society, p. 97,
and Holinshed's Chronicles.

2 For the above decipherment from a photograph, and criticism, I am
indebted to Mr. Salisbury, Assistant Keeper, of the Record Office.

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

489

for though, curiously enough, on the map of Exeter engraved
for Hooker by Remigius Hogenberg in 1587, the sinister
supporter of the coat of Queen Elizabeth is given hind-
paws instead of claws, it was properly a dragon.

Photographs of this painting were taken while it was in
situ by Mr. Rowley, Curator, Royal Albert Memorial
Museum, and the plaster bearing it was removed to the
Royal Albert Museum, leaving exposed a still earlier coat
which, in Mr. Rowley's opinion, had also painted, or
stained, through the other. The walling above the fresco
was modern. Mr. Brewerton, Mr. T. J. James, foreman,
and the workmen all assert that there were no traces of a
window in any part of the wall. The bottom of the fresco
was cut off by the modern floor over the strong-room, at a
height of about 9 ft. above the ground-floor level, but there
was no indication in the old masonry (such as putlog holes)
that the building had originally been divided into two
stories. There was no basement under its ground floor,
though the walls, as I have said, went down for 9 ft. ; and
the interior was not filled with virgin soil, but mostly
with rubble. There were cellars under Mrs. Goff's ad-
joining premises and under No. 60, but they were not
vaulted.

The whole of the " old " walls and foundations shown on
the plan have been removed since they were surveyed, with
the exception of C, D, and L.

An "Exeter Chapter Terrier" 1 "of the year 1408 "
[? 1420-31, E. L.-W.] records a receipt of 6d. "From
the Chapel of William Wilford's house within the
Close."

It is, I suppose, possible that the site lay on the Cathedral
instead of the city side of the wall A, in which case the
projection of the wall B might be explainable ; but, per
contra, there was ample room for a plot " 53 ft. long " on
the city side, where I have assumed it to have been.

It cannot have lain between the said corner and Broad
Street, the length there being only 33 ft., or from the front
of the present Bank, 40 ft.

Oliver, under the citation of the grant to Fayreman of

1 With other old Exeter MSS. translated by the Rev. O. J. Reichel,
aided by the late Mr. W. E. Mugford.

The original MS. volume has been presented by Mr. J. G. Commin, j.p.,
to the Cathedral Library, where the very courteous librarian, the
Rev. E. T. Foweraker, has called my attention to it and to other
unique and helpful works.

490

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

" the place where St. Peter's formerly stood," remarks :
" The tenement erected on the spot was subsequently
called the ' Eagle,' but a small chapel was built by one
Robert Wilf ord : I conceive the site to be in the rear of the
house of Mr Dyer, bookseller."

As a fact, not the house, but only the chapel was
" erected on the spot," for we are told in the deeds that
this ground lay " at the rear of the dwelling-house called
the Eagle," and vice versa, that " the said dwelling-house "
was " opposite the Guildhall, and near a vacant spot where
a chapel has been rebuilt on the south part, in the direction
of the Cathedral."

The premises, occupied fifty and more years ago by Mr.
Dyer, bookseller, since burnt down, and now included in
Messrs. Wipple's, were probably indicated by Oliver as the
site of " Wilford's dwelling-house of the Egle," because of
their fulfilling the requirement of standing " opposite the
Guildhall."

But this definition may have been a somewhat elastic
one, and from particulars yielded by the Civic Rolls, etc.,
I gather that the Wilfords' property, commencing with a
certain " shop on the E. side of the ' Egle ' " (which I take
to be Messrs. Fox and Fowler's, No. 57), comprised that
and the Egle, and the whole row of shops (except, perhaps,
61 and part of 62) extending thence along the High Street
as far as — and even beyond — Broad Street.

We hear of " the Gate of the Egle," through which,
presumably, was the " entrance " to the Chapel site at the
rear that the old deeds mention, and my idea is that this
passage-way coincided with the present Bank-entrance and
its lately existing corridor, and that the Hospice itself stood
on the site immediately to westward of this passage, lately
occupied by the Norwich Union Office.

Considering that the Egle and surrounding buildings
stood on the " lands of the Cittie," and in such close
proximity to the Guildhall, I should not be surprised
should the whole enclosure prove to have constituted in
primitive times some sort of collegiate institution under the
immediate patronage of the Corporation.

The early " Hospitalium" with its accommodation not
only for those disabled by age, sickness, or poverty, but for
transient remunerative " guests," was in many instances
later converted into a " Hospitium " devoted to the latter
use. Chapels were often attached to both ; and, indeed,

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

491

it would seem that drinking-houses as well as chapels were
connected with Hospitalia in some instances. The entrance
to the Hospital of the Parish Clerks of London (and formerly
of the Brotherhood of St. Nicholas) was between the
taverns of the signs of " The Wrestlers " and " The Angel,"
in Bishopsgate Street, which were their own property ; and
the " Statutes of the Vicars Choral of Exeter," in 1663,
ordered "... that no Ale house be permitted to be
kept in the Kallenderhay, except one only, and that
at the present to be kept by David Powell, so long as
he shall behave himself orderly and regularly in the
place."

The Egle might conceivably have been the quarters,
before the transference of their rights in an altar in St.
Peter's the Less to one in St. Mary Major's, of the " Kalen-
dar Brethren," or " Fraternity of the City of Exeter " (who
were perhaps partly engaged here, as in Bristol, by the
Corporation, in keeping the annals of the city and other
scribal work). It would at least seem natural that they
should have had their Hospital or asylum for aged
members and other poor or infirm Bedesmen and Bedes-
women as near to their former place of public worship as
was the Old Kalendarhay — where we afterwards find them
established — to the Church of St. Mary Major, some of its
buildings having been, in fact, in direct contact with the
west and south sides of that church. 1

The origin of the title " De le Egle " is an alluring
subject for speculation.

A contributor to the Exeter Express and Echo (31
October and 14 November), signing himself " Scotus," has
suggested that it might be derived from the Latin Ecclesia
(= church) through — or analogously to — such forms as
Eggles, Egles, Egglis (found in Scottish monastic charters
dating back to the middle of the twelfth century as
equivalent to " Kirk " in place-names) ; Eaglais, Aglish,
Eglish 2 (in Irish place-names) ; Eccluis (Welsh) [to which

1 I have long been collecting material towards an account of the
origin and spread of the Fraternities of the Calendar on the Continent
and in England, for which any contributions from hitherto unprinted
records, other than such as I have already drawn on, would be very
welcome. — E. L.-W.

* See also Baldwin Brown, Arts in Early England, Vol. I, 252, con-
tending that the first element in such place-names as Eccleston, Eccles-
felt, ^Egelesthrop, or ^Egelesford (Aylesford, near Maidstone), and in
the personal names jEgylwig, ^Egylsige, ^Egelweard, come not from
" ecclesia," but from Eigil, a Northern deity.

492

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

I may add " Eglysylane " in Hereford : Parliamentary
Surveys, Lambeth, Vol. XVI, pp. 164, 202] Eglos (Cornish),
and Ylis (Armoric).

There is much that is attractive in this proposition, but,
apart from the consideration that the " s " persisting in the
above and other examples would appear to be indispensable,
the Celtic provenance of all these forms would oblige us to
suppose that the word " Egle " had been first applied to
the Exeter site at the period of the British occupation, and
had survived there down to. 1420, when it has first been
found in the City Records.

On the other hand, inn-signs and titles allusive to
heraldic charges, religious emblems, etc., have been com-
mon enough, since at least the beginning of the fourteenth
century, to give one pause before accepting the more
recondite derivation.

And an eagle, 1 as the device displayed on the seal — and,
it Js said, on the shield also — of Richard, Earl of Cornwall
and titular King of the Romans, to whom, in 1227, King
Henry III gave the city of Exeter, 2 would have been an
appropriate enough sign for the city's own Hospice, as I
conjecture this once to have been.

Part II. — Genealogical.

The tale of the successive owners or holders of the
" Tenement of the eagle " is complicated by its sub-
division, and by peculiarities in the circumstances of its
tenure.

It seems to have been one of the houses in this city per-
taining at the time of Domesday to the Crown, and the
ground-rents of which were later ultimately payable to the
Earl of Cornwall, by grant of the King. 3

An instance typical of such a holding may be taken from
the Inq. A.Q.D. Chanc, W dated 8 April, 2 Ed. Ill
(1328 a.d.), and from No. 548 of the Deeds of the Dean and
Chapter, 2 April, 1333, from which, by collation, it appears
that Thomas de Stapildon or Stapledon, a Canon of Exeter

1 See J. R. Planche's Poursuivant of Arms, p. 84.

2 Lysons, p. 192.

3 See the Rev. O. J. Reichel's Introduction to D. Survey, Vict. Co.
Hist. Dev., p. 396.

Digitized by

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

49a

Cathedral, by royal licence gave to the Dean and Chapter
for the keeping of the obits of himself and of his brother,
Sir Richard de Stapildone, Kt., certain property or rents in
Exeter. The Inquisition says, "four shops, and 24* rent,"
the deed, " 24 s from a tenement in High St. ('in summo
vico ') and from four shops in Northyetestret fere juxta
quadrivium."

According to the Inquisition these shops and the rent were
all held of the King as of a certain fee farm of the city of
Exeter, payable to the Exchequer of the King by the hands
of the Mayor, rendering 4 d 1 per annum on Michaelmas Day
for all service (" iiij d ad f m sci Mich'i eidem firme soluend', <p
omio s'vicio "), the shops being worth yearly, " in olbS exit "
23 s . The Inquisition further states that there remain to
the said Thomas and his heirs, over and above the said
donation and assignation, 40s. rent coming from the hands
of divers tenants in the same city, which said rents he
holds of the King as of the farm aforesaid.

Neither of the two documents states that the grant to
the Dean and Chapter was in perpetuity, and I would
suggest — subject to correction — that it was only for the
remainder of the term of a lease ; for, on looking through
the Account of Receipts and Payments of the Chapter
" in 1408 " 2 [?], I can find no record of the precise sum of
24s., nor of any celebration by the Annuellars for the
soul of Richard Stapleton, nor of the receipt of a rent
from any house " in the Close," or elsewhere, recognizable
as the tenement referred to in the grant.

From later evidence as to the succession of the Eagle
property, I am inclined to believe that the above-men-
tioned tenement in the High Street and those yielding the
40s. rent are identical with the Hospice de le Egle, and
some, if not all, of the houses or shops in the same row.

The grantor of the rent, Thomas de Stapledon, Canon
of Exeter, was, as the Inquisition proves, brother of Sir
Richard de Stapledon, Kt., who was presumably the same
as Sir Richard Stapledon, a Puisne Judge of the King's
Bench, who resided at Stapeldon near Holsworthy, and
who (according to the Dictionary of National Biography)

1 The Rev. O. J. Reichel {Vict. Hist. Dev., p. 396) submits that the
usual due from each house of the King was 8d.

2 Ed. by the Rev. O. J. Reichel, with assistance from the late Mr.
W. E. Mugford, and printed in the App. to D. and C. N. and Q., April,

1907.

494

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

was the eldest brother of Walter Stapledon, parson of
Aveton Giffard before 1294, consecrated Bishop of Exeter
1307, murdered [with his brother Robert; see Lysons,
p. 208] in 1326.

But whereas, according to the Dictionary of National
Biography, Bishop Walter was son of William and Mabilla
de Stapledon, according to Pole (Devon, p. 365) the Sir
Richard who left only an heiress, Thomasia, was imme-
diately preceded by three generations of Richards.

The Thomas of the grant being a Churchman, Thomasia,
the daughter and heir of Sir Richard Stapleton, Kt., was
presumably also his heir.

In the year 1398 this Thomasia, though a minor, was
already married to Richard Hankeford ; for on 22 Novem-
ber of that year her guardian, Gilbert Wibbery, brought an
action in her name against Walter Cornu and Constance
his wife, for having unjustly disseised her and her husband
of their free tenement in Tapelegh (Chanc. Misc. Bdle. 55,
File 3, Nos. 76, 77).

Richard Hankeford, the husband of Thomasia, was son
of Sir William Hankeford (by his wife Christine ; see Inq.)
the eminent Judge — eventually Chief Justice of the King's
Bench.

The Inquisition of the latter (C. File 12, No. 32), of
which the first part (as recorded on m. 1) was held at
Barnstaple, 19 May, 2 Hen. VI, declares that the said
William Hankeford died 12 December last [i.e. December
in 1423]. It informs us that he held nothing of the King
in County Devon, but held 1 mess. 1 ferl. land, etc., in
"Nywelond " 1 of John Hankeford. An Inquisition of
"Melius Inquirend " (C. 55) establishes that he also held
(of John Kelly) an annual rent of 2s. 2d. issuing out of
messuages in Holdsworthy.

In London, according to the Inquisition held at the
Guildhall of that city (No. 32, m. 4), he was seised of 1
mess., 4 shops, and 1 garden in Holborn, which were
held in free burgage of the King, and which had been
granted by Richard Gabriel, Canon of St. Peter's, Exeter,
John Hals, and John Osbarn, to him and to John Hanke-

1 Is this Newlands — a large farm in the parish of North Tawton,
where Hankefords held the advowson and some landed property — or is
it the village of the same name in the parish of Landkey, near Barnstaple?
At Herford, in the same parish, there was a chapel to. which Fulk Fitz-
warren gave land tempore Ed. IV (see the Lysons, p. 309).

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

495

ford, Will. Wonard and John Dabernon. Wonard had
relinquished his rights to William Hankeford, 18 Novem-
ber, 6 Hen. V [1418], and John Hankeford had afterwards
died, after whose death the said William Hankeford, with
the said John Dabernon (now surviving), continued all his
life so seised.

The above-mentioned John, probably William's brother,
was perhaps identical with John Hankeford, " Domicellus,"
patron of the living of Alwington, 1410-16, etc. (Episc.
Begr., Staff, p. 191.)

For particulars of the public career of William Hanke-
ford I may refer my readers to Foss' Book of Judges (Vol.
IV, p. 323), but both this compilation and the Dictionary
of National Biography, which closely follows it, besides
inaccurately giving the year of William's death as 1422
(as do also the Lysons, pp. 89, 352), fall into several errors
as to his family connections. They suppose him to be the
younger brother of the Richard (really his own son) who
died in 1419, and they make the Richard, whose daughter
Anne, as they say, married the Earl of Ormonde, to be the
son, whereas he was actually the grandson of William ; for
the above cited Inquisition explicitly states that the
nearest relative and heir of William and Christine is
Richard, then aged twenty-seven, the son of their son
Richard.

The will of William Hankeford, which Foss and the
Dictionary of National Biography do not include in their
category of sources consulted, but which I have found at
Lambeth (Chichele, Part I, p. 3756), bears out the testi-
mony of the Inquisition, and as I have not met with
it in print I think some particulars from it, though not
exhaustive, may be acceptable.

The date at the commencement is 10 December, 1423.
but that of the probate is not entered in the register.

The testator makes legacies to the Parish Church of
Monklegh, to the Chapel of Bulkeworthy, to the Vicar of
Bokelond to pray for him and Christine his wife, to the
Church of East Putteford, to the Abbot and Convent of
Hertland, to the Priory of Frithelstoke, to the Rectors of
Were and of Yenstowe, for praying for him and Christine ;
to the Bridges of Bydeford, Toriton, Rothernford, Putte-
ford, and Duppeford, and to John Dab'noun, his servant
(xx s & terrar' & ten' limitand' in Com' Devon' <p cofeo-
ffatos meos) ; Will Gill is to hold his tenement of Hey for

496

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

life free of all rents except certain services to be rendered at
Hankf ord ; Henry his servant is to have his tenement of
Thorn rent free ; several other servants are named. There
are also legacies to Walter Clark, Richard Wydeslade, John
Wydeslade, Richard Sachev'yll, Thomas Colston, Baldwin
Foleford. To feach of the Paupers in Devon and in London
who pray for him (Id. each), and rent from tenements in
Sutton to certain chaplains. Richard, son of Richard
Hankeford, to have 100 marks if he will be kind ("si
gratus fuerit ") to his sisters Blanche, Joan, and Christine,
and will not hinder his legacies ; but if unkind, to have
nothing thereof. His chattels live and dead at Hankeford
to go to his heirs for keeping his anniversary ; to Christine,
daughter of Richard Hankeford, he leaves £200 if she do
not marry before his decease; to Joan, wife of Thomas
Bro(vn ?), one of the daughters of Robert Kyr'hm . . .
etc.

He refers to all his tenements in the counties of Devon,
Cornwall, Somerset, Berkshire, and in the suburbsof London.
To the " aforesaid " Richard Hankeford his relation
(Consanguineo meo) the plate that he had from Joan
Stourton. To Joan, wife of Theobald Gorges, £20; to
Richard Gossyn . . . etc. To the Friars, Preachers, and
Friars Minor, of Exeter, he makes bequests, and finally he
wills that John and Richard, sons of Richard Hankeford
by (" per ") Elizabeth Were, 1 shall be kept at the schools
(invenientur ad scolas) for a length of time to be left to the
discretion of the executors. John Dabernoun is one of the
witnesses.

There is also registered at Lambeth (Chichele, Part II,
f. 281a) a " Sequestration " Commission, issued to Sir
William Hankeford, Kt., and John Hankeford his brother,
in regard to the goods of Richard Hankeford, son of the
said Sir William, who had died intestate.

This Richard Hankeford, the Judge's son, died 27 April,
1419. His Inquisition p.m. (File 42, No. 70, 7 Hen. V)
tells us that he held nothing of the King in chief, but that
he held of the King in free burgage 2 messuages, 2 gardens,
4 shops, with appts., in the city of Exeter, worth (p

1 I do not know whether the surname of Elizabeth " Were " could
have been a mistake of the Registrar's for some abbreviation of Fitt
Warren ; but if Richard and John were the children of Elizabeth Warren,
they must have died before 1431. William's granddaughters were not
yet bom at the date of his will.

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

497

annum, in omibS exit') 60s., and that by inheritance of
his wife Thomasia, defunct, mother of Richard Hankeford
who is her heir, he holds the manors and lands named —
a long list — in divers counties, including among those in
Devon one messuage one ferling of land in Moulhangre,
held in fee tail, by gift of Sir William Hankeford and
John Hankeford as by their charter, etc.

Bishop Stafford's Register (ed. H.R., p. 191) states that,
29 January, 1397-8, John Boure, priest, was presented to
the Rectory of North Tawton, the patron being Richard
Hankeford for this turn, in right of his wife Thomasia,
daughter and heiress of Sir Richard Stapilton, Kt.,
Lord of Estington in the said parish.

The next Richard Hankeford (grandson of the Judge)
was he who held the office of Sheriff of Devon from 13
November, 1423, to 6 November, 1424. 1 The exact date
of his death I have not found stated, but it must have
been before Michaelmas, 10 Hen. VI [1431] (vide post,
p. 499).

A long list of his estates, in divers counties, is furnished
by the Inquisition p.m. (Henry VI, f&) of his eldest
daughter Elizabeth, of which the first writ is dated
18 October, 12 Hen. VI [1433].

Among the manors specified in the part relating to
Co. Devon (m. 15), taken at Exeter 12 October, 13 Hen.
VI, are those of Toustoke, Nymettracy, Bannton, Ufcolmp,
Holne, and Parva Totton, all held of the King, with half
the Hundred and Burgh of Bannton and half the advowson
of a free chantry (" de feod' eidem Man'io spectant ") and
with half the advowsons of Toustok and Nymettracy ; and,
among less important holdings, half a messuage and caruc.
of Jand in Shillyngford (of the Abbot of Torre, 1 messuage
and 3 ferlings in the " villa " of Newelond, and 2 messuages
2 ferlings in Slade, both held of the heirs of Edward de
Horton, the combination of which names persuades me
that these were in the parish of North Tawton) ; besides
1 messuage and 9 acres in North Tawton with the advow-
son of that church, held of the heirs of Otho Chambernon
in free socage for the service of one rose, and worth per
annum 3s.

Also — the item of most interest in connection with my
subject — 2 messuages and 2 gardens with appts. in the

1 Official List, R.O., also L.T.R. Foreign Accts., 2 Hen. VI, No. 58.
VOL. XLIV. 2 I

498

AN ACCOUNT OP THE

city of Exeter, held of the King in free burgage and worth
per annum " in oib5 exit'," 3s.

Further particulars of Sir Richard's holdings in Devon
and elsewhere may be found in Feudal Aids, from
which I will content myself with noting, as evidence of the
descent, that in 1428 he held, conjointly with three other
persons, 2 parts of 1 fee in Westdown that had "a6
antiquo " been held by Richard de Stapulton (p. 464) ;
and, alone, held 1 fee in Huwyssh which Richard de
Stapulton formerly held (p. 496).

Nearly all Sir Richard Hankeford's possessions were held
by him as of the inheritance of his [first] wife Elizabeth,
who was daughter and heir (Pole, p. 385) of Fulk Fitz-
warren, whose estates, through Cogan of Bannton and
Paganel, are traceable back to Walter de Douai, the Domes-
day holder of these estates {vide Lysons, p. 28).

This wife was still living, 10 February, 4 Hen. VI
[1426] ; for an item on m. 8 of the above-cited Inquisition
states that the said Richard, and Elizabeth his wife, by
charter of that date, granted the manor of Edlyngton in
Yorkshire to James Gascoigne for term of his life. The
latter name recalls, by the way, the story of the punish-
ment of Prince Henry, the honours of which are divided
between Judges Hankeford and Gascoigne.

Elizabeth's possessions passed to her own two daughters,
Elizabeth and Thomasine, the latter, aged twelve at her
sister's death, on 13 October, 1433 (Inquisition p.m. f{),
becoming sole heiress to them, and marrying, later,
William Bourchier — to whom, through her mother, she
brought the title — Lord Fitzwarren (Pole, p. 385. See also
Inquisition p.m., File 84, No. 75, 15 Hen. VI).

Hankeford's second wife was Anne, daughter of John
Montacute, Earl of Salisbury (Pole, 385), who afterwards
became the Duchess of Exeter as the third wife of John
Holland, Duke of Exeter (son of John the 1st Duke) 1
(Banks, II, 649). By her Hankeford had a third daughter,
Anne, who married Thomas Earl of Ormonde and became
grandmother of Anne Boleyn. This daughter Anne was
co-heir with her half-sisters of her father's own property,
and as such we find specified " two parts of two messuages,
two gardens, and appurts. in Exeter," which Richard

1 Vide "Assignaco'e, Anne Ducisse Exon., nup ux'is Joh'e nup Ducis,"
Exon. Inqn. 26 Hen. VI (? 1447), No.

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

499

Hankeford held at his death "in dmco suo, ut de
feodo."

By another Inquisition (File 51, No. 54) we learn that on
the Feast of SS. Philip and James, 9 Hen. VI [1431],
Thomasia was aged eight years, Elizabeth seven years, and
Anna twelve weeks.

All the possessions of the heiresses came upon the Pipe
Rolls of the Exchequer, as having devolved to the King
during their minority, and were farmed of the King by the
guardians appointed by him, who are named therein.

Thus, on Roll No. 277, 10 Hen. VI [Michaelmas, 1431-
Michaelmas, 1432], John Copleston, John Mules, and John
Dabernon (? are indebted) ... for the custody of . . .
(manors named) in the counties of Devon, Somerset, and
Wiltshire, which Sir Richard Hankeford held of inheritance
of his wife Elizabeth, who held of the King in chief, etc. ;
to wit, from Michaelmas, Anno 10 [1431] till the attainment
of majority, etc. Manucaptors : Thomas Dowryssh and
John Merwode, gentlemen, both of County Devon, " as
contained in Roll 9 in Res. DeuonV

And on the same Roll : —

" Anna Comitissa Staff & Heref : Henricus Bourgchier,
Cl'icus & Thomas Bourgchier [? owe] cccxxxiij 11 vj s viij d p
ann. £ de custodia' of all the castles, manors, etc., that
R.H. held of inheritance of his wife Elizabeth as well as
the custody of two parts, etc. [as quoted, of the Exeter
property]. Which custody the King committed to the
said Anne, Henry, and Thomas, 14 February, Anno 11, to
hold from Michaelmas, Anno 10, to the end of the minority,
etc. Paying to the King for the sd. custody per annum
£333 6 s 8 d , etc., maintaining the sd. heirs, and keeping
the sd. manors in repair, etc." 1

" Manucaptors : Thos. Mulso, de Com. Northt.,
Armiger ; Joh'is de la Bere, de Com. Heref., Armig."

The Countess of Stafford, 2 who was daughter of Ralph

1 It is puzzling to find on a roll of " 10 Hen. VI " a record of an
event of the eleventh year of the same reign, and a reference to its
further record in the " Originalia Roll " of " Anno 11." But it has been
explained to me, by an expert, that blanks were frequently left in these
accounts for exact particulars to be filled in later, as was evidently done
in this case.

1 Her brother Richard married Alice, daughter and heir of Thomas
Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, while Anne Montacute, daughter of John,
3rd Earl of Salisbury, was the mother of Anne Hankeford, and, on her
second marriage, to the Duke of Exeter, became related to the Nevilles.

Thomasia Hankeford brought to her husband the title of Lord Fitz-

500

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

Neville, 1st Earl of Westmoreland, and wife of Humphrey
Stafford, created in 1444 or 1445 1st Duke of Buckingham,
was probably granted the wardship on account of her
relationship to the Hankefords — indirect though it was—
through Montacutes, Staffords, Nevilles, Hollands, Bour-
chiers, etc.

The possession by the Hankefords of the tenement of the
Eagle 1 (and thereby, inferentially, its identity with
Stapledon's High Street property), is testified to in the
below -quoted "Receiver's Rolls," or Accounts of the
Receiver of moneys for the Corporation, preserved in the
Guildhall Muniment Room.

The earliest references to the Hankefords in connection
with the " Egle " that have been found in these Rolls, 2
are in that of 16-17 Hen. VI [1436-7], under the heading
" Resoluc' Reddit'," and run (translated) : —

" Item : paid to the Lady the Countess of Stafford,
farmer of the lands that had been Richard Hankeford's,
Kt., of certain Exeter rents from tenements which had
been Robert Wilford's there, 4s. per annum ; viz., in the
Hospice of [the] Egyll (hospicio de Egyll), in the High
Street of the City."

" Item : paid to the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral
Church for rent of the farm of the Chapel (p redd' Firme
Capelle) within the Hospice of [the] Egyll, 2s."

These entries, as if mechanically copied, appear year
after year in such r6lls as have been examined, with slight
modifications at long intervals, down to Henry VIII's time.
In the account of 6-7 Ed. IV, 1466-7, the Christian name

warren, her mother having been daughter and heir of Fulk Lord Fitz-
warren. Her husband's mother was Anne Plantagenet (Lysons, xcviii.).
Elizabeth Bourchier, the first cousin twice removed of Thomasia's
husband, married Hugh Stafford (Inqn. 1421), uncle of Humphrey
Earl of Stafford, the husband of the Countess with whom we are con-
cerned, whose mother was also a Stafford (daughter of Hugh Earl of
Stafford).

1 Some years ago I gleaned several items relating to the " Egle "
from these rolls, to which, by the courtesy of Mr. Lloyd-Parry, I have
enjoyed frequent access ; and Mr. E. Chick, of Haldon Road, who has
examined a long series of them, has since supplied me with further
extracts and summaries ; while Mr. W. E. Gay, of the Town Clerk's
office, has come to my assistance with copies of some other local docu-
ments, and of the Dymond Collection of abstracts of deeds belonging to
the Dean and Chapter, but the originals would no doubt have yielded
fuller evidence.

2 Rolls for several years prior to this are missing, but in the next
one before it extant — that of 11-12 Hen. VI [1432-3]— these entries
do not appear.

HOSPITIUM DE LB EGLE, ETC.

501

" William " is substituted for that of " Richard Hanke-
ford," as the bygone owner of the lands farmed by the
Countess. This was surely a lapsus calami on the part of
the scribe (who perhaps had in his mind at the moment
the Sheriffs more distinguished grandfather), but it was
repeated — perhaps continually down to, and certainly in,
the Roll of 22-3 Ed. IV [1482-3], where I found another
instance.

The payments are afterwards entered, I am told, to the
Countess of Stafford's heirs, and later — say between 24 and
34 Hen. VIII — to the Lord Fitzwarren. The last mention
of the " Egyll " by name that has been found is in 34^5
Hen. VIII ; but (as my informant tells me, " speaking from
memory " of subsequent rolls) in late Elizabethan days
the area of the chapel was still rented from the Dean and
Chapter by the name of " Chapel Chamber," and for many
years was let to one woman.

Also there ran, side by side with the Fitzwarren entry,
one which in 1 Eliz. reads : "Paid to Nicholas Wadham &
Roger Bluyt, Kt., 1 for the tenements ?] near the Broad
Gate (Lat. porta) 6 s 8 d ."

In the Roll of 2-3 Ed. IV (1462-3), we find the following
topographical and personal details : —

" The Receiver renders his account of . . .

" 16 s 8 d from a shop in High S 4 , Exeter, on the east side
(in orient' p'te) of ' Le Egle,' late Robert Wilford's.

" And of 5 marcs (66 s 8 d ) from John Cooke, for the
' Hospitio de le Egle,' late the said Robert's.

" And of 26 s 8 d from a shop with a solar built over it on
the west side of the Egle, late the said Robert's, which John
Thomas now holds.

" And of 20 s from a shop on the west side of the said shop,
which William Hay ward holds.

" And of 16 s 8 d from a cellar under the shop which
Richard Rone will holds.

" And of 20 s from a shop above the said cellar.

'"And of 26 s 8 d from a shop on the west side of the said
shop, late the said Robert's.

" And of 54 s 4 d from Richard Ronewill, for a shop with a
solar built over it, which belonged to the said Robert,
adjoining the Broad Gate (Lat. porta)."

1 The heiresses of Chiseldon, of Holcombe R^gis, near Tiverton,
married Wadham and Bluett (Lysons, p. 275). , ( .

502

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

Analysing these sums, we find that the combined rents
of the first three shops amount to 63s. 4d., and of the
fourth and fifth to another 63s. 4d. Those of the third and
fourth, exclusive of the cellar, would answer to the 40s.
recorded as Stapledon's. The grand total of the row,
corresponding to the present Nos. 57 to 63 High Street,
comes to £12 7s. 8d.

The Roll of 6-7 Ed. IV [1466-7], under the head of
Deficits of Rent (Def'tu' Redd'), contains the particulars
that the Egle, which ought to render 5 marcs, is now
assigned to Thomas Cook by indenture for 43s., and so
there is a deficit of 22s. 8d. ; and that one tenement on the
east side of the Egle which ought to render 26s. 8d. is now
assigned to John Durant for 18s. and so there is a deficit of

The following abstracts of deeds relating to the same
property are taken from the Calendar of the Corporation
Muniments : —

(No. 1286) 4 April, 21 Ed. IV (1481). " The Mayor, etc.,
of Exeter to William Pascow & Margery his wife & George
their son.

" Counterpart of a Lease of a shop with solars situate in
High St. on the east side of the Gate (Porta) of ' le Egle.'
Term 29 years, Rent 20 s and to do repairs."

(No. 1318) 16 September, 9 Hen. VII (1493). "The
Mayor, etc., of Exeter to John Dulche & Agnes his
wife.

" Counterpart Lease of a tenement on the east side of
' le Egle 5 in High St. Term 29 years, Rent 22 s ."

(No. 1401) 29 November, 19 Hen. VIII (1527). "The
Mayor, etc., of Exeter to Christopher Mixstow, Alice his
wife, & Robert Cuthberd, son of the sd. Alice.

" Counterpart Lease of a tenement on the east side of
" le Egle ' in High St. Term 58 years, determinable on
their lives, Rent 26 s 8 d ."

The earliest record known to me of a connection of the
civic Corporation with the premises of the Eagle by that
name, is the following, taken from Crossing's MS. History
of Exeter (preserved at the Guildhall) [p. 3] : —

" John Talbot, who had been twice mayor of the Cittie,
gave in remainder his howse caled the Eagle in the high
streete of Exon to the maior and Comonalty for bringing
home the waters to the Cittie Conduits, and repairing the

8s. 8d.

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

503

pipes and Cesternes, as appeareth in his Testament proved
in the ninth yeare of King Henry the fifth, Anno 1420.
The sayd Howse lyeth over against the Guilhall" (vide
Hooker, ff. 450, 453).

Hooker (MS. Hist. Exon, p. 450) gives a somewhat
modified version of the benefaction, viz. : —

4 4 John Talbot 1 Mayor of this Citie gave out of his lands
called the Egle, over againste the Guyldehall to the Citie
of Excet r for conductinge, repayringe & amending the
Pypes & Sesternes of the Conduyct for the bringinge home
of the Water to this Citie, as appereth by his Testament,
Dated the 9 yere of Henrye the 5, 1420."

A later reference to the Egle is also found in this volume,
viz. (Hoker, ibid., fol. 395a) : —

" St. Martyns [parish] : — Bicharde Tothill holdeth one
tenem* sometymes called the Eagle over against the guyld-
hall between the lands of the Citie on the East Northe &
Southe, and the highe streete of the west, for terme of the
liffe of Richard Tothill, and after the death of the sayed
Richard the same Remayneth to the Assignes of Geffrey
Tothill for lviij yeres, by Deede Dated the viij of September,
the yere of Queene Elizab:, and payeth iij 11 iiij 8 ."

To revert to the Receiver's Rolls. The largeness of the
sums accounted for by him to the Corporation as receipts
in the way of rents from the " Egle " and contiguous row
of shops, as compared with the smallness of the out-pay-
ments in respect of the same premises — namely the 4s.
a year to the representatives of the Hankefords, makes
it apparent that the Corporation was responsible to
them for the ground rent only. That this rent should have
been due to a subject on property that was held of the
King (as I gather), seems only explainable on the sup-
position that the King had granted it to the Hankefords or
their ancestors, and had authorized the Corporation to
hand it over annually to the grantee or assignee. Of the
rack rents the Corporation would seem to have been
the ultimate recipients, from 1437 at least ; but whether
the Corporation owned or held the property directly from

1 Query, Whether this John Talbot was connected with Gilbert
Talbot (ob. 1386-7), who married Petronilla, daughter of the Earl of
Ormonde, and whose grandson, John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury {ob.
1452 or 1453), married Maude, daughter and co-heir of Thos. Neville,
Lord Furnival ? (Banks, II, pp. 221, 559).

504

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

the King (or Earl of Cornwall), or whether all these rents
had been bestowed on them by Talbot's will, I do not learn
from the evidence.

If the proposition be tenable that the early site of St.
Peter the Less and afterwards of Wilford's Chapel lay to
northward of the wall, or section of wall, bounding the
Close, I can only suppose this plot to have been anciently
granted out of the city land by the King or Earl to
the church, in free alms ; as we always find the Dean
and Chapter issuing grants of, and receiving rents
for it.

Considering its proximity to the Guildhall, and having
regard to the fact that at least four of its successive owners
or holders were mayors of Exeter, so that it was probably,
at times, the official residence of the chief functionary of
the city, I am inclined to believe that, either in their
own hands or in those of a sub-tenant, the " egle " con-
stituted the hospice, or hostel, par excellence, of the city,
and as such was the lodging-place of the city's special

We may, I think, justifiably assume it to have been
honoured by the presence of the Black Prince and his
Princess when they visited Exeter, in 1371, and, as the
Lysons tell us (p. 240), " were entertained at the Mayor's
house for several days " ; and I should not wonder if it
had afforded shelter, with " cenacula " and " janicula" to
the retinue of Lord Henry Stafford, younger son of
Humphrey Duke of Buckingham, and of our Countess
Stafford of the Receiver's Rolls, who, with his wife
Margaret Countess of Richmond, spent Sunday 15 April,
10 Ed. IV [1470] at Exeter, between the Saturday and
Monday at Sampford Peverel.

This I have learnt from an unexpected source — a West-
minster Abbey MS. (No. 12184) — "Liber Expensar'
Hospicii Forinseca, D n * Henrici Stafford Filii Nobilis
Principis Humfridi nup D nls Buckyngh'm . . . etc " ;
being the quaintly .set-forth account kept by " Gilberto
Gilpyn, tunc clerico eiusdem Hospicii," and including their
itinerary " in s'vicio D n * Regis," from " Wooking " to
London, York, and Exeter, and back to London.

In the opinion of Mr. Dymond, the grantees of "the
Eagle " in 1437 (Coplestone, Hody, etc.) " probably held
the Inn for the Corporation " ; for, he says, John Hoker
quotes an order, of 1472, that " the Howse called the Egle

guests.

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

505

over against the Guildhall shalbe employed and put to
the use of a clothe hall, and that all foreyn traders &
clothiers resorting to the citie with their clothes, shall
sell the same in that howse onlye, and not elsewhere."
(See Hooker's MS. Commonplace Book, fol. 147d.)

Probably some relation might be traced between this
order and the fact that in 1465, when Calais was made the
sole " Staple Town," the Staple of Exeter in common with
that of Bristol and other English towns was deprived of
its original function (Selden Soc, Vol. XII, Preface,
p. lxxiv).

I have failed to discover any genealogical connection
between the Stapledons, or Hankefords, and the Wil-
fords.

The Robert Wilford referred to in the Receivers' Rolls
as the " former " owner of the " Egle," was the son of a
William, and grandson of another Robert. 1

The earlier Robert, according to Izacke's list, acted as
Bailiff in. 1365, etc., and held the office of Mayor of Exete*
from 7 December, 1373 (with now and again an interval of
a year or two) to 1394^5. He it was who built the chapel
that replaced St. Peter the Less.

The deed of the Dean and Chapter, dated 6 January,
1392, which gave him permission " to erect a stone wall and
thereon to raise a chapel " (vide ante, p. 484), also granted
him a messuage near Broadgate, with two shops and the
solars built over them, and with a certain cellar under the
said messuages and shops called " La vautor siler " (or,
as in the deed of 6 June, 31 Hen. VI, " Le vauted
Cylere").

Dr. Oliver, writing in 1821, 44 conceives this to be under
Cox's the Fruiterer's," marked X on his tracing of the
Ordnance map, and answering to the site of the present
Union of London and Smith's Bank at the farther corner
of Broad Street and High Street.

I am inclined so far to accept Dr. Oliver's suggestion,
as to identify the tenement distinguished by the " vaulted
cellar " with the " house in St. Petrock's Parish," specified
in the will of the grantee's son William, rather than with
any of the houses in St. Martin's Parish ; especially as the
1392 grant was issued by the Dean and Chapter, and not
by the Mayor and Corporation.

1 Query, Was this family connected with " William Wilfford," Sheriff
of Bristol in 1338 ?

506

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

I am, by the way, convinced that it is not to the Eagle
(as has been supposed, or to some house near it), but to
tenements to westward of the Broadgate lane, that the Deed
No. 77 in the Dean and Chapter's Archives relates, of
which the following is an abstract from the Dymond
Collection : —

" (1323) 17 Ed. II, Tuesday before St. Ambrose.

"Alice widow of Roger atte [Hurne] and Thomas le
st. Spicer, Citizen : Covenant Lease (indented)
peters of a shop with a Solar adjs in High S l
the between St. Peter's Church on the S. and High
less St. on the north, and extending from the
porch of the sd. church to the tenem*. of Henry
Aleyn. Term 12 years, Rent 5 s to the Chapter. Rob 1 de
Watton Mayor."

The knowledge that St. Peter's the Less was in ruins, if
not vanished, by 1285, and the absence of the words " the
Less " in the title of the church named in this abstract,
roused in me a suspicion that it was really St. Petrock's
that was intended, and that " S ci Petrocis " had been
misread " S ci Petri." This guess has been confirmed by a
tracing of the words from the original document, which
Mr. W. T. M. Snow, the Chapter Clerk, has kindly sent me,
for here they clearly read " Sci Pet6's."

Robert Wilford's son William, bailiff (according to
Izacke) in 1396 and 1397, was Mayor, with a few breaks,
from 1400 to 1412.

A note of Mr. Dymond's seems to identify him with
the " William de Wilford, an Esquire," who commanded
a fleet sent out in 1403 by the West Countrymen in
retaliation of a descent of " a great company of Normans
and Britons upon Plymouth," and who took as " lawful
prizes " no fewer than forty ships " laden with yron,
oyle, sope, and Rochell wine, to the number in all of a
thousand tunne, upon the coasts of Britaine," besides
burning " Saint Mathewes " and several other of their
towns. 1

In his will dated 30 June, 1413, though desiring to be
buried in the Cathedral, he provides for. twelve torches,
each weighing ten pounds, of which one is to be given to

1 Vide Speed, Hist, of Ot. Britain, p. 757 ; and Robert Southey, Lives
of British Admirals and Naval Hist., p. 9.

Digitized by

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

507

each altar in his parish church of St. Petrock's, and directs
that " his house near St. Petrock's church," of which
Edward Lydford was tenant, is to be sold. He leaves in
trust for his son Robert, a minor, (inter alia) the lands, etc.,
"... in Exeter and its suburbs," bequeathed to the
testator by his father, Robert Wilford. To John Wilford
he leaves a jewel (this was probably the John Wilford,
bailiff in 1401 and 1404), and he bequeaths £10 to
make a conduit in the city, assigning his croft without
the South Gate for the erection and maintenance
thereof.

Another pious act, probably of the same man, is on
record in a case in the Court of Augmentations (Miscell. Bk.
124) beginning with an interrogatory as to "whether one
Eliott gave aTenement in Exetre no we in the tenure of J ohn
Brycknoll for the fyndyng of a Stypendary priste yerly &
an obytt yn the p'she Churche of Seynt Petheryck's. ..."
One Harry Tou, gent., aged forty, deposing "... that
he made dyvers & sondry accompts . . . for the wardeyns
of the same <pisshe, yn which he remembrith that there was
allowance gevyn of iij s iiij d for the sayng of depfund' after
the salvye that was dayly song before the image of o r Ladye
& foundyd by M r Wylfford yn the same churche, and not by
£he forseid Elyott."

William's son and heir, the Robert Wilford who in the
Receivers' Rolls is named as the " former " holder of the
Eagle and adjoining shops, must have parted with them in
the very year in which this reference to him is first found ;
for among the deeds in the Dymond abstracts we have,
under date January, 15 Hen. VI [1437] : " Grant by Rob*
Wilford to John Coplestone, John Hody, Jno. (or Jas.)
Fortescue, & John Mulys, of his dwelling-house in High St.
called the Eagle, with 3 shops & solars over, in front of sd.
dwelling-house, opposite the Guildhall & near a vacant
spot where a Chapel has been rebuilt on the S. part in the
direction of the Cathedral Yard," etc.

" Jno. Coteler, Mayor, W. Winard, Recorder, Benedict
Drew, John Coscomb, Walter Meryfeld, & Jno. Brown,
bailiffs."

There follows the note : —

" 6 June, 31 Hen. VI, Fortescue & Coplestone grant the
Premises in Fee to Jno. Shillingford."

This was the Mayor Shillingford who played so con-

508

AN ACCOUNT OP THE

spicuous a part in the history of Exeter as the champion
of the Corporation versus the Bishop and Dean and
Chapter. 1

It will be remembered that John Coplestone 2 and John
Mules were among the custodians of Richard Hankeford's
estate named in the Pipe Rolls.

The next abstract in the Dymond Collection is of 3 June,
5 Hen. VII [1490] : "Grant by Philip Skinner, Ex« of
will of Robert Wilford, to Robert Farringdon, Esq., & his
wife Elizabeth the dau. of the aforesaid Robert, of a
moiety of the mess'es, etc., to hold of them and their heirs
lawfully begotten of sd. Eliz. ; and on failure of issue, with
remainder to her brothers James, Edmund, & William
Wilford ; and in case of failure on their part, the moiety to
descend to right heirs of sd. R. Wilford."

No daughter Elizabeth is named in the account of the
descendants of " Robert Wylford of [blank] in the counte
of Devonshyr, Esquyr " (printed in the Harl. Soc. Visn. of
Co. Essex, p. 18), but all his sons are given ; viz. : William
(his heir) ; James; second son ; Edmond, third ; Robert
fourth.

James, "who weded Elsbeth, dau: of Bateman of
Pluckeney in County Kent," had sons — Thomas (his heir) ;
John, second ; William, third ; Robert, fourth ; Nicolas,
fifth, and daughters (named).

The will (made 5 June, 1527) [Pr. in Ct. of Hustings] of
this James Wilford, "Merchant talour," mentions, besides
manors and lands in County Kent, and tenements in Tower
Street, London, a bequest to his son William of his
" lands and tenements at Brodgate within the city
of Exeter " (these being, I take it, to eastward of the
Lane).

Although James does not allude to his wife in his will,
she would seem to have survived him, for the next abstract,
dated 5 April, 1 Mary [1554], is an Indenture between
Elizabeth Wilford of London, " w°, of 1 pt. & W m Wilford
of London, Esq. of o r pt. whereby Eliz. bargained &

1 For licence to Baldwin Shillingford to grant land in Exeter to the
Friar Preachers, see Inqn. A.Q.D. W J and for reference to his house
in the Close, the Exeter " Chapter Terrier " before cited.

2 John Coplestone, junior, is also mentioned under the Oblates in
Pipe Roll, No. 281 (1455-6), as having been Receiver of all the manors,
lands, etc., that had belonged to Elizabeth, one of the heirs of the Earl
of Kent, late wife of Sir John Nevill, defunct [and therefore niece of
John, 1st Duke of Exeter], since May in 10 Hen. V.

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

509

sold to W m her lands &c. in Exeter betw. the Chyard
of the Cathedral on the S. & the High St. on the N.,
& the lane leading from the High St. to the Ch.yd. on
theW."

John Wilford, the second son of William and Elizabeth,
may have inherited his aunt Elizabeth's moiety of the
property adjoining Broadgate (answering, I take it, to
part of the present corner house, No. 63, or perhaps part of
62), supposing him to be the John to whom the following
refers : —

"20 April, 1 Mary [1554]. W m Wilford, of Mount
Jessing, Co. Essex to John Tuckfield of Exeter, Merchant,
& Joan his wife ; Conveyance in Fee for £120 of same
premises with same description, with the addition that they
were bounded by the tenement of one John Tothill and
John Wilford on the E." [It must be remembered that
the Eagle had long previously been sold away from the
Wilford family.]

Mr. Dymond adds the note : ".Then follow several
Tuckfield Deeds."

The Tothill named was no doubt a relative of the lease-
holder of the Eagle at about the same period ; vide ante
(p. 503).

Izacke, in his Alphabetical Register of Devon Bene-
factors (p. 147), records that Joan Tuckfield, widow of John
Tuckfield, Esq., some time Mayor of the City, by her will,
dated 14 June, 1568, bequeathed a tenement in St.
Petrock's parish to the Corporation, for a gift of bread to
the poor and afterwards by her deed indented, dated 31
August in the same year, " did give and grant to twelve
feoffes ... all those two tenements and shops with the
appts. adjoining, in the Parish of St. Martin, in the said
City, near unto the Broad Gate there, now in the possession
of Edward Spicer, Goldsmith, Nicholas Elwill, & William
Warren, Confectioners " ..." for twelve frocks of frieze
and twelve smocks of linen cloth to be given to 12 poor
women."

The question has arisen — at what date since the com-
pletion of the enclosure scheme of 1 285 any buildings first
appeared on the churchyard side of the north wall. I take
it that before the Reformation no houses other than
collegiate or ecclesiastical official residences would have
been allowed to encroach upon the Close.

510

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

A record in which one might have expected to find
reference to the Chapel of the Egle and neighbouring
tenements is " the Black Roll " of the properties con-
stituting the "Bishop's Fee of St. Stephen's," 1 to which
the date 1473 has been assigned by a scribe who copied it
in 1551, 2 but if they are included in it I fail to identify
them.

Hooker supplements his own copy of the Roll with a
" modern " list (i.e. tempore Elizabeth), and among
tenements of which he remarks : —

" These be not in the Bishop's blacke Rolle," he brackets
the following : " From St. Martyn's Lane to St. Petrock's
Church : Thomas Southcott Esquier, S r John Gylberd,
Knight ; William Moore the Byshopp's Baylyffe ; Sue
Keare ; John Ryder, William Ryder, M r . Rudgeway,
Esquire, Hugh Wyett, Edmonde Greene, Robert Ellacot,"
but I do not know whether these lay on the city or on the
Cathedral side of the Close wall.

Seeing that none of the Guildhall side of the High Street
lies within the Parish of St. Martin, I think we must find
some very near neighbours of the Egle in the particulars
of a grant (Court of Augmentations, No. 129) to William
Berners, 28 May, 36 Hen. VIII (1544) being " Percell'
Possession^ nup domus sive Hospit'lis S cl Joh'is Exon, in
Com: Civitat's Exon, sursumredd'." They are described
in the margin as : " Om'ia ilia iiij or tenta iac' et existen'
infra Civitat' Exon', in .pochia S cl Martini, <ppe le Guyld
hall eiusden Civit'," and the names of the occupants of
the shops and houses included in this property and
of those bounding them yield the list (from left to
right) :—

Wm. Collins, Joan Halse, widow ; Alice Brown (shop) ;
John Brandon, late John Bury (also to south of next
tenement) ; Thomas Smith, John Smith.

1 John Hooker, in the article contributed by him to Holinshed's
Chronicle (p. 1027), writes : " The King, at the request of William
Warewest, Bishop [1107-1138], giveth Plimpton, Brampton, and St.
Stephen's to the church of Excester. . . . St. Stephen's, with the fee to the
same appertaining, he reserved to himself and to his successors, and
whereby they are barons and lords of the parlement."

2 For this copy, see at Guildhall the MS. volume entitled "Reper-
torium " (fol. 44), and for a copy by Hooker, D. and C, No. 3530, which
has been privately printed, with coloured reproductions of the plans,
by [the Rev.] Herbert Reynolds (to be seen at Brit. Mus.).

HOSPITIUM DE LE EGLE, ETC.

511

Postscript. — Tempore Wm. Rof, Mayor (1234 or 1253), Willm. and
Robt., sons of Margaret de Punchardon, and Alice her dau., release to
Roger Gosegh, Chaplain, J part of land, houses, and " soldaria " opposite
the " Oilhadie " in High Street, next the house of the Prior of Plympton
on the east, and stretching from High Street to Churchyard of St.
Peter's. Two seals : I. A spread eagle [? any connection with the name
of the " Hospit. de VEgle" E. L.-W.] and inscription, " S. Rob. fil.
Margarete. II. A star, " S. AUcie fil' Margarete {Corporation Archives,
No. 647).

In 1224-86, William Talbot held, inter alia, Hutteneslegh of John de
Ponchardon {Feudal Aids, I, 314).

In 1333, Wm. Hardewyne, citizen, and Beatrice his wife granted to
Robert de Bradeworthy a mess., with shop and solar adjoining, on south
side of High Street (D. and C. Archives, No. 87). In 1375 and 1378,
Alice dau. of Robt. Bradeworthy, and widow of Maurice Lovecock,
granted to Robert Wilford, son of Wm. son of Robt. and Eliz. Wilford,
a tent, in occupn. of John Elegh, and a shop with cellar and solar, opp.
the Guildhall to east of the entrance {introitus) of John Elegh's house,
and all her share in her father's property in Exeter (D. and C. 119,
572, 121, 570). In 1396, Robert Beaumont, parson of St. Martin's
Church, granted to Wm. Wilford a tent. bet. Wm. Gerueys on W. and
John Talbot, then Mayor, on E. (D. and C. 123. See also 742, 145).
In the Mayor's Court Roll, 1419, the Hosp. of St. John claims of Henry
Hull and Margery his wife, dau. and h. of John Talbot and Matilda his
wife, 1 mess, in High Street bounded on west by Wm. Wilford's, etc.

In 1392-3, the D. and C. granted to Roberte Wylforde, citizen, in (?)
the New Tenement newly constructed by him towards the Cathedral
Cemetry, a site 53 ft. long, 21 ft. at east, 12 ft. at west, for making a
doorway {ad faciendu hostiu) open towards the sd. Cemetery, and a stone
wall " of the length and width above expressed," and a Chapel upon the
same wall. To hold of the D. and C. for 100 years, at 2s. per ann. Right
of distraint on the whole of the tenements built behind that tent, and in
the shops in High Street opposite the Guildhall and in all other tents, of
the sd. Robert. Seal : — Lion's head : Roberti De Wylforde (D. and C.
365. See abstract, my p. 484).

For John Quinel and his Exeter property, see Episc. Regr., Brones-
combe, fol. 256, and D. and C. Nos. 52 and 54, from which I gather that
John Q., priest, succeeded master Peter Q. as rector of " Sancti Melani in
Kerier," 7 July, and was instituted to Shobrooke, 18 Nov., 1262. In
1275, John Q., rector of Schotybrok, and Anger Quinel, sons and heirs
of John Quinel, quitclaimed tents., formerly of Richard Prouwet and
Matilda his dau., in High Street ; no doubt the same house in High
Street that Nich. Belebuche granted to Richard Pruet and Matilda
Belebuche his wife — formerly property of Philip Belebuche his brother
(D. and C. 328). In a (15th century ?) List of Anniversaries (some founded
very anciently, some more recently) occurs the name of " MatiUV nx*
Quinel."

DRAKE'S TREASURE.

BY COLONEL E. T. CLIFFORD, V.D.

(Chairman London Devonian Association.)

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

[In submitting this paper I desire to acknowledge my indebtedness to
Mr. Michell Whitley. The whole of the details given in the Appendix B, in
addition to other matter, were, with much time and labour, extracted by him
personally from documents in the Public Record Office.]

Among the glorious roll of heroic names which is the
proud boast of our county, that of Francis Drake stands
pre-eminent.

Drake's greatness lay in his character and his conduct,
and may be viewed in his influence even more than his
great achievements. Treasure he sought, and with a
success unparalleled in one of his station ; but it is his
purity and patriotism which constitute the first claim to
our loving admiration.

If he had ever given himself time to think upon the
opportunities of self-aggrandizement he had enjoyed, he
might, like Lord Clive in India, have felt " astonished at
his own moderation."

In an age when princes and prelates vied with one
another in amassing treasure, whether wrung from the
poor or wrested from the rich, he stands alone, so far as
I know, in resisting temptations to self-seeking. There
is a fashion which I would deprecate, of reading the
principles and ideals of modern time into the old days,
of condemning men like Bacon or Wolsey for meanness
or ostentation. But this is as nothing to the error of
failing to recognize pre-eminent virtues, such as Drake
showed throughout his life, and not least in his indifference
to lucre, except as a means to a public end.

In olden days great prelates alone received steady
incomes in money ; even in the sixteenth century they

drake's treasure.

513

rivalled and often surpassed the lay nobles in luxury,
display, and self-indulgence.

The objections which they raised against Lutheran
doctrines were feeble if compared with the hatred they
felt for those who challenged their vested interests —
the privilege of wringing pence from the poor, lands from
lay nobles, and profits from the exploitation of the New
World. Some few there were, no doubt, who kept the
spread of the gospel in view, but the vast majority, in-
cluding the Holy See itself, were ever ready, to quote
well-known words, " to join in the plunder and pity the
man." The temporal power had grown at the expense
of the spiritual, like a lobster with one claw huge and the
other puny, a mere arrested development.

To enter into so wide a subject as the finance of the
sixteenth century would lead one too far afield ; but I
cannot help contrasting Drake's attitude with that of
all his compeers and most of his successors. When he
might have realized the ambitious dreams of Sir Henry
Morgan a hundred years later, and have utilized his
abilities to found and rule a buccaneering settlement
in the Spanish Main, he devoted his supreme energy to
the aggrandizement of his Queen and her growing Empire.
By the time when he reached his thirty-fifth year the
Spaniards estimated their pecuniary losses through him
at a million and a half sterling, besides many hundreds of
thousands in ships and general cargoes. From such profits
he was contented with a trifling percentage granted to
him by a grateful sovereign.

But not even the Spaniards could maintain the charges
of cruelty which at first they levelled against him ; as
Mr. Julian Corbett well puts it, " his very hate was
heroic; for a church, or a woman, or an unarmed man
he had a noble forbearance that puts the brightest
chivalry of his time to the blush, and it was the grateful
eulogies of his prisoners of war that crowned his reputa-
tion."

How within the next few years he won his way to
respect and influence at home, becoming a trusted coun-
sellor at Court and a public benefactor and potentate in
Devon ; how the navy — of old a mere auxiliary to the
army — grew under the fostering care of Devonians to
become our " first line " for defence as well as attack,
I need not here recount. Suffice it to say that a new era

vol. xliv. 2 k

514

drake's treasure.

of English renown was opened, and the doom of a Spanish
world-empire was decreed.

And what was the clue to this enormous change?
What was the secret of the new policy ? The answer
lies in one word, " patriotism " ; and the chief exponent
of the new force was Francis Drake.

Useful as were the ingots of silver, the golden bullion,
and the priceless jewels to fill a depleted exchequer,
to build and equip fleets, and to pay in cash for good
service rendered, they were but a paltry contribution
in comparison with the spirit of patriotism which was
evoked by the self-sacrificing devotion of Drake and his
compeers. Nothing I have ever read has struck me
more than Drake's sermon preached off Magellan Straits
to a crew of malcontents led by some who should have
known better : —

" I must have the gentleman to haul and draw with
the mariner and the mariner with the gentleman."

By sheer moral ascendancy he won his way. It was
not till he had beaten down those who disputed his au-
thority, that he reminded them that he held his Queen's
commission.

"Drake's Treasure" then, was not gold, but character,
which enabled him to turn to account every force, and
utilize every fibre in those who came within the sphere of
his influence, and this treasure he bequeathed to this
nation, with whom it remains, a priceless and incor-
ruptible heritage.

Now let me turn for a moment to Drake's material
treasure, and the circumstances under which he secured
it ; and here it is not out of place to point out that of this
material treasure only a vestige can with certainty be
traced.

Born in Devon, and of good Devon stock, about 1540-45,
in the later years of the reign of Henry VIII, Drake's boy-
hood was passed amongst men whose one besetting dread
was the might of Philip II, the fear lest England
should sink into a mere appanage of the Spanish empire,
and her people should first be humbled and then ex-
ploited in the interests of cruel bigots. But as, in the
past, the Spanish peoples had been welded into a co-
herent nation by their hatred for the Turk and the Moor,
so the English, under the guidance of men like our hero,

drake's treasure.

515

were to beat down the overweening pride and power of
the Iberian Colossus, and defy the traditions of the "Holy
Empire " itselL

In these stirring times England was awakening to a
sense of her might and piety ; pride and patriotism alike
appealed, and not in vain, to the rising generation, who
watched in dire exasperation the brutal inhumanity
under which their co-religionists in the Netherlands
were groaning, and even had to suffer awhile the stoppage
of their trade and the seizure of their ships by order of
a foreign monarch. It was in the west, and above all in
Devon, far away from the narrow seas dominated by the
stranger, that love of freedom and of adventure called
Englishmen to a struggle which ended in establishing
their claim to be a nation of the first rank. And of this
high spirit no finer example can be found than Francis
Drake, who threw himself heart and soul into the great
movement, uniting brilliant genius and undaunted courage
with a stern puritanism, which made him strive to
uproot the idolatry which pervaded the greater part
of the Christian world. He was, no doubt, a treasure-
hunter, but his whole career was a protest against sordid
love of pelf, against pedantic hypocrisy in high places,
and ignoble self-seeking everywhere. Amongst his earliest
experiences was the rescue of a remnant of a Plymouth
crew from Spanish dungeons ; but it was not till the year
1567 that he actually bore arms against Spain under his
kinsman, John Hawkins, whose expedition, however,
was unsuccessful, and whose squadron was shattered
at San Juan de Luz. His resentment was heightened
by a narrow escape from the Spanish Main in the follow-
ing year, where he nearly fell a victim to a stratagem
which he regarded as treacherous. Returning, however,
a little later to the scenes of his discomfiture, he spied
out in the enemy's defences certain weak places, and
gained information which he put to good use thereafter.
A glimpse of the Pacific Ocean fired his imagination,
and in 1577 he set sail once more from Plymouth, with a
tiny squadron of three ships and a pinnace and a store-ship,
representing in all 275 tons, mounting 56 guns and carry-
ing crews of about 160 men, gentlemen and sailors. Making
his way, by the Cape de Verde Isles and the Argentine,
to the shores of Patagonia, despite the loss of all (through
misfortune, not war) save his own ship, the Golden Hind,

Digitized by

516

drake's treasure.

100 tons, 18 guns, and a crew of 75, he passed the Straits
of Magellan. After sailing up the western coasts of South
America he returned home across the Pacific Ocean,
the South Seas, and the Atlantic. He had been away
from home three years, during which period he had sailed
round the world, the first Englishman to do so.

Not till Charles I was seated on the throne of a united
Great Britain was any precise statement of Drake's hard-
won treasure given to the world. Her Majesty Queen
Elizabeth had not deemed it expedient to make a boast
of her subject's successes. But if treasure to the value of
760,000 pesos (or dollars) was taken on that occasion,
we may conclude that no single expedition had been more
repaying since Alexander the Great rifled the royal vaults
of the Persian emperor.

In vain did the haughty Spaniard humble himself to
seek damages from England ; in vain did peninsular
devotees implore Heaven to chastise the man whom they
fondly dubbed the " enemy of God." The spell was
broken ; " the spirits they called from the vasty deep "
came not. Impunity bore its fruits ; in 1585 Drake sailed
out to the West Indies and brought back — along with
a sample of the strange herb tobacco — a trifling sum of
£60,000, approximately equal in our currency to, say,
£750,000. In the spring of 1587, on the eve of the mighty
conflict, Drake was commissioned to forestall the con-
junction of the various fleets of Spain ; and if his advice
had been followed, doubtless he would have " stopped
Philip for ever," instead of merely " singeing the beard "
of that monarch. His wish was to take out a strong
force and prevent the Armada from leaving Spanish waters.
But his counsels were overridden, and he had perforce to
content himself with striking a blow at the East Indian
trade of Spain, and capturing that great Portuguese
carrack, the San Felip, with treasure on board valued
(at present prices) at more than a million sterling, out of
which only £17,000 went to Sir Francis as his share.

From our present point of view the Armada itself calls
for nothing beyond mention. Though it was followed
by the capture of numerous privateers, no trace is found
of any important treasures therefrom, and the natural
depression which succeeded to the wild elation of the
recent period may help to account for the sad fact that
after giving the best years of his life to crippling Spain,

drake's treasure.

517

in point of ships, men, and money, his later years were
passed in disappointment and increasing gloom.

Finally, in 1595 Drake and Hawkins, as joint-commanders
with Lieut.-Gen. Sir Nicholas Clifford as military com-
mander, sailed for the West Indies. Hawkins died on
12 November, Clifford was killed in action a few days
after, and on 28 January, 1596, died Drake, of whom
Fuller wrote : " This our captain was a religious man
towards God and His houses, generally sparing churches
where he came ; chaste in his life, just in his dealings,
true to his word, and merciful to those who were under
him, hating nothing so much as idleness."

England had called for an open fight with Spain, and
a stern, if less direct, struggle with Rome ; both sum-
monses were answered by Drake, whose ambition was that
England could and should be the dominant sea power,
and whose noble prayer, uttered in the spring of 1588,
may fitly be repeated here : —

" That the Lord of all strength will put into Her Majesty
and her people courage and boldness ; not to fear any
invasion of her own country, but to seek God's enemies
and Her Majesty's where they may be found."

I have finished my story. I have endeavoured, in the
briefest manner, to give an outline of Drake's life and
character and work. What material treasure he won is
hardly worth considering, but the moral treasure he gave
to posterity is a glorious legacy that in my opinion has
been unequalled by any other Devonian, whether he be
a soldier, sailor, statesman, poet, or painter.

Devonians are the inheritors and trustees of that great
man's precepts and example. We Devonians in London
have with pride recognized our responsibility, and adopted
him as our county's hero. To his immortal memory we for-
gather annually on Armada Day, and we invite Devonians
all over the world, whether by birth, or descent, or resi-
dents, or exiles, to join our celebrations in recognition of
our admiration and obligations. We trust that London,
the heart of that empire for which he strove, and not
in vain, may one day wake up to a sense of its responsi-
bilities, and place on record his due by erecting there
a statue worthy of the name and fame of the man who
jsaved England, almost in spite of herself, and laid the
foundations of this great Empire.

518

drake's treasure.

APPENDIX A.

Drake's Journeyings.

In 1567 Drake joined his kinsman, John Hawkins, in an
expedition against Spain, where he commanded the Judith,
of 50 tons burden, but at San Juan de Luz the squadron
was destroyed, with the exception of Hawkins' ship and
his own.

In 1570-71 he made two voyages to the West Indies, to
obtain information as to the Spanish possessions there.

In 1572 he made another voyage to the Spanish Main.
Here he captured Nombre de Dios, burnt Porto Bello,
sacked Vera Cruz, burnt several ships, and returned to
Plymouth in August, 1573. The treasure he brought back
with him amounted to a very considerable sum, and his
share made him a comparatively wealthy man. During
this voyage he marched across the Isthmus of Panama,
and resolved to sail an English ship in the Pacific Ocean.

On 12 December, 1577, Drake sailed from Plymouth
Sound. The squadron consisted of the Pelican, his
own ship of 100 tons and 18 guns, equal, in size to an
ordinary schooner; the Elizabeth, 80 tons and 16 guns;
a bark, the Marigold, of 30 tons and 16 guns ; the Swan,
a store-ship, 50 tons and 5 small guns, and the Benedict,
a pinnace of 15 tons and 1 gun. The crews numbered
about 150.

The fleet sailed to the Cape de Verde Islands, then across
the Atlantic to the River Plate. At Port St. Julian, on the
coast of Patagonia, the Swan and the Benedict, being
unseaworthy, were broken up, and only three ships passed
through the Straits of Magellan. Immediately after-
wards a violent storm arose, during which the Marigold
went down with all hands, and Wynter, in the Elizabeth,
lost the admiral and returned home. So with only one
ship the undaunted Drake held on to Valparaiso. Here
they found a large galleon called the Great Captain of the
South, which they captured, finding on board fine gold to
the value of about £80,000 of our money, and a great cross
of gold set with emeralds, on which was nailed a God of
the same metal.

drake's treasure.

519

Tarapaca was next visited, the port to which silver was
brought down from the mountains to be shipped to Panama,
and Drake secured a large quantity and shipped it.
Another ship was captured north of Lima, near Cape
San Francisco, with 15,000 pesos 1 in wedges of pure gold,
and a great gold crucifix set with emeralds as large as
pigeons' eggs. Off Quito they overtook and captured
the richest vessel in the South Sea, the Neustra Senora
de la Conception, nicknamed the Cacafuego or " Spit-
fire," richly laden with treasure.

After the capture of the Cacafuego she was taken out to
sea, and the treasure removed and stored on board Drake's
ship.

The exact amount has never been accurately ascertained.
The narrative of the voyage published in 1628 says it con-
sisted of thirteen chests of pieces of eight, eighty pounds
of gold, and twenty-six pounds of silver, besides jewels and
plate.

The registered treasure alone was valued at 360,000, and
the unregistered at 400,000 pesos ; the Golden Hind, to
which name Drake had altered the Pelican, was practically
ballasted with silver.

The empty Cacafuego was allowed to sail away. Off the
coast of Mexico, Drake met and captured another ship with
a cargo of silks and porcelain from China, and took away
the most valuable portions of the freight, including a
golden crucifix set in goodly emeralds. From a ship
from Manilla he took much merchandise and treasure,
including a "falcon of gold with great emeralds in the
breast thereof," and from the Gualoleo a bushelful of
silver reales and a gold chain and jewels.

Having refitted in the Bay of Canoa, he set off on his
homeward voyage across the Pacific and around the
Cape of Good Hope, and arrived home in Plymouth Sound
in September, 1580, arriving at Deptford shortly after,
where he was visited and knighted by the Queen.

The story is taken up by documents in the Public
Record Office, given in Appendix B.

The Queen was delighted at his success, but the Spanish
ambassador complained that he had information from his
King that Drake had spoiled his subjects, that the spoil was
of great importance, a great quantity of bullion and pearls

1 A peso was equal to about 6s,

520

jdrake's treasure.

taken in Mar del Stir belonging partly to the King and
P partly to his subjects, also that in fight Drake had cut off
the hands of His Majesty's subjects, and he therefore de-
manded justice. 1

In reply to the demand of the ambassador the Council
ordered Edmund Tremayne, Clerk of the Privy Council,
who was then living at Collacombe in Lamerton, to
register the treasure, 2 but the Queen wrote him a private
letter, which was to be kept most secret, 3 that Drake was
to have access to it before this was done, and was also
to be allowed to take £10,000 for himself, which he did,
and in addition removed some of the most precious items
of gold and jewels for the Queen and others. The re-
mainder was brought to London and lodged in the Tower. 4
The officers and crew of the Golden Hind unanimously
swore that the accusations of the Spanish ambassador
were false. 6

In 1585 Drake again sailed to the West Indies, attacked
and did great damage to the Spanish settlements and
shipping, and brought back treasure valued at £60,000,
and tobacco.

In 1587, when war between England and Spain was
imminent, Drake was commissioned to forestall Philip
and strike the first blow for the Queen ; his commission
was to prevent the joining of the King of Spain's fleets
out of their several ports, to cut off their provisions,
to follow and worry them in case of an attack on England,
to damage their trade, and to attack their ships in their
own havens.

On 1 April, 1587, he sailed from Plymouth, attacked the
Spanish fleet in the harbour of Cadiz, sank and burnt thirty-
three of them, several of them large, and captured four
laden with provisions, carrying out his advice to "stop
him [Philip] now, and stop him for ever," and there is little
doubt that had his advice been taken to send a strong fleet
to the coast of Spain in the spring of 1588, the Armada
would never have sailed.

After " singeing the King of Spain's beard " at home, he
set sail for the Azores to endeavour to intercept a rich
carrack homeward bound from the East Indies, which had
been wintering at Mozambique, called the San Felip, a
source of special anxiety to the King of Spain.

1 State Papers, Foreign, £9 October, 1586. * Appendix B, No. 3.
3 Appendix B, No. 2. 4 Appendix B, No* 4. . Appendix B, No. 3.

drake's treasure.

521

On 8 June, sixteen days out from St. Vincent, St.
Michael's hove in sight. Here the San Felip was found and
captured, " the King of Spain's own East India man, the
greatest ship of all Portugal richly laden," which he
brought into Plymouth Sound on 25 June, 1587, and
anchored her off Saltash in the Hamoaze, with a splendid
booty and a reputation unsurpassed in Europe. In all
these wars there was no campaign to match that of
1587.

The San Felip was valued at : — 1

General Cargo .... £108,049 13 11
Treasure and Jewels . . . 3,900
Ship and Ordnance . 2,000

£113,949 13 11
representing over a million in present money.

APPENDIX B.
Extracts from Records in the Public Record Office.

No. 1.

Bernardino de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, writes
the King of Spain on 16 October, 1580, that : —

After Drake had landed the money he had stolen, he saw
the Queen, and the Council ordered the money to be registered
and handed over to the Queen's possession in the Tower ; but
Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham, being the principal
owners in the venture, refused to sign the order, saying they
would speak to the Queen first ; after they had done so she
ordered the suspension of the letter, and that the rumour
should be spread that Drake had not brought much money
home (S.P., Spanish, Elizabeth, 1580, No. 44).

1 Appendix B, Nos. 5, 6.

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522

drake's treasure.

No. 2.

The Queen to Edmund Tremayne.

Trustie and well beloved we greet you well, whereas by
letters lately written unto you by oure commandment from
secretarye Walsyngham you were wylled in owre name to give
your assistance unto our well beloved subject Francys Drake,
for the save bestowing of certayn bullyon lately by him brought
into this oure realme, which our pleasure is shall nowe be sent
up as you shall further understand by the seyd Drake, wherein
you are to assist him according to suche dyrectyon as you
shall receive from oure pry cowncell : These are therefore to
let you understande yt we are pleased for certayn good
reasons — that there shoold be lefte in the handes of the sayd
Drake so muche of the sayd Bullyon by him brought home
as may amount unto the somme of ten thousand powndes
which we requyre you to see performed accordingly. And
forasmoche as for sundrye good reasons we thinke yt verrye
meet that the leving of the seyd somme in his handes shoold
be kept most secreat to your selfe alone we therefor charge
you that the some be used accordyngly whereof we need not
to doubt having heretofore by former experience had so good
proof of your service. Geven at owre Manner of Richemounde
the 24th of Octobre in the 22nd yeare of owre reygne (S.PJ).,
Elizabeth, Vol. 143, No. 30, 24 Oct., 1580).

On 8 November, 1580, Edmund Tremayne writes to Wal-
syngham from Colocumbe. He expresses his great satisfaction
at having Mr. Christopher Harris associated with him in
charge of the treasure brought home by Francis Drake.

No. 3.

The San Fdip.

drake's treasure.

523

Harris he has long treated as a son, and Mr. Drake has
also become of the same parentage. Has administered interro-
gatories to the gentlemen and others of Drake's company as
to the value of his captures reputed to the amount of one
million and a half, the interrogatories being as follows : —

Firstly. Whether Mr. Drake and his company had taken from
the King of Spain and his subjects in goulde and sylver to the
value of one million and a half.

Secondly. Whether they have in their voyage taken any ships
or vessels of the said Bang or his subjects, and after sunk them
with the men or marriners or not.

Thirdly. Whether they had at any time on any ship killed
any of the said King's subjects or had cut off their hands or
arms or otherwise with cruelty mangled them., or any of them.

Tremayne had also left the amount of £10,000 in Drake's
hands selected by himself.

Encloses.

1. The 5th November, 1580. The register of such treasure as
is delivered unto Chr Harris Esq. to be safely conducted and
delivered unto the Tower, with the number of peces in every
pack and what they contain in weight at 5 score and 12 lbs
every hundred.

There were 46 packs of treasure averaging over 2 cwt. each,
the total amount being 4 tons 15 cwt. 4 lbs.

(Signed)

Digitized by

524

drake's treasure.

The answers to the interrogatories.
Lawrence Elyot

2. To the fyrst I saye that to the valew I cann saye nothinge
the thinge being unknowen unto me, only sylyer and some gould
their was taken but how moche I know not but a verie small
some in respecte of yt as is reported.

To the second I confesse their weare shypps taken, but
that any weare soncken w to their men and mariners yt is
alltogether untrewe.

To the thirde that to my knowledge there was no Spaniarde
slaine by any of us or had their armes or handes cutt oft or
otherwyge by any creweltie mangled or maimed, only on man I
remember was hurt in the face, w ch our Generall cawsed to be
sent for, and lodged him in his owne shipp, seet him at his
own table, and would not softer him to depart before he was
recovered, and so sent him safe awaye. ,

John Chester —

To the fyrste, second and third artycle do afyrme as ys
above rehersed and wyll justyfye the same uppon my othe.

Gregory Cary —

To the fyrste, second and third artycle do afyrme as above
rehersed, and will justyfye the same uppon my othe.

George Fortescu —

To the fyrste, second and third artycle do afyrme as above
rehersed and will justyfye the same uppon my othe.

And the like do all the rest afferme whose names do heare
after folowe.

Francis Fletcher.
Chrystopher Hals.
Thomas Hood.
Thomas Sothern.
Thomas Drake.
John Brewar.
Richard Cadwell.
Jhan Laus.
Bartel Myeus

Gotfalck.
Grygorye Raymente.
John Drake.
John Mariner.
Necolas Mour.
John Huse.
Dennes Foster.

William Sholle.
Thomas Blacollers.
Thomas Mone.
Thomas Meckes.
Roger Kingesuod.
John Grepe.
Thomas Wane.
Willam Legee.
John Marten,

Stewerd.
Chrastefor Waspe.
Roger Player.
Thomas Haylston.
Willan Smyth.
Renold Danelles.
Thomas Markes.

Robarte Pollimone.
John Fowler.
Launsolet Garget.
Richard Writ.
Richard Clarke.
Willam Horsewill.
John Blacoler.
Powell Jemes.
John Kidde.
Richard Rowles.
Jeames Milles.
Simon Woodd.
Thomas Hogges.
John Martyn.
John Watterton.

(S.P.D., Elizabeth, Vol. 144, No. 17, II).

Digitized by

" drake's treasure."

To face page 524.

Digitized by

Google

drake's treasure.

525

These names are those of the survivors of the first expedi-
tion which sailed round the world with Drake in the Pelican,
afterwards named the Golden Hind.

Amongst these names are those of Thomas Drake, the -
admiral's youngest brother, and John Drake, his page (S.P.D.,
Elizabeth, Vol. 144, No. 17).

No. 4.

The Quantity of the bullion brought into ye tower by Fr. Drake.

Silver Bullion in Ingotes brought from Sion and laid up in a
vaute under ye jewell house there, weighted as followeth : —

650 ingots weighing 22,899 lbs. 5 ozs.

The course sylver otherwise called corrento reteined in little
cakes and small broken pieces weighed 512 lbs. 6 ozs.

24th Dec, 1580. Golde bullion reteined in ingottes and
cakes remaining in four several bages conteining viz.

lbs. ozs.

1. 15 parcels weighed together 26 11J

2. 10 „ „ „ 32 7J

3. 7 „ „ „ 27 Hi

4. 6 „ „ „ 14 3f

Sum total of the weight of the same golde 101 lbs. 10 ozs.
Signed by

Richard Martyn Alderman.
Chris Harris.

Endorsed in the back by Burghley.

(8.P.D., Elizabeth, Vol. 144, No. 60.)

No. 5.

Extract from letter from Mendoza to the King of Spain,
1581, Jan. 9th.

" Drake is squandering more money than any man in England.

He gave to the Queen the Crown which I described in a
former letter as having been made here. She wore it on New
Year's Day. It has in it five emeralds, three of them as long
as a little fingure, whilst the two round ones are valued at
20,000 crowns, coming, as they do, from Peru.

He has also given the Queen a diamond cross as a New
Year's gift, as is the custom here, of the value of 5000 crowns."

(8.P., Spanish, 1581, No. 60.)

Digitized by

526

drake's treasure.

No. 6.

A note or inventory of a small casket with divers jewels
viewed in the town of Saltash ; the said casket being garnished
with gold with two keys and a small chain of gold to the same.
The which casket and jewels Sir Francis Drake hath taken
charge to deliver unto her majesty with his own hands.

A Note or Inventorye of a small Caskett with divers Jewells
viewed by us in the Towne of Saltashe the 6th of Julye, 1587,
contayening as followeth : —

Five fforkes of golde.

Twelve haftes of golde for knyves to saye sixe of one sorte
and sixe of another.

One Chayne of golde with longe linkes and hookes.

One chayne of golde with a tablett havinge a picture of
Christe in gold.

One chayne with a Tablett of crestall and a cross of golde.

One chayne of golde of Esses with fower Diamondes and
fower Rubyes sett in a Tablett.

One chayne of smale Beadestones of golde.

One small chayne of golde with roughe linckes and a Tablett
hanging unto it with the picture of Christ and our Ladye.

Two pendens of golde for the eares.

Three Bracelettes of golde eiche with a crosse of sondrye
fashion.

A girdle of Christall garnished with golde.

A payer of Beades of Beniamyn garnished with golde.

Three rings of golde with stones.

One rounde hoope of golde inameled with blacke.

One smale ringe of golde with a Pearell.

Three heads and three rings of golde for walkinge staves.

One boole of golde and five spoones of golde.

Two pomanders the one with a smale chayne of golde and
garnished with golde.

One pomander garnished with golde and a pearell hanginge
to the same.

One small Box with some Muske in it.

A certayne quantitye in peces of Amber greece.

One hundred eightye and nyne smale stones which wee
esteme to be Garnettes.

Thirtye Aggettes smale and greate.

Eleaven other stones of a greene cullor with spottes of
read.

One Blood stone.

One white clothe in the which there goeth diverse smale
stones thought to be of smale valew.

drake's treasure.

527

The said Caskett garnished with golde with two keyes and a
smale chayne of golde to the same. The which caskett and
Jewelles before rehearsaid Sir Fraunces Drake hath taken
charge to deliyver unto her Majestie with his owne handes at
this presente.

John Gilbert. Thomas Gorges. Fred. Godolphen.
Edwd. Carye. . John IJawkyns. Hy. Billensley.

(S.P.D., Elizabeth, Vol. 202, No. 53, 11th July, 1587.)

An estimate of all the merchandise discharged out of the
Carricke Called Ye St. Phillip in the Ryver of Saltashe.

Imprimis. 6573 peces of Starcht calico cloth sounde and
goode.

1022 peces of Brod unstarcht calico sound and good.

2778 peces of Callicos in papers sound and good.

1452 peces of Callico Lawnes sound and good.

1705 peces of corse whole unstarcht calicos.

1162 peces of corse calicos of 3 to 2 sound and good.

7423 peces of corse calicos of 3 to 1 sound and good.

418 peces of corse calicos towells sound and good.

410 peces of paynted pintados sound and good.

98 peces of calico diepers for cubbord clothes.

18 peces of fine calicos called callikens sound and good.

78 bundells of fine whyte China silke sound and good.

90 peces of stiched callicos called Boultells.

214 peces of cullerd Buckerams sound and good.

72 peces of cullerd Sipres sound and good.

5 Quiltes whereof 4 of callico and 1 of sarsenett.

12 carpets of turkey and other thromba worke.

10 striped carpettes of another sort.

47 peces of collerd singell taffytas sound and good.

11 peces of changable silke and cruell boratos.
49 peces of whyte sarsenettes sound and good.

All the foresaid priced and valued by esti-
mation at . . . . 15,576 10 8

Secondly.

40 bundells of fine whyte china Silk much taynted.
1105 peces of starcht Callicos much spoyled.
636 peces of starcht Cullicds more spoyled with wett.
155 peces of unstarcht Callicos spoyled with wett.
2&8 peces of Callico Lawnes all spoyled with wett.

No. 7.

528

-drake's treasure.

67 peces of Callicos in papers spoyled with wc
44 peces of Cullerd Sipres spoyled with wett.
6 peces of Cullerd Tynsell Taffetas wett.
29 peces of whyte sarsenett wet and taynted.

All the foresaid goodes of taynted ware
amount to .

Thirdly.

420 bales of Indigo blew valued at 36 li. a

bale amount to .
330 tonnes of Dry pepper valued at 130 li.
the tonne . . . .

124 tonnes of wet pepper valued at 70 li.
the tonne ......

216 Kyntalls of Symamon I say 218 valued
at 28 li. the Kintall ....

105 Kyntalls of Cloves valued at 20 li. the

Kyntall

1800 pounds of Mace in 6 chestes valued at

100 li. the cheste . .
2000 pounds of Beniamin valued at 28 li. the
C amounts to ....

1800 pounds of China in 3 pipes valued at 100
li. a pipe ......

70 Kyntalls of Lacry valued at 4 li. the
kyntall ......

15 Pipes of Saltpeter valued at 30 li. the

PiP e •

12 hundreth of wax in 2 pipes valued at
20 li. a pipe .....

2 pipes of Nutmegg valued at 75 li. the
pipe . . . ....

80 tonnes of Ibony in 3560 endes valued at

10 li. a tonne

6 Chestes of fine whyte china Silke unsene
valued at .
(Which chests are sold to John Hills, but not
delivered.)

For dyvers drughes and other odd things hot
particularized, but say .

Some total of all the things therein

887 13 4

15,120

42,900

8,680

6,104

2,100

600

560

300

280

450

150

800

1,200

100

95,848 4

Digitized

drake's treasure. 529

Fourthly.

39 £ tonnes of pepper left at Saltashe at

130 li. ye tonne 5,135 *

19 C of Symamon left also at Saltashe at

28 li. the C . . . . . 532

1 chest of Mace Weight 3. 2. 0. valued

being at Saltashe . . . . 100

12 C. of Cloves left at Saltashe valued at

20 li. the C . . . . . . 240

11 C of Indico blue left at Saltashe valued

at301i. theC 330

Lastly sold at Saltashe sundry parcells of

wares amounting to . . . 5,864 9 11

So the totall of the whole amounts to . 108,049 13 11

Fras. Drake. Thos. Georges. Edward Carye.

Henry Billingsley.
(S.P.D., Elizabeth, Vol. 204, No. 9, 8th Oct., 1587.)

Additional Note.— In the list of survivors given on p. 524, the first twenty-
signed their own names, showing that they were educated men ; and the first
four, who deposed separately, were gentlemen adventurers, belonging to good
families. Elyot was apparently the eldest son of Lawrence Elyot of Godal-
ming, for we find that nis youngest brother Edward (aged fifty-six in 1620)
settled at Tavistock. Chester was the son of Sir William Chester, a former
Lord Mayor of London ; he went on Hawkins' voyage to the West Indies,
1564-5, and on the present voyage was originally captain of the Swan. Cary
was probably the brother of Sir George Cary of Cockington. Fortescue may
have been the son of Richard Fortescue of Filleigh ; he was captain of the
bark Bonner in Drake's expedition of 1585-6, and died or was killed on that
voyage. The first name on the general list is that of Fletcher, the chaplain,
who wrote an account of the voyage. Hals was probably the son of John
Hals, Esq. , of Kenedon, near Tavistock. Hood was master of the ship ; he
and Blacollers went as pilots on Fenton's voyage in 1582, and he went again
in the same capacity in the Earl of Cumberland's expedition of 1586. Brewar,
the trumpeter, was one of Hatton's men. The two Dutchmen were probably
cartographers. Raymente was, no doubt, the " Mr. Raymund " who went
with Sir Richard Grenvile to Virginia in 1585, and Huse the "John Hewes"
who went with Captains Amadas and Barlow the previous year. John Drake — --
went as captain of the Francis in Fenton's voyage, and was taken captive by
the natives near the River Plate. Blacollers was a Plymouth man, the same
as "Thomas Blackley, Boteswayne of the Pellican" ; he went as pilot on
Fenton's voyage, and was also captured by natives. Mono went as carpenter
on Drake's expedition of 1572, but on this voyage he started as captain of the

§innace ; he was captain of the Francis in Drake's expedition of 1585-6, and
ied of wounds received at Cartagena. John Marten, the steward, was
especially privey to this voyadge," and probably had charge of the treasure ;
a man of this name was captain of the Benjamin in 1585-6. Of the rest little
is known, but several of them appear in other records relating to the voyage;

VOL. XLIV. 2 L

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THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER IN
MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

Whilst the north coast of Devon and Cornwall is devoid
of easily accessible and safe harbours, the south coast
possesses several.

Helford, Falmouth, Fowey, Plymouth, Salcombe, and
Dartmouth are secure landlocked havens easy of access,
and possessing every facility for trade and shelter.

It is to this circumstance and their favourable situation
with regard to foreign ports, that the Western Counties are
indebted to the great expansion of their maritime trade,
and to the creation of a type of hardy mariners to whose
courage and skill England owes so much.

Although Exeter, like Teignmouth, does not possess a
harbour of the same type, but one more resembling those
on the north coast, its antiquity and central position
(which was so favourable for the woollen trade, the staple
industry of Devon in mediaeval times) attracted to it a
very considerable amount of the commerce of the county.

The River Exe, near the city, was formerly much wider
and deeper, but it gradually silted up, as is the case with
most rivers flowing into such havens, but the small ships
of the period came up it and loaded and unloaded their
goods at the quay near the Watergate, although later
Topsham was the main port of Exeter.

In the reign of Henry III, however, Isabella de Fortibus,
Countess of Devon, built a weir called " Countess Weir,"
with a small opening for the passage of vessels, Which was,
however, closed in 1283 ; other weirs being afterwards
added, and retained to the injury of the navigation,
although numerous attempts were made by the citizens
to obtain their abolition.

BY H. MICHELL WHITLEY.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES. 531

In 1563-7 a canal was made from Topsham to Exeter,
and was deepened, extended, and practically reconstructed
between 1820 and 1830.

In the reign of Edward I the commerce of England
rapidly expanded : in addition to the trade with Norway
and Germany, the important wool trade with Flanders,
and the wine trade with Gascony, commerce sprang up
to Italy, Spain, and Venice, and this growth continued
throughout the fourteenth century.

England was the great wool-producing country of the
west ; at first few woollen fabrics were woven at home, the
bulk of the wool being exported to Bruges or Ghent almost
entirely in foreign vessels, but during the fourteenth
century this trade was gradually transferred to English
hands, whilst the development of the staple system, the
beginnings of the English cloth manufacture, and the rise
of the English mariners (men who knew the majority of
the havens of Europe) showed English commerce becoming
more extensive and supplanting the foreigner.

The merchants of the staple had a monopoly in the
purchase and export of the staple commodities of England
— wool, woolfels, 1 leather, tin, and lead.

The staple towns (of which Exeter was one) were
appointed by the King as the centres for the trade of the
merchants of the staple, and in return for the privileges
granted a tax was put on the commodities in 1353, but the
growth of the system dates from Edward I, who bought the
town of Antwerp and established there the foreign centre
for the wool trade.

Collectors of the subsidies and customs were appointed
for the various ports, and a large number of their accounts
are preserved at the Public Record Office (K.R. Customs
Accounts).

There are about one hundred and sixty-five which relate
to the Port of Exeter, but it will be sufficient for the pur-
poses of this paper to give extracts from a few only.

The earliest one relating to Exeter is dated 1286, being
a controlment of customs of wool at 6s. 8d. a last. John
Hawley, of Dartmouth, was one of the collectors in 1390,
but the roll indicates only two ships laden with wool. 2

In the twentieth year of King Richard II, 1396, a writ

1 Sheepskins.

2 K.R. Customs Accounts

532

THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER

was issued to the collectors of customs and subsidies of
the Port of Exeter to inquire into the cost of carriage of
two great masts, which had been given by Thomas Knapp
of Bristol, and John Hawley of Dartmouth, with the
necessary appurtenances, from the latter town to Green-
wych, and to settle the claim, and the account is as
follows : —

K.R. Customs Accounts

" The particular account of William Selby and William
Daryot collectors of the subsidies of 3 shillings on every
tun of wine and 12d. a lb. [on wool] in the port of Exeter ;
of divers wages and payments under the authority of the
Bang, dated 8th July in the year of his reign the 20th, for
the carriage of two great masts and all the accessories for
a King's ship ; being at Dartmouth, given by Thomas
Knapp of Bristol, and John Hawley of Dartmouth, includ-
ing all wages and expenses as follows : —

Expenses. They account for the wages, etc. the 23rd July
anno reg. 20th.

For divers labourers drawing the aforesaid two

masts from Dartmouth to the sea port 4 5

For ropes for the same to bind the said two masts

and for gear bought for the same, in the whole . . 17 8
And for a cable bought to draw the aforesaid two

masts to the sea 75

And for one hawser bought for the same 57 6

And for divers labourers, carrying chains, and other

necessaries to the barge 2

And for one iron swivel bought for a swingletree ... 68
And for wages of the mariners taking the aforesaid

two masts, and accessories by sea from Derte-

mouth as far as Greenwych makes in the whole . 8
And for one pipe of cider bought for their drinking . . 6 8
And for one barrel of ale bought for the same

mariners 3

The sum of the wages and payments £16 12s. lid.

A memorandum on the back states that the collectors
account for " 2 great masts, one given by Thos. Knapp
and the other by John Hawley, 3 ankers, 22 chains, 6 iron
bolts, 1 cable, and one hawser."

There is also appended an indenture acknowledging the
receipt of the above at Greenwych from the hands of

Digitized by

IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

533

Stenene Modberd, mariner, the master of the barge that
took the masts from Dartmouth.

As an early example of the trade of Exeter the Customs
Roll of 1398-9 is a good specimen (App. No. 1). The
exports were whitestraights (a coarse cloth made in large
quantities in Devonshire), friezes, and dried fish, whilst
the imports were wine, woad, salmon, waynstotts, salt,
copper, cress cloth (fine linen cloth), and (curiously)
cyder.

The date of the next Roll transcribed is 1493 (App. No.
2) ; this shows a great increase in the trade of Exeter,
there being sixty-seven ships entering and leaving the port
in the six months. The exports now comprised white-
straights, frieze, white frieze, leather, pewter vessels, lead,
and large quantities of dried and salted fish, including
buckhorn (dried whiting), mackerel, and dentries ; church
bells were also sent abroad, and there was an extensive
export trade in tin, not only from Devon, but also from
Cornwall ; the former pieces uniformly weighed 100 lbs.
each, but the Cornish were much larger, from 200 to 250 lbs.
a piece.

The value for the former was put at 20s. for 100 lbs., for
the latter generally a little more.

The imports were oranges, wine, canvas, cress cloth,
glass, drinking-glasses, cards, woad, roysn, almonds, oil,
white paper, iron, Mazer cups (bowls of maple wood often
mounted with silver-gilt bands), dried salmon, and congers ;
quilts, sack, tennys balls, litmoss, tar, and large quantities
of salt.

We pass on now to the reign of Elizabeth and the great
expansion of commerce which took place in her time. The
linen trade was in its infancy, and silk-weaving had been
just introduced ; but the woollen manufacture was
attaining large proportions, and wool was no longer sent
to be woven in Flanders.

The south and west were the great centres of manu-
factures, mining, and wealth, and the broadcloths of
Devon took the lead among the woollen stuffs of
England.

The Customers Book for the Port of Exeter from Easter
to Michaelmas, 1588, giving the entries and tonnage of
vessels crossing the seas (App. No. 3), supplies some
interesting information, and it shows how small the ships
of the period were. Within the haven of Exeter itself

534

THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER

twenty-four ships are enumerated. Topsham heads the
list with eleven, ranging from 15 to 40 tons burden;
Kenton had five, from 16 to 36 ; Exeter four, from 20 to
38, and Exmouth four, from 25 to 40.

In 1572 Thomas Coleshill compiled a valuable list of
the number of merchant ships in all the ports and creeks
within the realm of England from the respective customer's
accounts from Michaelmas, 1571, to Michaelmas, 1572, 1
which gives a good idea of the relative importance of the
ports of Devon. The Port of Exeter included as its members
all the other ports in Devon, with the exception of
Plymouth, which embraced the whole of the Cornish
havens.

Topsham possessed fourteen ships : the Emanuel, 50
tons ; the Jenett, 40 tons ; the Mary Martyn 30 ; the
Mary Michatt 30 ; the Mary Page 25 ; the Angell 20 ; the
Dragon 20 ; the OabrieU 20 ; the Jonas 20 ; the Trinitie
20 ; the Greyhound 18 ; the Mary 18 ; the Faulcon 16,
and the Mynyon 16.

Powderham had four ships : the Harry, 25 tons ; the
Mary Wytchally 20 ; the Clement 15, and the Kateryn 15.

Kenton owned six : the Nicholas, 30 tons ; the Gregory
20 ; the Mary 20 ; the Michatt 20 ; the Trinitie 20, and
the Julian 15.

Exmouth had five : the Barthilmew, 50 tons ; the Mary
Martyn 40 ; the Mary Grace 20 ; the Primerose 20 ; the
Harry 15.

The members were Teignmouth with five ships ranging
from 10 to 40 tons, Torbay four from 20 to 45, Dartmouth
and Kingswere thirty-five from 8 to 80, Salcombe five
from 20 to 40, Millbrook thirteen from 10 to 35, Barnstaple
twelve from 20 to 80>, Bideford and Northlam nine from
20 to 80. T

The total number of the ships and vessels in the Port
of Exeter and its members was as follows : —

6 of the burden of 80 tonnes.

2 „ „ 70

3 „ „ 60

4 „ „ 50
1 „ „ 45

6 " 35

1 S.P.D. Addenda, Elizabeth, 1572.

IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

535

14 of the burden of 30 tonnes.

35 "„

20 „

3 „

18 „

4 »

16 „

12 „

15 „

4 „

12 „

9 „

10 „

1 „

8 »

Total 124

Plymouth itself possessed twenty-six ships, amongst
them the largest in Devon, the Christopher of 100 tons
burden.

The Customs Book of the Port of Exeter from the feast
of Saint Michael until the feast of the Nativity of Christ,
1591 (K.R. Customs Accounts j$ ), contains a most interest-
ing series of merchants' marks, sixty-five in number.

In mediaeval times reading and writing were practically
unknown, except among the educated classes, and it was
a necessity for a merchant to have a mark which could be
escsily recognised on his goods by his illiterate workmen, so
that they could distinguish one merchant's goods from
another. As the gentleman had his coat of arms on his
banner, so the merchant had his mark on his shops and
bales of goods, in each case well known to those concerned ;
these marks gradually rose, however, into greater prestige,
until the merchant became as proud of his mark as the
knight of his armorial bearings, and accordingly had it
often placed on his memorial brass, and these marks are
especially numerous in the great wool-growing districts of
Gloucestershire and Lincolnshire. The period in which
they were in use lasted about three centuries, from about
1300 to about 1600. Some marks resemble the cross and
pennon borne by the Agnus Dei stamped on Cornish tin to
the present day, and also used by merchants connected
with the wool trade.

The distinctive mark of the wool staple, resembling a
figure 4, forms the basis of a large number of the Exeter
marks indicating members of the staple, generally in
combination with the initials of the merchant, sometimes
placed on either side of or across the central stem, in other
cases used as a monogram at the foot.

Digitized by

536 THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER

In numerous cases, however, a simple symbol or the
initials or monogram of the merchant was used alone.

The list of the merchants is as follows, and the numbers
refer to those on the plates of the marks : —

1. Richard Sparke of Chard.

2. Joseph Every of Chard.

3. Thomas Spicer of Exeter.

Mayor in 1593.

4. Joseph Horsey of Exeter.

5. John Ellacott of Exeter.

6. John Godsall of Taunton.

7. William Berthey of Exeter.

8. George Morris of Awkutt.

9. Thomas Walker of Exeter.

10. Henry Ellacott of Exeter.

11. Richard Eatare of London.

12. Alexander Germyn of
Exeter.

13. Geffery Waltham of Exeter.

14. Nicholas Martin and Com-
pany of Exeter. Mayor 1585.

15. John Marshall of Exeter.

16. John Levermore, junior, of

Exeter.

17. Martin Blomstut of Lanyon.

18. Symond Lunde of Tyverton.

19. John Every of London.

20. Thomas Symons of London.

21. John Woolmington of Chard.

22. Ingnalius Jurdaine of

Exeter.

23. Christopher Spicer of Exeter.

24. Rd. Dorthester of Exeter.

25. Alexander Germy of Exeter.

26. Edward Chicke of Exeter.

27. Walter Horsey of Exeter.

28. James Beaver of Carnsey.

29. Gilbert Lambell of Exeter.

30. Robert Bragg of Exminster.

31. John Chapefi the elder of

Exeter.

32. John Depford of Exeter.

33. John Tapper of Exeter.

34. Nicholas Skinner of Tyver-

ton.

35. Richard Prowse of Tyver-

ton. John Prowse (same
mark with I.P).

36. Benedick Webb of Taunton.

37. William Spicer of Exeter.

38. William Hunt of Taunton.

39. Gabrell Webber of South-

molton.

40. Oliver Tapp of Exeter.

41. George Jere of Exeter.

42. William Grigg of Tyverton.

43. Richard Bevis of Exeter.

44. Thomas Spicer of Exeter.

45. Thomas Snowe of Exeter.

46. Thomas Walker of Exeter,

Walter Harry of Exeter
same mark as Geoffry
Waltham.

47. Gabriel Webber of South-

molton.

48. Richard Wheaton of Exeter.

49. John Davis of Exeter.

50. David Bagwill of Exeter.

51. John Prowse of Tyverton.

52. Edward Beare and John

Beare of Totnes.

53. Richard Norris of Totnes.

54. George Pridis of Tyverton.

55. John Collins of Exeter.

56. Walter Rowe of Tyverton.

57. Robert Burneteof Tyverton.

58. William Tanner the elder

of Tyverton.

59. George Jeart of Exeter.

60. Nicholas Lukome of Kenton.

61. Lethery Galley of Exeter.

62. Phillipp Warde of Exeter.

63. Alnett Badley of Exeter.

64. Edward Amye of Tyverton.

65. Walter Borowe of Exeter.

Digitized by

Toft

s S3

0N8HIRE MERCHANT

E MERCHANTS' MARKS.

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IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

537

The trade of Exeter having greatly increased in import-
ance Queen Elizabeth granted a charter, incorporating
" The Company of the Governor Consulls and Societie of
Merchantes Adventurers of the Citie of Excester, trafiquing
the realme of Fraunce and dominions of the Frenche
Kinge." Much opposition by the older Companies to the
charter was given, but after some delay it was signed in
June, 1560.

Great privileges were granted by it, and, amongst others,
the exclusive right of its members to trade with France,
which was strictly enforced.

The importance of the Exeter Company is well shown
by the following proposal which the Governor made,
dated 1 November, 1633, that the merchants of London
should join in the removal of the mart from Rouen to
Newhaven (Havre) and from Morlaix to Lanion or Brest,
and that none shall trade to France but merchants, those
of the north and east to be under London, and those of the
west under Exeter. Also, that for the support of trade,
impositions may be laid by both Companies upon trades
and upon all goods imported and exported. 1

An agreement was come to on this proposal between
the two Companies.

The Exeter Company further joined with the cloth-
workers of London in a statement of their grievances by
which they stated they were much impoverished " because
many drapers and merchants, not regarding the goodness
but the cheapness of drapery, buy cloths which are rowed
with iron cards, sallace, swines grease, or oil, but the
greatest quantity wrought with gig mills, which force the
cloths wrought by them longer by three or four yards in
each cloth than they were from the fulling mills, and
hinder much labour ; for one man and a boy with a gig mill
will row as many cloths as eight or ten can do by labour
of hand, and the Company prays the Council to depress
these unlawful engines and that the statutes for the due
making of cloth may be renewed by proclamation." 2

The Governor and Company again presented a petition,
dated 18 January, 1633-4, to the Council, stating their
grievances and the remedies they proposed for the same,
namely : " A strict reformation of the abuses in the manu-

1 S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 250, No. 65.
8 S.PD. Charles I, Vol. 257, No. 1.

538

THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER

facture of cloth. No wool or fuller's earth to be exported
from England. An incorporation of Merchants trading to
France, to put a stop to the interfereance of inter-
lopers. Prohibiting the importation of French cards,
paper, etc., and English goods being exported in French
ships." 1

The Company of Merchant Adventurers flourished
exceedingly in the reigns of Elizabeth and James I, during
the great expansion of the commerce of the period, bringing
great renown and wealth to the city ; from the inventories
of the period which I have consulted the plate and furni-
ture of a wealthy Exeter merchant far surpassed in
magnificence that of a country gentleman, but the Company
never fully recovered from the troublous times of the Civil
War, and gradually decayed afterwards.

Pirates swarmed in the English Channel in mediaeval
times. In 1579 the Governor of Guernsey wrote to Lord
Burghley that " the sea was never so full of pirates. A
Plymouth ship passing Guernsey for Dartmouth was
robbed and chased on to the rocks, four sail of Frenchmen
continually keeping the coasts." 2

In later times the following petition shows that the
danger had increased and how unsafe the Channel was for
small traders ; and the Custom Rolls show that the Exeter
ships if possible kept well together on the voyage for
mutual proteption, coming in and going out in groups, and
especially was this the case with the wine ships.

It was not until the time of the Commonwealth that
this scourge to English commerce was stamped out.

The petition to the Council, dated 2 September, 1636,
was from merchants and others of Devon and Dorset, and
stated that "in times past, only the pirates of Algiers
came into the English and Irish Channel, now the
pirates of Sallee are become so numerous, strong, and
nimble in their ships, and are so well piloted into these
channels by English and Irish captives (of whom they
retain almost 2000 in slavery), that the channels are so full
of them that merchants dare not send their ships to sea,
seamen refuse to go, and fishermen to take fish." 3

It became the general custom during this period for
collections to be made in the parish churches to aid in

1 S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 247, No. 7.
* S.P.D. Elizabeth, Vol. 26, No. 21.
3 S.P.D. Charles I, Vol. 231, Vol. 7.

IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

539

ransoming the English captives, thus feeding the flames of
piracy ; and the petition in the Litany " for all prisoners
and captives " is said to have reference to these poor
creatures. The Government of those days should have
swept the Channel clear and guarded it with an adequate
navy so that commerce could have been carried on in
security ; it is an old rule for England, as true now as when
these words were written four centuries ago : —

" Cherish merchandize, keep the Admiratie,
That we be masters of the narrow sea.
The ende of battaile is peace sikirly,
And power causeth peace finally.

" Keep then the sea about in special,
Which of England is the town wall,
Keep then the sea that is the wall of England,
And then is England safe in Godde's hand."

K.R. Customs Accounts f §, 22-23 Rd. 2nd, 1398-9.

The roll of the Collectors of a subsidy of 3s. a tun of Wine
and 12d. de libra (on wool) by Robert Barton.

A Barge called the Mary of Garnesey out 2nd Deer., 1398, laden

with whitestraights.
A Smack the Catherine of Barum in 10th Deer, laden with

woad and wine.
A Smack the sent Sanogg in 23rd Deer, laden with wine.
A Barge the Margarete of Topsin out 18th Deer, laden with

whitestraits and hake.
A ship of Exmouth out 26th Jan., 1399, laden with cloths.
A Smack the Trinitie of Exmouth out same day laden with

cloths.

A Balinger the Michael of Exmouth out 1st Feb. laden with
whitestraits.

A Smack the Trinitie of Exmouth in 6th Feb. laden with 5
boxes of salmon 4 Waynstotts 5 peces of coper and 1
Goshawk.

APPENDIX.

No. 1.

EXON.

-540 THE MARITIME TRADE OP EXETER

A Bark the Margareta of Plymouth out 14th Feb. laden with
cloths.

A Ship the Sent John of Brabhant in 28th Feby. laden with salt
and cloths.

A Ship the Margareta de Conke in 4th March laden with salt
and eggs.

A Smack the Sent Sansoog out 8th March laden with woolen
goods.

A Ship the Marye of Conke out 18th March laden with cloths.
A Ship called Sent John de Brabhant out same day laden with

whitestraits and cloths.
A Balynger the Mathew of Harflete in 26th March laden with

3 pipes of Cyder and 20 tuns of iron.
A Smack the Kateryn of Exmouth in 29th March laden with

wine.

A Smack the Kateryn of Exmouth in 8th April laden with wine.
A Smack the Sowalwe in 22nd April laden with wine.
A Smack the Sent Sansoog in 24th April laden with wine.
A Smack the Mary of Garnesey in 25th April laden with fine
linen and wine.

A Smack the Maudeleyn of Garnesey in 24th May laden with
wine.

A Smack the Sent Antonio in 21st May laden with wine.

A Smack the Many of Vanys (Venice) in 24th May laden with

cress cloth (fine linen cloth).
A Ship the Trinitie of Garnesey in 8th June laden with cress

cloth.

A Ship the Michael of Garnesey in 8th July laden with salt.
A Ship the Katherine of Caraunt in 28th July laden with salt.
A Ship the Salarde of Cankele in 23rd August laden with fine

Customs Accounts K.R. \\> 9 and 10 Hen 7th, 1493-4.

The Account of Thos. Eliot and John Symonds, Collectors of
Customs from Easter 9th year of Henry 7th to the same feast
in the 10th year.

A Pinnace called the Mitchell of Cownda in 2nd April, 1493,
laden with 16 dolia (tuns) of wine and 4000 oranges.

A Pinnace the Kateryn of Topshin in the same day laden with
peces and bolts of canvas (a pece was worth 20s., a bolt
10s.).

cloths.

No. 2.

EXETER.

IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

541

A Pinnace the Bonaventura of Sent John de Lewce out the

same day laden with whitestraits (valued at £2 a piece),

2 bells worth £10, 3 peces of Devon Tin containing 3 Cwt.

worth 60s. shipped by Roger Hollan Armiger.
A Pinnace the Seynt Speritt of Bayon in the same day laden with

20 tuns of wine and 2 tuns of iron.
A Pinnace the Jhesu of Topshin out 12th April laden with

cloths, whitestraits peces of irise worth 17s. a pece 4 cwt.

of lead worth 16s. a cwt. and 18 peces of Devon Tin

containing 1800 lbs. worth £18.
A Pinnace the Nicholas of Morleis out 14th April laden with

whitestraits and 14 peces of Devon tin weight 1400 lbs.

worth £14.

A Pinnace the Mary of Blewet in 15th April laden with 15 tuns

of salt worth £15.
A Pinnace the Nicholas of Teynmouth in same day laden with

5 tuns of wine, 6 pipes of woad and a tun of rosyn.
A Pinnace the Christopher of Taunton out 10th April laden

with whitestraits.
A Batella the Julian of Kymperley out 22nd April laden with

whitestraits and 5 cwt. wax worth 40s. etc.
A Batella the Rose of Garnsey in 24th April, laden with peces

of canvas.

A Pinnace the Christofer of Exeter out same day laden with

cloths, freizes whitestraits, white freizes, etc.
A Pinnace the Sent Speritt of Bayon out 2nd May mainly laden

with whitestraights.
A Pinnace the Nicholas of Morleis out same day laden with 26

peces of Devon Tin containing 2600 lbs. worth £26 and

14 peces Cornish tin containing 3000 lbs. worth £35 ;

whitestraights, freizes, etc.
A Balynger the Michell of the town of Cowda out 7th May

laden with whitestraights and cloths.
A Pinnace the Katheryn of Morleis out 12th May laden with

white straights and 19 peces of Devon tin weight 1900 lbs.

worth £19.

A Balynger the Kateryn of Topshin out 21st May laden with a

full cargo of whitestraights.
A Balynger the Gabriel of Topshim in 31st May laden with

25 pipes of woad worth £125, 12 rolls of neves, 2 tuns of

wine, etc.

A Batella the Rose of Garnesey out 3rd of June laden with
white straights and 2 peces of Devon tin weight 200 lbs.
worth £2.

A Pinnace the Jhesu of Topshim in 12th June laden with

canvas and cress cloth.
A Batella the Flower of Calais in the same day laden with

2 pipes and 1 hogshead of Tenys balles 3 lasts and 3 barrels

542 THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER

of Litmoss, 198 Waynstotts, 3 maunds of stone crosses,

and 3 lasts of tar.
A Pinnace the John of Morleis in 16th June laden with 20 tuns

of salt and 100 congers.
A Pinnace the Magdaleyn of Blewet in same day laden with 20

tuns of salt and 100 lamproves.
A Pinnace the Mary of Dartmouth in 19th June laden with

general merchandise, 2 cases of glass, 2 panyers of drinking

glasses, cards for the looms, ironwork, canvas, etc.
A Batella the Anne of Fowey in 28th June laden with almonds,

a case of glass, 6 cases of cards, and other merchandise.
A Pinnace the Nicholas of Teynmouth out same day laden with

1 pece of Devon tin weight 100 lbs. worth 20s. and 5 cwt.

of wax worth 33s. 4d.
A Ship the George of Bonacountre in same day laden with 50

tuns of salt worth £16.
A Pinnace the Jhesu of Topshin out same day laden with white

straights and 100 peces of Devon tin weight 1000 lbs.
A Ship the Michell of Fowey in 28th June laden with 5 tuns of

oil a large quantity of wine, 8 cwt. of almonds, 800 white

simgamatis, salt wax and 2 bales of white paper.
A Balynger the George of Teynmouth in same day laden with

two pipes of woad, wine and resyn.
A Pinnace the Magdalen of Sent Malowe in 1st July, laden

with wine, iron, a large quantity of canvas and some

glass.

A Pinnace the John of Morlais out 18th July laden with a full

carge of whitestraits.
A Pinnace the Magdalen of Blewet out the same day laden with

whitestraights.

A Balynger the Kateryn of Topshin in 16th July laden with

cresse cloth and canvas.
A Balynger the Trinitie of Deva in the same day laden with

20 tons of iron 60 tons of Lancearam and 5 cwt. of lead.
A Balynger the Trinitie of Deva out 22nd July laden with

whitestraights, leather and 12 peces of Cornish tin,

weighing 2500 lbs. worth £25.
A Balynger the Christopher of Exeter in the same day laden

with woad in pipes, litmus and 13 tuns of iron.
A Balynger the Christopher of Taunton in the same day laden

with woad and iron.
A Balynger the Gabriel of Topshin out 23rd July laden with

whitestraights 42 peces of Devon tin weighing 4200 lbs.

and 12 pieces of Cornish tin weighing 3000 lbs.
A Pinnace the Mary of the Island of Molerns in 23rd July laden

with salt and canvas and 200 Mazer cuppis worth 6s. 8d.
A Batella the Andrew of Kenton in 1st August laden with

Dentries and salt.

IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

543

A Batella the Kateryn of Kenton in the same day laden with

1000 lbs. of Dentries and salt.
A Batella the Mary of Teynmouth in the same day laden with

2 barrels of salmon and salt.
A Batella the Trinitie of Exmouth in 2nd August laden with

700 Dentries and salt.
A Batella the Michael of Teyngmouth in 4th August laden with

Dentries and salt.
A Batella the George of Teyngmouth in the same day laden with

Dentries and salt.
A Batella the Mary of the Island of Molyns out same day laden

with one cwt. of wax, etc.
A Balinger the Magdalen of St. Malow out 10th August laden

with whitestraights and 8 pieces of Cornish tin containing

2000 lbs. by indenture of Thomas Penwayn worth £20

and wax and lead.
A Pinnace the Jhesu of Topshin in 16th August laden with 238

peces of coarse cloth and canvas.
A Pinnace the Mary of Itell in the same day laden with salt

tar and iron.

A Batella the Trinitie of Torbay in the same day laden with

2 lasts of Salmon.
A Batella the Clement of Fowey out the same day laden with
. whitestraights, cloth and coles, glass and 5 peces of

Cornish tin weighing 100 lbs. by indenture of Thomas

Penwreyn.

A Batella the Trinitie of Kenton in the same day laden with

salt and dentries.
A Pinnace the Nicholas of Teignmouth in 18th August laden

with 24 tuns of salt.
A Pinnace the Kateryn of Topshyn out the same day laden with

20 peces of Devon and 62 peces of Cornish tin, and

whitestraights.

A Pinnace the Mary of the Island of Moleyns out 25th August

laden with 800 Dentries 1000 Bukhorne, 500 Mackerell,

Whitestraights, and Pewter vessels.
A Batella the Mary of Teignmouth in 30th August laden with

salt and dentries.
A Pinnace the Margaret of Sent Bryacke in same day laden

with canvas, lead, 5 Qwyltis, and general merchandise.
A Pinnace the Nicolas of Morleis in 1st September laden with

cress cloth and canvas.
A Pinnace the Christopher of Topshin out 3rd September laden

with whitestraights, dentries, hides and wax.
A Pinnace the Margaret of Sent Bryak out 8th September

laden with whitestraights, etc.
A Batella the Mary of Teignmouth out same day laden with

2000 dentries.

544 THE MARITIME TRADE OF EXETER

A Pinnace the Jhesu of Topshin out 12th September, laden with

whitestraights and 1000 lbs. of lead.
A Pinnace the Christofer of Taunton out 13th September laden

with Dentries and cloths.
A Pinnace the Mary of Itell out the same day laden with

freizes and whitestraights.
A Pinnace the Mackerdl of Teignmouth out same day.
A Balinger the Gabriel of Topshin in 15th September laden

with cress cloth, canvas, iron and general merchandise.
A Balinger the Giles of Morleys in same day laden with salt and

congers.

A Balinger the Gabriel of Topshin out 19th September laden
with whitestraights, Dentries, wax and 9 peces of Devon
tin weighing 900 lbs.

A Pinnace the Kateryn of Exeter in 25th September laden
with cress cloth, canvas and iron.

No. 3.

Entries and tonnage of vessels from parts beyond the seas.

In Portu Exon, An 1588.

K.R. Customs

The Customer's book extra and infra contayning the entries
of all shipps crossing the seas, and also what prohibited goods
and wines were in them, from Easter to Michaelmas, 1588 ;
Anno Elizabeth 30.

EXTRA.

1588.

The Trewdealing of Exon, for Jersey, burden 20 tons, 11th April
The Pleasure of Morles „ Morles „ 24 „ 18th May
The Revenge of Sidmouth „ Elbringe „ 30 „ 31st ,,
The Jonas of Topsham „ Morles „ 32 „ 12th June
The Grace of Exon „ Rame ,, 38 „ 13th June

The Trinitie Cowse of Kenton from Rochell 36 „ 17th June
The Pleasure of Morles „ Morles 24 „ 21st June

The Swiftsewer of Topsham for Rochell bur. 36 , , 25th June
The Lyon of Exmouth „ Rochell „ 40 „ 28th June
The JenneUoi Exmouth „ Rochell „ 30 „ 20th July
William Martin of Exon merchant one hundred dozen calf

skins which paid subsidy.
The Trewmeaning of Kenton for Rochelle bur. 20 tons, 15th Aug.

Morles „ 24 „ 23rd Aug.
S. Jean de Luce

burden 28 tons, 3rd Sept.
Barberie

burden 35 tons, 5th Sept.

The Pleasure of Morles
The Joane Drake of Topsham

The Serfaucon of Topsham

Digitized by

IN MEDIAEVAL TIMES.

545

The Gifte of Exmouth for Barberie

burden 40 tons, 9th Sept.
The Angell of Topsham „ S. Joan de Luce

burden 28 tons, 10th Sept.
The Gift of God of Exon „ S. Mallowes

burden 18 tons, 8th Sept.
The Trinitie of Topsham „ Morles „ 18 „ 18th Sept.
The Grace of God of Exon ,, Newhaven (Havre)

burden 38 tons, 25th Sept.

INFRA.

The Marigould of Topsham from Morles, bur. 40 tons, 10th April
The Pearl of Hampton „ St.Malo,, 18 „ 10th April
Robert Bragg of Exeter Merchant one tunne and a half of
Canarie Wine.

The Hopewell of Poole from St. Malo, bur. 15 tons, 29th April
Thomas Chapell of Exon Merchant ten buttes of sack.
The Mary Elsdon of Topsham from Rochell, bur. 30 tons 4th Maye
The Mary of Barnstaple „ S.Malowe „ 10 „ 6th Maye,
Thomas Davis of Barnsteple Merchant Three pipes of Canarie

Wine. Three hogsheads of French Wines.
The Cat of Seaton 10 tons from Jersey 6th Maye

The Jonas of Topsham 32 „ „ Morles 13th Maye
The Trinitie of Instowe 20 „ „ Rochelle 13th Maye
Thomas Richardson of Exon Merchant nine and a half tunnes

of Gasconie Wine.
The Gifte of Exmouth 40 tons from Nantes 17th May

The Pleasure of Morles, burden 24 tons from Rame, 17th June
Lewis Papes of Taunton Merchant three tunnes and a pipe of

Canarie Wine.

The Marye of Jersey 20 tons from S. Malowes 17th June
The Trewdelingot Exon 20 „ „ S.Melowes 12 July
The Gifte of Kenton 18 „ „ Rochell 15th July

TheJo^of Teynmouth 30 „ „ Rochelle 15th July
The M arie of Teynmouth 25 „ „ Rochell 15th July
The Katheren Michelle of Dawlish 30 tons from

Rochelle 15 July

The Thomas of Kenton 16 tons from Rochelle 15 July

The Trinity Cowse of Kenton 36 tons from Rochelle 15 July
The J onas of Topsham bur. 32 tons from Morles 30th July
The Pleasure of Morles „ 24 ,, „ Morles 30th July
The Trezumeaning of Kenton ,, 20 „ „ Rochele 12th Aug.
The Elizabeth Jonas of Kenton

burden 33 tons from Rochelle, 13 Aug.
The Gifte of God of Kilbeese

burden 28 tons from Rame, 21st Aug.

VOL. XLIV. 2 M

Digitized by

546 THE MARITIME TRADE OP EXETER IN MEDIEVAL TIMES.

The Revenge of Sidmouth

burden 30 tons from Elbringe, 26 Aug.
The Flyenge Hart of Topsham

burden 15 tons from Morles, 5th Sep.
The Robert of Lyme

burden 16 tons from Morles, 16 Sept.
The Trumeaning of Topsham

burden 20 tons from St. Malo, 20 Sep.
The Jennett of Exmouth

burden 30 tons from Rochelle, 25 Sep.
The J esus of Teynmouth

burden 28 tons from Rochelle, 26th Sep.
The John of Teynmouth

burden 30 tons from Rochelle, 26th Sep.
The Godspeed of Topsham

burden 36 tons from Rosermunda 26th Sep.
The Primrose of Exmouth

burden 25 tons from Rosermunda 26th Sep.
The Pentecoste of Topsham

burden 24 tons from Rosermunda 26th Sep.

Digitized by

RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER, SINCE
THE COMMONWEALTH.

I have been unable to trace the birthplace or parentage
of this Rector, but he matriculated at Merton College,
Oxford, on 29 May, 1650 ; graduated B.A. on 6 July, 1654.
He was instituted to the Rectory of St. Leonard's on
6 November, 1661, on the presentation of Nicholas Ducke,
of Mount Radford. He became Vicar of Bovey Tracey
on 6 December, 1668, Canon of Exeter in 1669, and Rector
of Whitestone in 1671. He died at Bovey Tracey, and the
following entry relates to his burial : —

" 1681 Mr. Frances Moore, Vicar, the second day."

He was buried in woollen.

I am informed that there is no monument to him in
the church or churchyard. His will is dated 16 March,
1680. Under this he leaves : —

To Anne now wife of Thomas Conyam £90 also goods at
Engsden.

To my Cosin William Beaumont £5.

To Francis son of my cosin Thomas Moore deceased £50
when 16.
To Mrs. Anne Locke £5.
To cousin Grace Blanchflower £5.
To the old Joane Leslye 20/-.

To Mr. Charles Heren of Exeter £5 and Doctor Hamonds
annotations on the new testament.

To Mr. Charles Heath of Boveytracy 10/-.

To said Charles Heren and Charles Heath £150 for use of
executrix and her husband.

BY THOMAS CANN HUGHES, M.A., F.S.A.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Francis Moore. 1661-71.

548

RECTORS OP ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER,

Residue to Elizabeth daughter of my said cosin Thomas
Moore deceased and now wife of John Conyam and makes her
Executrix.

Overseers good friends Mr. Charles Heren and Mr. Charles
Heath.

If cousin Thomas Moore die before 16 or Elizabeth Childless
will is said money to go to Francis son of John Moore of
Wareham or if he be dead to said John's Children if none
then to the redemption of Turkish captives.

Tho will bears the signature, " Fra: Moore " and is sealed
with what appears to be a swan cygnet or other bird.
The witnesses to the will are Richard Walcombe and Christo:
Locke. An inventory was filed by William Jacob and
Andrew Howard 6n 8 April, 1681. The will was proved
by Elizabeth Conyam on 25 April, 1681.

This Rector was the son of Emanuel Hall and Mary
Nosworthy, who were married at Bridford, Devon, on
7 July, 1646. He was baptized at Bridford on 24 May,
1647. He matriculated at Wadham College, Oxford, on
5 May, 1665 ; graduated B.A. 11 February, 1668-9,
M.A. 1671, and was instituted to the Rectory of St.
Leonard's on 26 October, 1671, on the presentation of
the patroness, Martha Ducke, of Mount Radford. He was
incorporated M.A. of Cambridge in 1676, and further
graduated B.D., and D.D. at Oxford on 6 July, 1683. He
became Canon of Exeter 1672, Sub-Dean and Treasurer
1675, and Rector of Stoke-in-Teignhead in the same year,
and Rector of Whitestone in 1681, and of Faringdon in
1704. He died on 25 April, 1709, and his burial appears in
the Faringdon Parish Register as follows : —

" 1709 April 28 Nicolas Hall S.T.P., hujus parochioe Rector
et ecclesioe Beati Petri Exon Thesaurarius mort 25th."

I am informed there is no monument in the church or
churchyard. His will, dated 20 December, 1708, read as
follows : —

To my daughter Anne Bidgood the little tankard.

Brother-in-law William Eveleigh late of Kentisbeare Clerk
by his will dated 30 October, 1694, gave all his Manor, &c,
called Worway als Oarway in Kentisbeare and estate in certain

Nicholas Hall. 1671-5.

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH.

549

tenements or fields called the three yards and the Pilcome
Slades in Broadhembury to hold same unto me said Nicholas
Hall and Joane Hall my mother subject to payment of annuity
of £5-5-0 to his sister Mary Taylour for life with power to
sell same to pay debts, etc., with other lands called St. Andrew's
Middleton's Tenements, Whitneys Tenement, Warrens Ground
Moales Lane and J acre of sheere in Court Meadow.

Whereas after payment of said debts, etc., said last mentioned
preinises were given to my son Nicholas Hall and his heirs
and said premises call Worway, etc., to my son William Hall
and his heirs said William Hall paying out of same to his brother
Thomas Hall £400 when 21.

Reciting Mortgage to Peter Pasmore for securing £1382
advanced to pay debts of testator, etc.

To said son William Eveleigh, on condition that he releases
equity of redemption in Worway, etc., to said son Nicholas,
estate in lands, &c, in parish of Stokeinteignhead called
Tingharvey held by lease of trustees of St. John's Hospital
for 99 years.

Said sons Nicholas and Thomas are tenants successively in
reversion on death of Dr. Bury in tenement in Parish of Samp-
ford Courtenay by copy of Court Roll said Nicholas to permit
Thomas to have rents, etc., or pay him £500.

All other lands to eldest son Nicholas and his heirs male and
for want of issue to my said son William and his heirs male and
for want of issue to the heirs female of my several sons if they
happen to have any such and for want of such issue to my
daughters Anne Bidgood and Mary Gibbs and their heirs.

Residue to said son Nicholas Hall and makes him Executor.

If either son happen to be a Phisican I give him all my Phy-
sick Books and if either take orders I give such son all my
Divinity Books unless son Nicholas think fit to keep same.

If Rectory of Bridf ord of which I am perpetual patron become
void when either of my sons is qualified to be presented said
son Nicholas shall present him.

The seal on the will is indistinct, but appears to be
three eagles' heads.

The witnesses are Walter Taylor, Samuel Goodfellow,
and Will. Kentisbeare. The will was proved at Exeter
by his son Nicholas on 3 June, 1709. This son was a student
of the Inner Temple and graduated at Exeter College,
Oxford, in 1702. Interesting correspondence has appeared
in the volumes of the Devon Notes and Queries dealing
with the contention that Nicholas Hall was an assumed
name.

550

RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER,

Nicholas Redwood. 1675-88.

Son of Nicholas Redwood, of Exeter, and Charitie his
wife. The father's administration was proved at Exeter
in 1619. There is also a will of Charitie Redwood dated
1701, but whether this is the mother or daughter does not
appear. He matriculated at Wadham College, Oxford,
on 1 April, 1664, age seventeen ; graduated B.A. 16 March,
1670-1, and M.A. in 1671. Under his will, dated 12 April,
1688, he leaves as follows : —

To wife Abiah and to my mother Charitie Redwood and to
my sister Mary Wolston £3 each.

To mother estate for years in house in Northgate Street,
Exeter, under grant from Dean and Chapter and after her
decease to my only child Charitie Redwood until 18 and when
18 I give her right to title to same.

To said wife Abiah profits of house wherein I now dwell
and two other houses in mortgage from my brother John
Redwood in parish of Saint Thomas the Apostle.

Executrix said daughter Charitie when 18 and until 18
appoints my said sister Mary Wolston Executrix in trust.

Overseers Rev. Dr. Nicholas Hall and Dr. Francis Fulwood.

On this will appears the same emblazonment as the will
of Nicholas Hall, to whom he was apparently related.
I am informed that Northgate Street, Exeter, is on the
boundary of the parishes of St. Petrock, St. Mary Arches,
and St. Paul, and probably if search were made in the
registers of those parishes the record of his baptism might
be found.

The witnesses to the will were Richard Webber and Cha.
Heron, and there is a memorandum affixed to the will
that the testator and his mother stood obliged for payment
of £100 to Mr. Boone, of Dartmouth, and for £20 to Mr.
Cook, of Exeter. The will was proved at Exeter by Mary
Wolston on 23 June, 1688.

Born on 14 October, 1649. His father was the Rev.
John Gandy, Vicar of South Brent, 1638, and Canon of
Salisbury (for whom see Prince's Worthies). Gandy
was educated at Merchant Taylors' School from 1663 to

Henry Gandy. 1688-91.

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH.

551

1666, and matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford, on
15 March, 1666-7, age seventeen, and graduated B.A.
in 1670 and M.A. in 1674, and was Proctor of the Univer-
sity in 1683, and was instituted at St. Leonard's on 8 Sep-
tember, 1688, on the presentation of Richard Ducke.
He died in Scroope Court, Holborn, on 26 February,
1733-4, and was buried in St. Pancras Cemetery, but no
monument can now be found. He was a member of a very
old Exeter family, several of whom held the office of Mayor,
including his uncle Henry Gandy, from whom Gandy
Street in Exeter takes its name. He was also related to
the Devonshire artist of the same name.

I have been able to find no certain trace of this Rector.
He might have been the Thomas Lee who was son of
Henry Lee and was born at Burton-on-Trent. Educated
at Ashby School ; ordained Deacon at Lichfield in Sep-
tember, 1677. We certainly know that he was presented
to the living, then legitimately vacant, by Richard Ducke
on 1 March, 1691, and that he died in 1708, but the burial
register for that period is not forthcoming, and no trace
can be found of a monument or a will.

This Rector was the son of John Gay, of Frithelstock,
near Torrington. The following is an extract from that
parish register relating to his baptism : —

" Richard ye sonn of John Gay, Esq: was baptized ye 18th
day of April, 1682."

The father was a Warden of Frithelstock for many years.
Frithelstock registers also contain the following entry : —

" The Gays of Goldworthys in Parkham Parish of which the
Frithelstock Gays were a branch was sprung from Gilbert
LeGay of Hampton Gay, Oxon, by marrying a daughter and
heiress of Curtoise who have arms 3 Fleur de lis sab. Laurence
Gay a member of the Frithelstock branch resided at Langtree."

Gay matriculated at Merton College, Oxford, on 23
March, 1699-1700, age sixteen, and graduated B.A. on
16 March, 1703-4. He was instituted to the living of

Thomas Lee. 1691-1708.

Richard Gay. 1708-55.

552

RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER,

St. Leonard's on the presentation of Elizabeth Ducke,
widow, 16 June, 1708. He was buried apparently on 21
January, 1755. His will, dated 16 February, 1752,
contains the following interesting provisions : —

To Francis Huysh Clerk of Clisthydon messuages in Devon
and Cornwall to use of James Gay son of my late Cousin John
Gay of Wilshamsted in County of Bedford Clerk son of my late
uncle James Gay Rector of Upton Pyne for life and after his
decease to the first son of said James Gay and to his heirs male
of such first son and in default of such issue to use of 2nd 3rd
4th 5th son etc., and in default of such issue to use of my
Cousin Nicholas Gay of Newton St. Cyres Clerk for life then to
use of John son of Nicholas Gay and his heirs male and for
default of issue to Richard second son of said Nicholas Gay
and his heirs male then to heirs male of said Nicholas Gay
lawfully issuing and for default of such issue then to Anthony
Gay son of my late kinsman Anthony Gay of Great Torrington
Soap Boyler and his heirs male and for default of such issue
then to James another son of said kinsman Anthony Gay
and his heirs and for default of such issue then to my right
heirs.

Will is that if said James Gay son of my late cousin John
Gay shall live to attain 21 and also his heirs male in like case
and also said Nicholas Gay and also every other person as
aforesaid to have power to grant and demise and let premises.

To cousin Nicholas Gay during term of six years after my
decease all my right of occupation etc., in leasehold estate
called Cloyster Hall in parish of Frithelstock, etc., he paying
to my sister in law Elizabeth Gay rent or annuity as I am
obliged to pay and after said term of 6 years I give same to
James Gay son of my said late cousin John Gay and his heirs
male and for default of such issue to said cousin Nicholas
Gay and his heirs male and for default of issue to Anthony
Gay son of my late kinsman Anthony Gay of Great Torrington
and for default of issue to James Gay another son of said An-
thony and in default of issue to my right heirs.

To James son of my late cousin John Gay yearly sum of £20
until 23 also £700 three years after my decease.

To Joseph Bailer son of my late cousin Katherine Bailer
£1-1-0 and to his brother Anthony Bailer £2-2-0 and to their
sisters Katherine and Susanna £1-1-0 and to the several
children of my late cousin Joanna Fortescue £1-1-0 and to
my cousin Elizabeth Ellis £2-2-0.

To the three daughters of my said late cousin John Gay £10
each when 21 or on marriage with consent of their mother or
their Uncle Nicholas Gay.

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH.

553

To Anthony and James sons of my late kinsman Anthony
Gay of Great Torrington £20 each to be employed towards
their education, etc.

To Elizabeth and Mary Gay daughters of my late kinsman
Capt. Anthony Gay of Bytheford £10.

To Thomas Morrison of Great Torrington Clerk £30 upon
trust to invest same and pay interest to Mary wife of James
Lewis of Erithelstock now living in service in Cloyster Hall
and to said James Lewis if in my service £5 other servants
5/- each.

To poor of Frithelstock £5 and to John Philips the elder
distinctly of his share 10/-.

To Mary Sweet if dwelling in my old house in St. Thomas
my old quarto bible and 40/-.

Residue to Cousin Nicholas Gay aforesaid of Newton St.
Cyres and makes him my Executor.

The witnesses are Grace Lake, Jno. Smale, and Rowland
Moase.

There is no inventory. The will has three codicils as
follows : —

1st Codicil to will dated 15th May 1752 As to repayment
of £100 secured by deed of assignment of Pidgeons Heathfield
in Manor of Woodbury in Mortgage by Rev. Mr. Hicks of Exeter
one of the Priest vicars of Cathedral and Mary his wife and
James son of said Rev. Mr. Hicks of Exeter Gent. Signed
Richard Gay. No witnesses.

Codicil dated 18th May, 1754. Varying legacies to several
of the legatees and to Hugh Nichols 10/-. To Minister and
Churchwardens of Frithelstock £100 in order to obtain aug-
mentation from Queen Annes Bounty. Signed by Richard
Gay. Witnesses Rowland Moase, Grace Lake.

3rd Codicil dated 4th December, 1754. Had purchased
estate called Towsington in Parish of Exminster and gives
same to Cousin Nicholas Gay of Newton St. Cyres. Signed
by Richard Gay. Witnesses Robert Brinsmead, John Snow,
Bartholomew Venton.

The earliest register of St. Leonard's contains a register
of briefs for the building of churches and relief of losses
by fire collected by this Rector.

The patronage of the living passed to Andrew Lavington
and Richard Paule, who became bankrupt, and their
assignees sold to John Baring, an ancestor of the present
Lord Northbrook, on 19 July, 1737, for the sum of £90.

554 RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER,

An interesting note signed by this Rector appears on
page 30 of Dymond's History of St. Leonard's.

Son of Rhodes Weston and Mary of Kingsbridge.
Baptized 14 November, 1717. He matriculated at Exeter
College, Oxford, on 30 August, 1736 ; graduated B.A.
1740 and M.A. 1743, and was a Fellow of his College from
1741-5. For some time kept school at St. Thomas's,
Exeter, and was instituted to the Rectory of St. Leonard's
on the presentation of John Baring, of Larkbeare, on
16 May, 1755. He became subsequently Vicar of Whit-
church, near Tavistock, and died suddenly on 8 October,
1767, and was buried at St. Leonard's on the 15th.

His widow was buried on 3 November, 1788, and an
Elizabeth Weston was also interred at St. Leonard's on
5 February, 1791. Benjamin Heath, Town Clerk of Exeter,
was also buried at St. Leonard's during the rectorate of
John Weston on 21 September, 1766.

This man is probably George Moore, of Ely, who was
admitted as a Sizar of Queen's College, Cambridge, on

6 February, 1749 ; graduated B.A. 1754 and M.A. 1757.
He was instituted to the living of St. Leonard's on 6
November, 1767, again on the presentation of John Baring,
of Larkbeare. He became Archdeacon of Cornwall on
15 February, 1788, and also Canon of Exeter and Vicar
of Heavitree, where he was buried on 18 Marcli, 1807,
aged seventy-six, but there is apparently no monument
to him. He buried William Collins, Mayor of Exeter, on

7 February, 1768.

See his notes in the Register (Dymond, pages 29-30).

The eldest son of the Rev. John Weston, the former
Rector. Born at Exeter ; educated at Eton under Dr.
Barnard ; admitted pensioner of St. John's College,
Cambridge, on 12 April, 1763, age sixteen. Admitted
Student of the Middle Temple 25 May, 1764, graduated

John Weston. 1755-67.

George Moore. 1767-78.

Samuel Ryder Weston. 1778-80.

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH.

555

B.A. 1767. Admitted Fellow of his College 14 March, 1769,
M.A. 1770. Ordained Deacon at Winchester on 2 April,
1771, and Priest on 26 May the same year. Instituted
to the Rectory of St. Leonard's on 17 October, 1778, on
the presentation of John Baring. On 31 May, 1782, he
was presented by his College to the Rectory of Marwood,
near Barnstaple ; he was Canon of the Ninth Prebend,
Canterbury Cathedral, from 15 April, 1788, to January,
1799, and was given the honorary degree of D.D. by the
Archbishop on 6 December, 1798. He was Prebend of
Wildland in St. Paul's Cathedral from 6 December, 1798,
until he died. He was instituted Rector of Kelshall,
Hertfordshire, on the presentation of the Bishop of Ely,
on 30 July, 1805, and also of the adjoining parish of
Therfield Royston on 24 April, 1812. Whilst Rector of
Marwood he rebuilt the Rectory, obtaining a loan from
the College for the purpose. He was a subscriber to
Gutches' Collectanea. His place of interment has not
been discovered.

Lord Ashburton was married at St. Leonard's to Eliza-
beth, the only daughter of John Baring, on 21 March, 1780,
while the younger Weston was Rector.

Son of John Patch, of Exeter ; educated at St. Paul's
School, London. He matriculated at Wadham College,
Oxford, on 14 December, 1776 ; graduated B.A. in 1780
and M.A. 1783. Was instituted to the Rectory of St.
Leonard's on 25 September, 1780 ; collated by Bishop
Ross by lapse.

He died on 16 November, 1825, aged seventy, and was
buried at St. Leonard's on the 23rd of that month.

His brother, Robert Burnett Patch, was Fellow of
Exeter College 1747-51, and schoolmaster of Crewkerne,
Somerset.

The living was sold during the rectorate of Patch in
1825 for £3500. A portrait of Dr. Patch will be found in
the Board-room of the Exeter Hospital, by Gandy.

William Ward Smith. 1825-7.
Son of the Rev. William Smith, of Poole, Dorset. He

Gayer Patch. 1780-1825.

556 RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER,

matriculated at Worcester College, Oxford, on 29 Novem-
ber, 1799, aged eighteen. Scholar Eton Foundation
12 June, 1801, and Fellow from 1803 to 1830 ; graduated
B.A. 1803, M.A. 1807. He was instituted to Rectory of
St. Leonard's on 21 April, 1826, on the presentation of
Sir Thomas Baring, of Stratton Park, Bart.

He died on 24 May, 1830, but I have not been able to
trace the place of his burial.

This man I have also been unable to trace, but is probably
a member of the Sweet family who for many years held the
living of Kentisbury, near Barnstaple.

There was a faculty granted on 18 March, 1831, to him
and resident Curate Houlditch and Wardens by Bishop
PhiHpotts to take down the church and build a new church
at a cost not exceeding £1210 (a drawing of the church
as taken down is in the vestry) ; this church was of the
fourteenth-century type and held about one hundred and
twenty people.

Born at Ottery St. Mary on 25 March, 1801, son of the
Rev. Richard Houlditch. Was a commoner of Winchester
College, 1815 to 1818. Admitted St. John's College,
Cambridge, on 26 May, 1819 ; graduated B.A. in 1823.
Ordained Deacon in 1824 and Priest in 1825. Married
Frances Elizabeth Cowper, had a daughter, Frances
Emma (born 10 September, 1823 ; died 13 March, 1838).
Was instituted to the Rectory of St. Leonard's on 3 Sep-
tember, 1831, on the presentation of the Rev. Richard
Houlditch, of Ottery St. Mary. He was Rector of Staple-
grove, Somerset, 10 August, 1840 ; Rector of Matson,
Gloucester, 1853; Rector of Ashley, Gloucester.

Died at Weymouth on 9 August, 1870, and was buried
at Matson. He was a good classic, and was a leading man
in the Gloucester Musical Festivals. A portrait of Houlditch
will be found in the vestry. The new church was opened
in 1833 by Bishop Phillpotts ; designed by E. G. Paley,
of Lancaster. A model of the church was made by Miss
Swan Hooper in 1859.

William Sweet. 1827-31.

Edward Houlditch. 1831-40.

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH.

557

George William Burrow Wills. 1840-72.

Eldest son of Samuel Wills, of Crewkerne, postmaster,
and was born there on 1 September, 1814, and baptized
on 26 January, 1815.

He matriculated at Wadham College, Oxford, on 16 May,
1833 ; graduated B.A. in 1837 and M.A. in 1839.

Was curate of All Hallow's, Lombard Street, 1879-85.

Married Sophia Townsend, second daughter of Sir John
Theophilus Lee, of Lauriston Hall, Torquay, J.P. for
Middlesex, Hants, and Devon. He was instituted to the
Rectory of St. Leonard's on his own presentation in April,
1840. During his rectorate the church was enlarged at a
cost of £325.

He died on 7 January, 1886, at Kensington, and was
buried in a vault under the western door of St. Leonard's.
There are a tablet and a window in the north aisle of the
church erected to his memory by his surviving son Herbert
M. Wills, and a font was also erected to his memory by his
daughters Georgina Sophia and Annie Sophia in the church
in 1888. A new burial ground was opened, the School
Board was formed, and the western end of the church was
extended, to cost of which Sir Thomas Baring gave £500,
during Wills' rectorate.

The following is the inscription to his memory : —

" In a vault under the western entrance of this church are de-
posited the remains of George William Burrow Wills M.A. Rector
of this Parish for XXXII years who departed this life at Kensington
January VII th MDCCCLXXXVI."

His portrait is in the vestry.

Fourth and youngest son of Thomas Porter, of Rock-
beare, who was a sporting squire and often drove a four-in-
hand. Educated at Eton. Matriculated at Exeter College,
Oxford, on 14 November, 1844 ; graduated B.A. 1848,
M.A. 1851 ; ordained Deacon 1849, Priest 1850. Was
Rector of Lympstone, Devon, 1850-7 ; Rector of Racken-
ford, Devon, 1860-7 ; Rector of Littleton, Middlesex,
1867-72. Was Chaplain at the Eye Infirmary for twelve
years, Hon. Secretary Deaf and Dumb Institution for ten
years, and Chaplain to garrison at Exeter from 1874-87.

George Porter. 1872-87.

558 RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER,

He died suddenly at Seaton on 9 January, 1890, and was
buried at Rockbeare, and the following is a copy of the
inscription on his tombstone : —

" Sacred to the memory of
The Rev George Porter m.a.,
youngest son of the late
Thomas Porter Esq.,
Rockbeare House,
who died 9th January, 1890
Aged 63 years."

A memorial window was placed on the north side of
the church ; his daughter Blanche Mary Corser and her
son Arthur were drowned in the wreck of the s.s. Quetta in
the Torres Straits, February, 1890.

There is a photo of Porter in the vestry.

The present church was erected in 1883, towards which
the brother of Rector Porter gave £1500, provided that
the Rector was not Chairman of the Building Committee,
and Mrs. Miles provided money for the erection of a new
tower in memory of her husband. A new organ was opened
on 30 March, 1873, and the new chancel was opened on
5 March, 1873.

The foundation stone of the present church was laid on
18 August, 1876, by Lord Northbrook in commemoration
of his safe return from India, where he was Viceroy and
Governor-General from May, 1872, to April, 1876, and the
church was opened on 3 June, 1884, by Bishop Temple.
The architect for the new church was R. Medley Fulford.

James Frederick Sheldon. 1887-96.

Born at Mission House, Kurrachee, India, on 25 June,
1862, son of James Sheldon and Adelaide Gustava Catherine
Martha Weis White Sheldon. Was educated at Ewell
School, Epsom, for the army. Afterwards at Monkfctonfc
Combe School, Bath. Head boy and captain for cricket,
football, and boating. Married, 14 October, 1885, Miss
Petter, Bournemouth. Matriculated Queens' College,
Cambridge; graduated B.A. 1884, M.A. 1888; 1885-7
curate Shirley, Hants. In 1887 was (at twenty-five years
of age) youngest Rector in England ; 1896-1904 Vicar of
Cromer ; 1904-9 Public Preacher, Bristol Diocese ; Dio-
cesan Missioner, Birmingham, 1909-12. Reinstituted

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH.

559

9 February, 1912, by the Bishop of Exeter and inducted
by Archdeacon Sanders. There is a portrait of Mr. Sheldon
in the vestry.

Westley Bothamley. 1897-1904.

Ninth son of Thomas Hilton Bothamley, of London.
Matriculated at Magdalen College, Oxford, on 13 October,
1879 ; graduated B.A. in 1883 and M.A. in 1886, Demy
Wycliffe Hall 1883.

1884. Curate St. Jude, Kensal Green.

1887. Holbrook, Suffolk.

1888. Deane, Lancashire.
1890. Emanuel, Wimbledon.
1895. St. Thomas's, Birmingham.
1904. Vicar of St. Nicholas's, Durham.

The tower of St. Leonard's was out of repair, and the
services of a steeplejack were requisitioned to estimate
what the cost of the necessary repairs would be, and
upon the amount being reported to the Rector he stated
that the sum was unreasonable, and himself ascended the
spire and got the amount of the contract reduced, and
saved the parish a considerable amount of money. During
this rectorate the additional burying-ground was conse-
crated. There is a portrait of Mr. Bothamley in the vestry.

Reginald Callendar. 1904-12.

Born in Manchester on 8 January, 1867 ; son of Samuel
Pope Callendar and Agnes Potter. Educated at Rugby
and Christ's College, Cambridge ; graduated B.A. 1890
and M.A. 1903. Was a missionary of the C.M.S. in Central
Sudan and lay reader in the Sandwich Islands. Assistant
Secretary of the Children's Special Service Mission.

Married in 1905 Jean Hamilton, daughter of Col.
Buchanan Dunlop.

Curate,. 1898-1904, St. Matthew, Bayswater.

There is a photo of Mr. Callendar in the vestry.

The cordial thanks of the author of this paper are due,
first and foremost, to Mr. A. E. Roach, the enthusiastic
Warden of St. Leonard's, and the Revs. J. F. Sheldon and
Reginald Callendar (Rectors), to the Masters of Queens'

Digitized by

560 RECTORS OF ST. LEONARD'S, EXETER.

and St. John's Colleges, Cambridge, and the Provost
of Worcester College, Oxford ; to Ven. Archdeacon Hyde
(Bovey Tracey), the Revs. C. R. Chope (Bridford), H. A.
Birks (Kingsbridge), J. R. Housman (Faringdon), John
B. Pearson (Whitestone), C. C. Gillett (Frithelstock),
John Openshaw (Kentisbury), J. W. Metcalfe (Ottery
St. Mary), and H. D. Lewis (Crewkerne), and Messrs.
Edward Houlditch, Harbottle Reed, and W. H. Bowers
(all of Exeter), and C. W. Sutton (Manchester), and
Herbert S. Price (Lancaster), and especially to the author's
wife for competent and willing help.

Digitized by

WILLIAM WYKES, "FIRST RECORDER OF
EXETER " ; AND WYKES, SHERIFF OF DEVON.

BY MISS ETHEL LEGA-WEEKES.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

Dr. Oliver, in his History of Exeter (ed. 1861, p. 235),
heads his list of the Recorders of this city with ' ' John
Weeks, Esq., 1354," succeeded by "John Hull, Esq.,
1379." For these particulars (which, let me at once
warn the reader, are erroneous), Oliver perhaps drew on
Samuel Izacke's Antiquities of Exeter, Originally Col-
lected by his Father, Richard Izacke, Esq., . . . enlarged
and continued to the Year 1723, wherein (ed. 1741, p. 53)
we read, " 1354, . . . John Weeks Esquire, elected the
first Recorder of this City, and had a pension of three
Pounds per Annum allowed him, and afterwards this
Officer was chosen yearly, like the Mayor and other
officers of the said City."

Pole, in his Description of Devon (p. 87), makes the
different, but still inexact, statement that : " William
Wikes, learned in the lawes," was " chosen Recorder
of Exeter, Anno 33 of Kinge Edward 3 " [1358-9].

Turning to the Manuscript Compilations preserved in
the Corporation Muniment Room, we find in Richard
Izacke's Memorial of Sundry of the Chiefest Officers wt in
the Cittie of Exeter (dated 1665), the following passage :
(fol. 84) : " The Recorder was not an officer from the
beginninge, for (as it should seeme by the course of the
Recordes) some one of the Officers was learned & able
to directe the Courte accordinge to the lawes of the land,
but in .pcesse of tyme, when knowledge fay led in them, &
matters on lawe did increase, then by good advise 'twas
thought fitt & expedyent that choyce should bee made
of a wise & learned man, who should be alwayes attendant
uppon the Maior & Bayliffes, to directe & advize them in all

vol. xliv. 2 n

562 WILLIAM WYKES, " FIRST RECORDER OF EXETER " ;

matters of doubte & difficulty, accordinge to Lawe, where-
uppon an acte was made that a Recorder should bee chosen
yerdy as the Maior and other officers were, & then was
elected (beinge the first Recorder of this Citty) :

" 1. John Weekes, 28 Ed. Ill, 1354 ;
" 2. John Hull, 1379," etc.

The above information as to the origin of the office
cannot, as I understand, be traced to a source in any
contemporary records ; and as to the Weekes item —
Izacke, though he derived this, as he did most of his
material, from Hooker — the orderer and digester of the
Civic Records, and pioneer Historian of Exeter — did so
without acknowledgment ; but Richard Crossing,
"sometime a member of the Chamber," 1681, making
the statement that, "in the thirty-seventh yeare of
King Edward the Third, Anno 1363, the Chamber of
Exon made choice of one William Weekes to be their
first Recorder," gives as his authority " Hooker, pp.
414-17 " ; and Hooker turns out to have misled all his
followers, for, on consulting his MS. Commonplace Book,
I find not only the above extract, but other statements
on the same subject, that, while contradicting this, still
fail to achieve accuracy ! viz. : —

(Fol. 279) " 1354, M<* That one John Wekes was made
Recorder of the Citie, and hadd allowed for his fee iij 11 ."

(Fol. 279d) " 1355, xxix of kynge Ed: the iij. M<*
that this yere John Wekes, the first recorder of this
citie, and chosen the yere before, was chosen agayn this
yere. . . ."

(Ibid.) " 1379, iijtn yer of k. Richerd the ij ; M<*, That
John Hull was chosen this yere to be Recorder of the
Citie of Exceter."

The actual facts as obtained by me from the contem-
porary Receivers' Accounts are the following : That
John Weekes does not appear as Recorder at all ; that
William Wykes appears as " Recorder " in 27-28
Edw. Ill (i.e. Sept., 1353, to Sept., 1354, and subsequent
years, but that the title of "Recorder" is first found in
the Rolls in the year 26-27 Ed. Ill [1352-3], where it
is attached to the name of Robert Atte We ye, who held
the office for that year only. The order in which the

AND WYKES, SHERIFF OF DEVON.

563

officers were named at this period, and the respective
amounts of their emoluments, are as follows (to translate
the titles from the Latin) : —

The Mayor, 100 s per annum ; three Seneschals,
20 s each ; the Receiver, 40 s ; the Recorder, or in
earlier Rolls, Chief Bailiff, 60 s ; the Sub-Clerk, 40 s ;
fout Bailiffs, 40 s together, or in earlier times three
Serjeants, 30 s together ; and four Janitors of the
Gates, 12 s together.

William Wykes' tenure of office would seem to have
been only temporarily interrupted by that of Robert
Atte We ye, for in 1351-2 his name comes in the same
order (though without any title being given him) and with
the same fee (60s.), as in the later accounts where he is
styled " Recorder " ; and moreover — as in the later
accounts — is followed by "sub-clerk" and "four
bailiffs." In 1350-1 and preceding Rolls, back to at least
as early as 22-23 Ed. Ill (1348-9), the order and the
fee are the same, but he is styled " Chief Bailiff " ; and Ho
other " Bailiffs," but " three Serjeants," only, are men-
tioned after him and his " sub-clerk;" It may be sup-
posed, therefore, that William Wykes, as "Chief
Bailiff," performed much the same functions as when
he bore the title of Recorder.

In the Roll of 1344-5, the name of Robert de Lucy
stands instead of his, with the same fee.

In the year 1348-9, being that in which the " Black
Pestilence " raged, and when Law Courts throughout
England were closed for a time, only half the usual fees
are set down in the Accounts as having been " Paid " to
the officers.

In 1351-2, in addition to his regular fee, William
Wykes received 20s. for his expenses in going to London
on civic business, connected with the Mayor's Precept,
and a horse was " procured " for him for 17s.

The following year he was, as I have said, " Recorder,"
and, as we learn from the " Mayor's Court Roll," acted
on at least one occasion as "locu* tenente Maiore" or
Deputy Mayor, having several cases brought before him.

The sequence of his annual reappointment to the
Recordership was unbroken (except for the year 1358-9,
when he had to go to Parliament on the Feast of the
Purification of the B.V.M., and when Ralph Schiling-

564 WILLIAM WYKES, " FIRST RECORDER OF EXETER " ;

ford took his place) down to 47-48 Ed. Ill, when John
Hille appears as " Recorder," and William Wykes,
probably invalided, receives a pension ("pens' ") of 20s.
In the following year I think he must have died, after an
effort to resume his office, for he was paid, as " Recorder,"
a 4 4 pension " of 30s., and his name does not appear in the
Rolls again in any capacity. He was succeeded, as " Re-
corder," for the remaining half-year (March, 1374-
September, 1375), by John Hille, who retained this office
for at least the ensuing two or three years (my search
extending no further).

The following Government Records corroborate the
testimony of the local Rolls :—

1354 (28 Ed. Ill, m. 21*), May 20th.— Writ for payment
for their expenses in attending the Parliament held at
Westm r on Monday after St. Mark, last ... [of various
sums to divers persons, including]. ... To Robert Noble
& William Wyke, citizens of Exeter (Cal. of Close Bolls,

1362 (36 Ed. Ill, m. 3 d ).— Writ for payments, for their
expenses in coming to the parliament at Westminster
at the quinzaine of Michaelmas last, abiding there and
returning thence. . . . Exeter : William Wyke & John
Hille, 10 1 for 50 days (Cal. of Close Rolls, p. 64).

1366, May 12th, 40 Ed. Ill, m. 23 d .— Writs for pay-
ments for their coming to the Pari* held at Westm r on
Monday the morrow of the Invention of Holy Cross last,
for their expenses in coming to the s d pari* there abiding,
and thence returning. . . . The City of Exeter : William
Wyke & John Gray, 4 11 for 20 days (Cal. Close Rolls,

The surname Wyke had struck root in Exeter by at
least the lifetime of the Recorder ; for in the Receiver's
Roll of 13-14 Ed. Ill [1339-40] (the earliest one shown
me, if not the earliest extant) 1 there occurs an item of
rents due, from the house of William Peverel that
William Vyke formerly held in " Maudelynestrete," and
this house is repeatedly alluded to in subsequent accounts
as " Ten " Vyke, in Maudelynestrete." 2

1 The Exeter Receiver's Roll, formerly docketed as of " 5-6 Ed. Ill,"
I found, from its internal heading, to be really of the 25-26 year of that
reign.

8 In 1354, Will s Wyke de Exon. mortgaged for twenty-nine years^to

P- 71).

p. 274).

AND WYKES, SHERIFF OF DEVON.

565

From this time onward Wykes, or Weekes, are constantly
to be met with in the records of the city.

I have nowhere been able to discover any proof, or even
indication, that a Wykes, Recorder of Exeter, was con-
nected either with the family of Wyke of " North Wyke,"
in the parish and quondam Hundred of South Tawton (now
Hundred of Wonford), or with the family of Wray or de
Wyke, of "North Wyke" alias "Chawleigh Wyke," in
the Hundred of North Tawton. 1

Sir William Pole's evident, and virtually avowed, con-
fusion between these two North Wykes, and his (? conse-
quent) blending of the pedigrees of the two houses, have
led divers genealogists astray. 2

Charles Worthy, in his Devon Wills, exhibits some
deplorable instances of the dangerous but too common
practices of accepting ready-made " family trees," with-
out subjecting them to analytical comparison with original
documents, and of grafting on to an established pedigree
detached individuals who may happen to occur in more
or less the same locality.

Thus, he writes (p. 378) (treating of the South Tawton
family), ". . . Roger de Wray of Northwyke appears to
have left Walter de Wray of Northwyke, son and heir, and
John atte Wyke. The latter was the father of John
Wykes, a benefactor of Stapeldon Hall, now Exeter College,
Oxford, 8 Nov., 1358, and who was Recorder of Exeter,
1354-1379."

In the Rev. Charles Boase's Transcript of the Registers
of Exeter College, Oxford, with a prefatory History of the
College, I can find no mention of any endowment by a
Wykes in the part headed " Benefactors' Book " (p. lxiii).
In other parts of the volume I note the following entries :
(p. 191) " 18 Nov. 1358, John, son and heir of John de la

John Aleyn de Wonford, a messuage and park in the Prebend de Heghes
(Cart. Karl. 45, c. 17).

In 1343 (2 May), among persons present at the signing of certain
documents in St. Mary Major's Church, Exeter, were " John de Northcote
and Walter de Wyke, Advocates of the Consistory " (Boase, Hist, of
Exeter College, Oxford, p. 5). The Vicars Choral kept the "anni-
versary " of a Walter de Wyke.

1 See, for instance, Lay Subsidies, Devon, No. y > " Walt'us le Wrey
tenet in Wyke Chaluelegh."

8 As a fact, the surname " De Wyke " is recorded in connection with
the parish of South Tawton for centuries before the time of William Wyke,
who heads the pedigree of that house (circa 1400) in the Herald's Visi-
tations, and before the alleged " change of name " from " Wray to Wyke " ;
e.g. " Roger de Nort' Wyke " appears in the Jury-list of South Tawton
Hundred in 1243 (Ass. Roll, Devon., 175, m. 35).

566 WILLIAM WYKES, "FIRST RECORDER OF EXETER " \

Wyke granted to John Halle and John Wyseburgh,
Castelhall, which was opposite the Chapel of Stapeldonhall
on the south side." (Several of the entries describe the
situation of Castelhall belonging to John de la Wyke.)

(p. xiii) " 1 Aug. 1360, John Wyseburg granted toThos.
Kelly (and 5 others including John Restaurok) a toft in
St. Mildred's called Castelhall lying south of the chapel
of Stapledon Hall, once belonging to John de la Wyk (p.
191). 1 Aug. 1360, John Restaurok, Clerk, granted the
Same to the Rector and scholars of Stapeldon Hall."

(p. 192) "The Compotus" shows the items: "1358
. . . iiij d p vino dato Rectori de Seynt Holde et Johanni
Wyke quando tradaverunt in aula de illo tenemento vocato
Castelhall."

And in 1358 "... circa emcionem tenementi de Castel-
hall xi li traditis Johanni ate Wyke."

A John Excestre is entered Fellow, winter, 1354, Lent,
1357 (?) (p. 3), and see Compotus of 1360 ; but he is sup-
posed to be the same as John de Excetre, Rector of Ipple-
pen, Devon, 15 September, 1396-1400, and Prebendary of
Hereford, 1396. See Oliver, Monast. 300, Supplement 26.

Again, Worthy (p. 379), after alluding to " the children
of Roger de Wray of Northwyke," makes the assertion,
"John (Risdon calls him Joseph) Wyke replaced John
Herle, Sheriff of Devon."

The late Col. Henry Vivian, too, in his so-styled Visita-
tions of Co. Devon, the materials for which were far from
being exclusively derived from Heraldic MSS., has entered
as a son of Roger de Wray of North Wyke (in South Tawton)
" John Wyke, Sheriff of Devon, 1402 " ; and it may be
that I myself, in some of my earlier papers, have passed
on, if not these, other equally unfounded statements, from
having been, like most tyros, over-ready to " accept as
gospel " whatever had been given to the world in print
(though I believe I have always been careful to add a
reference to my " authorities ").

It is obvious in this case that not all the " authorities "
can be right ; for while Risdon states the Sheriff of Devon
in 3 Hen. IV to have been " Joseph Wike," Izacke (Ed.
1741) has, as Sheriff in 5«* Hen. IV, " John Wyse of North-
wich, Ar. Bears sable, three chevrons ermine " (a coat
not at all resembling that of the South Tawton family).

But the official List of Sheriffs at the Record Office

AND WYKES, SHERIFF OF DEVON.

567

gives us for Devonshire, "John Wyke m of Neanyde,"
appointed " 29 Nov. 1402, followed, 5 Nov. 1403, by
Gorges " ; and this is presumably reliable, the place
intended being Ninehead Flory, in Co. Soms. 1

The same John (probably) appears under the head
" Commissioners of the Peace, Somersetshire," as " John
Wyke of Nyenhed," 27 February, 1406 (Cal. Pat. Rolls,
Hen. IV, Appendix).

The Index Heredum in Intf 5 p.m. (Add. MS., 19708,
p. 79) yields the particulars : "11 Hen. IV [1409], Johannes
Wyke de Mynhide : Katerin' uxor, Johannes films, set: 19."

And, as a family of Wyke were seated at Ninehead for
many generations before, as well as after, this John, I see
no reason for supposing him to be a member of any Devon-
shire family of Wykes, though it is presumably he who,
as " John Wyke, Esq., de Nenhide," presented to Black-
borough in Devon, in the time of Bishop Stafford (? 1405). 2

To revert to the Recorder William, one might like to
identify him with the " William de Wike who occurs so
frequently on the Patent and Close Rolls of Edward Ill's
time, sometimes on appointment as " Attorney " to the
King or others, and who, in an entry of 1 September, 1329
(Cal. Pat., p. 444), is called " Will* de Northwyk," but I
have found nothing to justify such an assumption ; on
the contrary, a hasty comparison with other entries leaves
an impression that he was of Somersetshire or Gloucester-
shire origin ; and we must not forget that " North Wike "
was an old alias of " Prikeswyke " in Chew Magna, Soms. 3

1 The place-name is spelt " Nienhidesflori " in Early Chanc. Pro. yf
when certain persons petition for the farm of it.
* Episc. Reg., Staff., ii. pp. 25, 85.
8 Ibid., pp. 229, 300, 302.

Supplementary Notes. — In Dymond's Historical Collns. (in Exeter
Public Library), vol. xi. p. 3, in "a List of Members of Parliament for
Exeter, from a Return ordered by the House of Commons to be printed
in 1836," I note:

" Willielmus Wyke 1354, 1357, 1360, 1361, 1362, 1363, 1366."

Liber Tristram Risdon, Cathedral Library, No. 3531, contains the
Arms of " Wike of Exon," tricked as Barry of 14, over all a Bend.

Corporation Deeds, No. 754. Edith, dau. of William Wyke of Exeter,
to Walter Godwyne, citizen of Exeter . . . grant of a house without
Southgate, in St. Stephen's Fee, between the tent, formerly Thomas le
Espycer's on the E., that of Thos. Gerveys on W., Magdalen St. on N.,
and land of John de Cokelescombe on S.

The Receiver's Accounts of 21-22 Ed. IV repeat the item: — "vj s
viij d da? JoKe Wekys de regardo, ex assensu xxiiijor." The same term is
applied to a gift of xl s to the Lord Bishop.

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

BY R. PEARSE CHOPE, B.A.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

It is difficult for us to realize that Devon was once one of
the chief manufacturing counties in England, and that it
could possibly have been correctly described by Defoe in
1724 as " one entire county so full of great towns, and those
towns so full of people, and those people so universally
employed in trade and manufactures, that not only it
cannot be equalled in England, but perhaps not in Europe." 1
The chief industry at that time was the great serge manu-
facture, for which Devon had long been famous, and which
reached the height of its prosperity about the middle of
the eighteenth century, but centuries before the intro-
duction of serge an important woollen manufacture had
been carried on in the county.

Although the various county and local histories give
fairly good descriptions of the later phases of the cloth
trade, its early history seems to have been strangely
neglected. The statutes of the realm have, indeed, been
consulted by most writers on the subject, but there is
at least one other source of information, namely, the
aulnagers' accounts, that has hitherto been entirely
ignored. Several of these accounts have been preserved
in the Record Office, 2 and, as they throw valuable light
on the extent and distribution of the cloth trade from the
time of Richard II to that of Edward IV, it is proposed to
make them the basis of the present paper.

The office of aulnager, aulneger, alnager, or ulneger (to
give only a few of the forms in which the word occurs), 3 is
ancient, and, according to some authorities, it existed

1 Tour through Great Britain, Letter iii, p. 81.

* Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 338/10-20; 339/1 ; 347/10-13. I am
indebted to Miss Ethel Stokes for very careful abstracts of these accounts.
3 Sir J. A. H. Murray seems to prefer the form alnager (see N.E.D.).

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

569

before any cloth was manufactured for merchandise in
this country. This, however, is almost certainly an error,
for coarse cloth was undoubtedly made throughout
England from very early times, and the earliest mention
of the aulnager dates only from the reign of Edward I.
There are much earlier records of guilds of weavers and
fullers in several of the larger towns, and of fulling-mills
scattered about in various parts of the country. In 1208
certain members of the London guild of fullers and dyers
complained that, whereas the old custom had been that
cloth entrusted to men of that guild to be fulled by the
men of the craft or their servants by treading it with their
feet in their own houses in the City, certain persons had
received cloth and sent it out of the City to be fulled, for
instance, to a fulling-mill at Stratford. 1 As fulling-mills
are machines for treating cloth in large quantities, their
use indicates manufacture on a considerable scale. The
earliest references that I have come across to fulling-mills
in Devon are of one in 1292 at Chulmleigh, 2 and one in
1295 at Sampford Courtenay. 3 In 1299 there were two at
Hartland, worth 6s. 8d. each, and one at Harpford, worth
10s. ; 4 in 1307 there was one at Slapton, worth 4s.; 5
and in 1308 there were one at Crediton, worth 24s., and one
at Chudleigh, worth 20s., besides one each at Lawhytton
and Penryn in Cornwall. 6 The Hartland mills had in-
creased in value to 8s. each in 1301, and 20s. each in 1332, 7
showing that the weaving industry was then rapidly
growing, although the fact that two mills had been neces-
sary in such a remote place proves that the manufacture
was already fully developed and widely distributed. 8

The name aulnager is derived from the Old French
aulnegeor, a noun of action from aulnage, which in turn

1 Ashley, Woollen Industry, 28.

2 Inq. p.m., 20 Ed. I, No. 133.
8 Inq. p.m., 23 Ed. I, No. 21.

4 Inq. p.m., 27 Ed. I, No. 42.

5 Inq. p.m., 35 Ed. I, No. 32.

• Oliver, Monasticon Exoniensis, 427-430.
1 Trans. Devon. Assoc., xxxiv, 425, 430, 432.

8 Other early instances of fulling-mills are one at Northmolton in
1314, worth 4s., and two in 1317, worth 10s. {Inq. p.m., 7 Ed. II, No. 36 ;
10 Ed. II, No. 59) ; one each in 1326 at Bovey Tracey, worth 1 mark,
and Southmolton, worth 20s. {Inq. p.m., 19 Ed. II, No. 100) ; one at
Matford in 1332, worth 13s. 4d. {Inq. p.m., 6 Ed. Ill, No. 59) ; one at
Uplowman in 1349 {Inq. p.m., 27 Ed. III. No. 38), and one each in 1377
at Aylesbeare, worth 3s. 4d., and Tiverton, worth 53s. 4d. {Inq. p.m.,
51 Ed. Ill, No. 6).

570

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

is derived from aulner, to measure by the aulne, or ell, 1
and it is often stated that the office was " first instituted
for measuring of foreign cloth imported, to ease the buyer
of trouble and to secure him from loss," 2 but this also
appears to be incorrect, for the earliest records provide for
4>he measurement of cloths exposed for sale in the fairs
throughout the country. In the time of Edward I we find
that Perout le Taylour had held the office of aulnager of
cloth in the several fairs of the realm, but, having forfeited
it, the custody of the aulnage and assize of cloth throughout
England was granted, during the King's pleasure, to Pieres
de Edelmeton, who took the oath for that purpose before
the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer. 3 The first
mention of cloths of Devon and Cornwall occurs in the
reign of Edward II, for in 1315 was granted, for life, to
John Pecok the elder, King's yeoman, the office of the
aulnage of canvas, woven linen, napery, " wadmalle,
heydok, mendeps, kerseys," 4 says of Louthe, "worsted"
of North wys (Norwich), Ireland, and Causton, and other
says and scarlets and cloths of Lincoln, Essex, Norfolk,
Suffolk, Kent, Stanford, Beverley, St. Osiths, Devon, and
Cornwall. 5 On the accession of Edward III the office was
divided, John Pecok retaining the aulnage of canvas and
linen web for the whole realm, 6 while Nicholas Shirlok,
King's yeoman, was appointed aulnager of woollen cloths
in England, 7 and Robert de Poleye, also King's yeoman,
received the office of aulnager of worsteds in the county
of Norfolk, demised to him by Pecok at the request of
Queen Isabella. 8

Up to this time the aulnagers apparently confined their
attention to home-made fabrics, but in 1328, by the Statute
of Northampton, they were required also to measure all
imported cloths in such places where they were put to
land, in the presence of the mayor and bailiffs, where there
was a mayor, and where there was no mayor, in the presence
of the bailiffs of those places. 9 The only kinds of cloth
specified were " cloths of ray " (that is, striped cloths)

1 See N.E.D,, alnage, alnager.

2 Exeter City Archives, Letter Book 60 C, No. 162.

3 Smith, Memoirs of Wool, i, 37 ; Madox, Exchequer, 538.

4 The earliest reference to " kerseys " in N.E.D. is dated 1390.

6 Col. P.R., 9 Ed. II, pt. i, m. 25.

• Gal. P.R., 1 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. lOd.

7 Col. P.R., 1 Ed. III. pt. ii, m. 13.

8 Gal. P.R., 1 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. 20.

• Stat. 2 Ed. Ill, c. 14.

Digitized by

THE AXJLNAGER IN DEVON.

571

and <c coloured cloths," which were probably the kinds
made by John Kemp and his companions, who came over
•to England from Flanders in 1331 at the invitation of the
King. The beginning of the cloth industry in England
is, indeed, often dated from this immigration, but it is
obvious that a native manufacture was already widely
established, and it is equally certain that the Flemings
did not even introduce the making of broad cloth, for as
early as the reign of Richard I it was ordered that " woollen
cloths, wherever they were made, should be of the same
width, to wit, of two ells within the lists, and of the same
goodness in the middle and sides," 1 and the Great Charter
of 1215 also prescribed one breadth of dyed cloths,
russets, and haberjects, to wit, two ells within the lists. 2
In 1337 it was enacted that no cloths made beyond the
sea should be brought into the King's dominions, on pain
of forfeiture, and further punishment at the King's will ;
but cloth-workers of strange lands who came into the
King's dominions should have the King's protection,
dwell where they pleased, and have convenient franchises
granted to them. 3 An exemption was made in favour of
the town of Ghent, for cloths made in that town and
sealed with the seal used there for the purpose ; these
were to be admitted free of aulnage. 4 Kemp is said to
have established the clothing trade at Taunton, 5 but this
is doubtful, and there is no evidence that he or any of his
companions settled in Devon. Westcote's statement, too,
that " one Anthony Bonvise, an Italian, taught us the
knowledge of making kersies and our women to spin the
distaff," in the time of Edward IV, is also unsupported by
evidence, and is correctly described as being made by
"an inventor of things," 6 for the Bonvise alluded to is,
no doubt, the great wool merchant of that name, who did
not die until 1558. 7

In 1346 John Marreys, King's yeoman, was appointed
to hold for life the office of the aulnage of such cloths,
including cloths of Devon and Cornwall, and in such manner
as was specified in the grant of Edward II to John Peycok

1 Cunningham, English Industry, 2nd ed., i, 281 ; Roger of Hoveden,
Chronic., iv, 33 (Rolls).

* Magna Charta, c. 25.
8 Stat. 11 Ed. Ill, c. 3.

* Col. P.R., 12 Ed. Ill, pt. iv, m. 8 ; 12 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. 38.
6 Lysons, Devonshire, ccxcviii.

• Westcote, Devonshire, 59.

7 Diet. Nat. Biog.

572

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

the elder, 1 and the following year he was licensed to appoint
deputies. 2 The first deputy of whom we have any record
is Richard Thomas, who was appointed in 1348 to discharge
the office in Devon and Cornwall. 3 He was apparently
succeeded in 1352 by Robert de Hampton, of Bristol,
who was appointed deputy in the town of Bristol and the
counties of Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, and Devon ; 4 and
in 1357 by John Peutrer, of Bristol, whose district included
Cornwall instead of Wilts. 5

In 1353 it was enacted that all cloths vendible should be
measured by the King's aulnager and his deputies, but a
buyer might measure the cloth, although measured by
the aulnager, and show any default to the mayors and
bailiffs of the place, or keepers of the fair and market,
and, if default were found notoriously before them, the
cloth should be forfeit to the King. 6 This gave rise to so
many complaints of forfeiture that two years later it was
further enacted that cloths should not be forfeited for
want of measure, but the aulnager should measure them
and fix a mark thereunto, expressing what each cloth
contained. His fee from the seller was fixed at one half-
penny for every "cloth of assize," 7 and a farthing for a
half-cloth. Cloths that contained less than half a " cloth
of assize," and those made by a man for his own use " to
clothe him and his meiny " (that is, his household) were
not liable. 8

By the same statute of 1355 a subsidy on every cloth
was granted to the King, in return for the remission by
him of the forfeiture pertaining to him of the aulnage
of cloths, namely, 4d. on every cloth of assize and without
grain (that is, undyed), 9 6d. on every cloth of assize and
scarlet (that is, dyed scarlet or other colour), 10 and 5d.
on every cloth of assize and demi-grain (possibly striped

1 Cal. P.R., 20 Ed. Ill, pt. ii, m. 26.
* Cal. P.R., 21 Ed. Ill, pt. ii, m. 16.
8 Cal. P.R., 22 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. 15.

4 Cal. P.R., 26 Ed. Ill, pt. i, m. 19.

5 Col. P.R., 31 Ed. Ill, pt. ii, m. 3. « Stat, 25 Ed. Ill, No. 3, c. 1.

9 The origin of the use of " grain " in this sense is curious. A dye
was prepared from the kermes or scarlet grain insect (the female of
Coccus IKcis), which was supposed to be a berry or grain ; thus, " to
dye in grain " was originally to dye in scarlet grain or kermee, and
afterwards, to dye in any fast colour (N.E.D.).

10 " Scarlet " is derived from Old French eacarlate, supposed to be
from Persian saqalat, a kind of rich cloth, and in early use was not con-
fined to cloth of red colour (N.E.D.).

7 See p. 575.

8 Stat. 27 Ed. Ill, c. 1, 4.

,THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

573

or mixed colours), 1 and half these amounts on every half-
cloth. Each cloth exceeding a half -cloth of assize by three
ells or more, not being an entire cloth of assize, and each
cloth exceeding an entire cloth by three ells or more, were
charged after the rate of the subsidy payable for an entire
cloth of the same sort.

John Marreys was appointed both aulnager of woollen
cloths and controller of the subsidy, 2 but, as there was no
subsidy on linen cloths, these apparently became in future
free of aulnage. The subsidy was at first levied in the
counties by the sheriffs, and in the cities of Canterbury,
Norwich, Lincoln, and York by the mayors and constables
of the King's staples there, but in 1358 it was leased at
farm for four years to John Malewayn and John Bury,
and John Dabroun, John le Spicer, William Chekston,
and William Yoo were appointed by the King, with the
assent of the farmers, to collect the same in Devon and
Cornwall. 3 Owing to a gap in the published Calendars of
Patent Rolls from 1361 to 1377, it is not possible to trace
the complete succession, but in the Exchequer King's
Remembrancer Accounts there is (in very bad condition)
a lease of the subsidy granted to John . . . (surname
illegible) in 1371 for one year at a farm of 100s., and in
1373 a similar lease to Thomas Beaupyne (for whom Walter
Derby and John Woderoue, of the county of Bristowe,
were sureties) for 10 marks (£6 13s. 4d.). 4

The lease provides liberty of complaint for extortions
committed by the farmer, who is not to make any account
to the King of the issues of the said subsidy, but only to
pay his farm ; he may lease out the said subsidy in the
whole or in parcels ; all cloths exposed for sale before
being sealed, which by statute are forfeited to the King,
are to be delivered by the farmer to the sheriff of the county
under indenture, the farmer receiving one-third of the
value for his trouble.

Thomas Beaupyne, who became mayor of Bristol in
1384, 5 was several times reappointed to this office of
collector, 6 but, owing to the fact that he had only to

1 Sir J. A H. Murray derives this from Old French demigraine, pome-
granate, which, seems very unlikely (N.E.D.).

* CaL P.R., 27 Ed. Ill, pt. iii, m. 5, 4.
3 Cal. P.R., 32 Ed. Ill, pt. ii, m. 6.

* Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 338/10. 6 Cal. P.R., 8 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 15.

* Cal, P.R., 1 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 17 ; 2 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 26 ; 7 Ric. II,
pt. ii, m. 20.

574

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

account for the amount of the farm* we have during his
period of office no particulars of the actual number of
cloths sold. In 1379 it was enacted that the aulnager
should not seal a pieced cloth, under penalty that the
owner should forfeit the cloth and the aulnager his office ;
and if he sealed a cloth which was not of assize, he should
forfeit the value of the cloth, and should also suffer one
year's imprisonment and then be ransomed at the King's
will. 1 In 1380 John Rede, 2 William Goscombe, 3 and Peter
Haddelegh, 4 citizens of Exeter, were appointed to inquire
touching the sale and false sealing of cloth in Devon
contrary to this statute, which required the seizure of
cloth falsely sealed, 5 and two years later a similar com-
mission 6 was granted to John Russell, 7 William Rokke,
and William Dovne, 8 also citizens of Exeter. However,
in 1384 Beaupyne was reappointed, with power to retain
one-half of forfeited cloth, though William Hervy had
apparently in 1381 succeeded John Marreys as aulnager
for the kingdom, 9 and in 1388 he appointed John Luwell
and Roger Breghnok as his deputies in the four western
counties. 10 In 1387 another commission 11 was granted to
BaldwinWhitteley, 12 John Grilles, 13 and Richard Peutrer, 14
of Exeter, to inquire touching cloth exposed for sale which
had been sealed in deceit of the people and in breach of
the statute, and to take such cloths into the King's hands
and all particulars thereof, going from town to town for
the purpose. The next year a similar commission 15 was
granted to John Grilles, 13 Thomas Numan, and Ralph
Swan, 16 of Exeter, and another to Joyce Antonay, Thomas
Lelie, and John Pitteman, of Barnstaple. 17 In 1 389 Thomas
Beaupyne was again appointed collector, and Bernard
Oblie, burgess of Bristol, was appointed farmer under him. 18

I Stat. 3 Ric. II, c. 2. * Bailiff 1379 (Izacke).

3 Bailiff 1381, 1384, 1391, 1393, 1395.

4 Bailiff 1378, 1383, 1385.

5 Cal. P.R.. 4 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 41d.
« Cal. P.R., 5 Ric. II, pt. ii, m. I9d.

7 Bailiff 1373, 1377, 1379, 1380, 1388, 1390, 1392, 1397, 1399.

8 Bailiff 1378. • Cal. P.R., 5 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 8.
10 Cal. P.R., 11 Ric. II, pt. ii, m. 32.

II Cal. P.R., 11 Ric. II, pt. i, m. Sd.

" Bailiff 1387, 1395, 1398, 1405.
15 Cal. P.R., 11 Ric. II, pt. i, m. Sd.
18 Bailiff 1398, 1410, 1413.

17 Cal. P.R., 12 Ric. II, pt. i, m. I6d.

18 Cal. P.R., 13 Ric. II, pt. i, m. 37 ; pt. i, m. 15d.

1J Bailiff 1382, 1387.

13 Bailiff 1387.

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

575

The next appointment of which we have any note is
that of John Copleston as aulnager and collector of the
subsidy in the county of Devon, 1 excepting the city of
Exeter, for which a separate aulnager, John Talbot, was
provided. Cornwall also had a separate aulnager, John
de Sireston. Copleston is stated to have been appointed
under patent dated 20 July, 1394, but no record of this
appointment appears in the Calendar of Patent Rolls.
He was, like the other aulnagers, a man of good position,
the representative of an armigerous family, J.P. for Devon
in 1392, and escheator in 1395. John Talbot, too, had
been mayor of Exeter in 1383, and again occupied that
position in 1396. 2 As Copleston was directly appointed
as aulnager, and not as farmer, he had to account for all
cloths sold, with full particulars as to the names of the
vendors and the quantities sold, and we find three accounts
of his, covering the period from the date of his patent to
Michaelmas, 1397. He was apparently appointed under
the statute of 1393, 3 which prescribed that no cloth should
be sold before it had been measured and sealed by the
aulnager, " with the seal to that ordained," 4 and no deceit
should be used in kerseys, on pain of forfeiture. This
seems to be the first enactment that required the aulnager
to examine the quality as well as the size of the cloths sold.
Copleston's first account consists merely of a list of the
vendors, with the number of cloths sold, and the amounts
of the subsidy and aulnage paid by each, but there is no
indication of localities. The second gives the names under
the chief market towns of the county, and the third
arranges them in eight large districts, formed by grouping
the Hundreds.

The first period extends from 20 July, 1394, to Michael-
mas, 1395, during which 75 vendors paid a total subsidy
of £28 Is. 6d., and aulnage fees of one-eighth that amount,
on 6738 "dozens" of narrow cloth (doss' panni stricti), of
which four were equal to one " cloth of assize." These
" dozens " were small cloths, nominally 12 yards in length
and one in breadth, whereas the " cloth of assize " was
24 yards in length and two in breadth. Curiously enough,
the Cornish narrow cloths were twice the length of these

1 Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 338/11.

4 An illustration of an aulnager's seal is given in Social England*
ii, 325.

2 Izacke, Memorials.

8 Stat. 17 Ric. II, c. 2.

576

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

" dozens," namely, 24 yards, but were the same width,
and consequently were charged 2d. subsidy on each instead
of Id., though aulnage was charged in full, as if they had
been "cloths of assize," namely, £d. for each cloth,
whereas the Devonian vendors only paid one^eighth of
the amount of the subsidy, or a hafi-farthing on each
" dozen."

According to the strict letter of the law, these " dozens/'
being less than half a " cloth of assize," were not liable,
and, after the making of the first statutes, kerseys,
" dozens," " streites," and all other things of small value
had been suffered to pass " without controlment," which
grew greatly to the King's loss when the making of ker-
seys, " dozens," and " cottens " increased, and therefore
they were brought into charge by equity of the same
statutes and common usage ever since the increase of the
said kind of cloths, so that every four Devonshire kerseys
should stand for a whole cloth, and so likewise for " dozens "
and " streites." 1

As the accounts sometimes reckon in " dozens " and
sometimes in " cloths of assize," it will be convenient
for purposes of comparison to reduce all numbers to the
latter standard. It should, however, be borne in mind
that in the earlier accounts, at any rate, the actual number
of cloths sold was four times the number specified. The
75 vendors thus sold the equivalent of 1684 J " cloths of
assize," an average of 22£ each, but four of them dealt
in much larger quantities than the others, and may be
regarded as the pioneers of the large merchants or " cloth-
iers " of later periods, though the same men did not sell
such large quantities in subsequent years. The three
largest merchants, John Neel (330 cloths), John Parkman
(159), and Richard Burnard (126), were all Barnstaple men,
while the next on the list, John Colyn (90), apparently
hailed from Culmstock. There is no doubt that at this
period Barnstaple was, after Exeter, by far the most impor-
tant weaving centre in the county. Indeed, during the

1 Exeter City Archives, Letter Book 60 A, No. 55. The document
states that " everie Dozen shulde stande for a whole clothe, and streites
in likwise," but this is obviously incorrect. It is difficult to ascertain
the precise differences between kerseys, dozens, and straits, for in Devon
they all appear to have been 12 .yards long and 1 broad, though else-
where kerseys were 18 yards, long. " Cottons " were woollen fabrics of
the nature of frieze, used chiefly for linings, but they were not made
before the sixteenth century {N.E.D.).

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

577

few years that Copleston was aulnager, it appears to have
accounted for more cloths than Exeter itself. The reason
for this prominence is probably to be found in the fact
that an important merchants' guild, the Guild of St.
Nicholas, had been in existence at Barnstaple since 1303,
whereas Exeter had as yet no guild of this kind. 1 It was
not until 1490 that the Company of Weavers and Fullers
was first incorporated in Exeter by grant under the common
jseal of the city, 2 and still later (1556) that the Company of
Merchant Adventurers, trading to France, was incorporated
by royal charter. 3 From another source 4 we learn that
Exeter, during the same period as Copleston's first account,
paid subsidy on 707 cloths of assize, but there is no record
of the number of vendors. We have thus for the whole
county 2391 £ cloths for a period of fourteen months, being
at the rate of 2050 per annum. Cornwall, during a slightly
extended period, sixteen months instead of fourteen,
only accounted for 91 cloths and 18 yards of narrow cloth,
making 45£ cloths and 9 yards of " cloth of assize," or an
average of only 34 cloths per annum. All the cloths in
Devon and Exeter were plain without grain, and therefore
paid subsidy at the rate of Id. per " dozen," or 4d. per
" cloth of assize." Five " dozens " were forfeited for being
exposed for sale without being sealed, and were valued
and sold for 22s., with the oversight of James de Chudde-
legh, sheriff of Devon ; the price per " dozen " was thus
4s. 5d., that is, 4£d. per yard. No cloth of scarlet or of
demi-grain was found in this, or any subsequent, account.

The second account, which is for one year, from Michael-
mas, 1395, to Michaelmas, 1396, is unfortunately much
faded, and parts of it are illegible, but the total subsidy
amounted to £35 18s. 4d., representing 2154 cloths. The
distribution throughout the county, as far as it can be
ascertained, was as follows : Barnstaple, 12 vendors,
977J (or 980J) cloths ; Torrington, 5, 116 ; Southmolton,
5, 53 J ; Bampton, 6, 159 J ; Cullompton, 4, 20 ; Culm-
stock, 8, 185 (more than this) ; Honiton, 6 (? about 250J ;
Newton Bushell, 3, 26£ ; Dartmouth, 2, 16 J; Totnes,
4, 474 ; Plymouth, 5, 36f ; Kingsbridge, 2, 25J ; Plymp-
ton; 5, 46 ; Tavistock, 3, 36 ; Okehampton, 3, 35£ ; Credi-

1 Gross, Oild Merchant, ii, 12-15 ; i, 22.

2 Izacke, Memorials, 60.

8 Izacke, 61 ; Cotton, Elizabethan Guild, 1-10.

4 L.T.R. Enrolled Accounts, Misc., 8 and 9, No. 8.

VOL. XLIV.

578

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

ton, 2, 42 ; Chulmleigh, 4, 28 ; " Sele " (South Tawton),
1, 15 ; Ashburton, 2, 38£. This shows the wide and uni-
form distribution of the industry throughout the county,
and it also shows, I think, that in this year, at any rate,
the aulnager confined his attention to the chief fairs. He
was required to make proclamation, prohibiting all pur-
chase and sale of cloth that had not paid the subsidy,
and he had powers of search and forfeiture in cases of
non-compliance. It may, therefore, be assumed that he
required the cloths to be brought to the fairs to be measured
and sealed. There were this year 82 vendors, giving an
average of 26 J cloths each, but, as before, a few accounted
for large quantities. Barnstaple again heads the list, for
though it is doubtful whether John Neel's name occurs,
we find John Parman (no doubt the same as Parkman)
sold 270 cloths, Richard Burnard 251J, Thomas Lilia 100,
John Bydewill 90, and John Pitman 75. Thomas Lilia
and John Pitman were two of the commissioners appointed
in 1388 to inquire into the matter of false sealing. John
Colyn this year only sold 3 7 J, but one of the Honiton
merchants must have sold about 90. Exeter, during a
slightly extended period, from Michaelmas, 1395, to
24 November, 1396, paid a subsidy of £11 17s. ll£d. for
divers cloths and parcels of cloth without grain, represent-
ing 714 cloths for fourteen months, that is, at the rate of
612 per annum, which is considerably less than the number
sold at Barnstaple. The only forfeiture was 7s. for two
" dozens " of narrow cloth belonging to John Blaunchard,
and sold with the oversight of William Ferers, sheriff of
Devon. The price per " dozen " had thus fallen to 3s. 6d.,
or 3£d. per yard instead of 4£d.

The third account is also for one year, from Michael-
mas, 1396, to Michaelmas, 1397, and the total subsidy
paid was £35 12s. 2d. for 2136£ cloths. The aulnager this
year obviously changed his plan of operations, and, instead
of attending only the chief fairs, he extended his tour to
the villages and outlying districts. The result is that the
number of vendors increased from 82 to 242, giving an
average of only 9 cloths each. The vendors were, there-
fore, in most cases probably the actual weavers, and the
amounts represent the surplus cloth that they themselves
sold during the year, whereas in the previous years they
had entrusted their surplus cloth to merchants for sale at
the fairs. It must be remembered that only the cloth

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

579

exposed for sale, that is, the surplus cloth made by the
weaver, was accounted for by the aulnager. The weaver,
no doubt, collected his yarn from the farm-houses in his
vicinity, where it was spun by the females of the household
during their moments of leisure, and he returned the bulk,
if not the whole, as cloth. The cloth was then sent to the
tucker to be fulled, and possibly to the dyer to be dyed,
and any surplus cloth not required for home use was then
sealed by the aulnager and sold to the clothiers and mer-
chants. The largest vendor this year was Nicholas Buteler,
of the Barnstaple district, who sold 75, but the large
merchants of the previous accounts only sold small quan-
tities, namely, Thomas Lelya, 40 ; John Neell, 7 ; Richard
Burnard, 6 ; John Pitman, 3| ; and John Parkman, 3 J.
The distribution throughout the county was as follows :
(1) Hundreds of Braunton and Sherwill, with the town of
Barnstaple, 108 vendors, 1094 cloths ; (2) Hundreds of
Fremington, Hartland, Shebbear, Black Torrington, and
Lifton, with the town of Torrington, 27, 284J ; (3) Hun-
dreds of Southmolton, Northmolton, Witheridge, Bampton,
Tiverton, Hayridge, Halberton (and others), 37, 302J ;
(4) Hundreds of Axminster, Colyton, Ottery St. Mary, and
East Budleigh, 8, 26| ; (5) Hundreds of Exminster,
Teignbridge, and Haytor, 7, 45J ; (6) Hundreds of Cole-
ridge, Stanborough, Ermington, and Plympton, 29, 243£ ;
(7) Hundreds of Roborough and Tavistock, with the town
of Plymouth, 14, 70| ; (8) Hundreds of Crediton, West
Budleigh, North Tawton, and South Tawton, 12, 71.
Exeter, for the period from 23 November, 1396, to 13
November, 1397, accounted for 272 cloths of assize without
grain and 1634 " dozens " of narrow cloth, making alto-
gether 680J cloths of assize, on which subsidy of
£11 6s. lOd. was paid by a new aulnager, John Shapelee,
senior. 1

There are no further statements of particulars available,
but John Copleston and John Shapelee continued aulnagers
for Devon and Exeter respectively until the end of Richard
IPs reign, and John Trewoof, who was appointed by
patent of 23 November, 1395, continued aulnager for
Cornwall. The following is a summary of the subsidies
paid from 20 July, 1394 :—

1 L.T.R. Enrolled Accounts, Misc., 8 and 9, No. 8.

580

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

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THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

581

This gives a total of $235£ cloths for Devon, 2828J for
Exeter, and 205 for Cornwall, or 11,269 cloths for the
whole of Devon and Cornwall. It will be seen that the
periods vary slightly, but, taking this into consideration, it
will be found that Devon sold an average of 1594 cloths
per annum, Exeter 538 J, and Cornwall 38^, giving a total
annual sale of 2171 cloths of assize. When it is considered
that this represents an annual sale of over 100,000 yards
of fabric, in addition to the cloth made to order, or for
home use, it will be realized what a large amount of cloth
was at this time being produced.

It will also be seen that the output had been decreasing
from 1396, but on the accession of Henry IV there was $
great change, which it is very difficult to explain. A new
aulnager, Thomas Wandry, was appointed for both Devon
and Exeter, under patent of 21 November, 1399, but the
returns dropped to such an extent that in 1400-1 three
separate commissions were appointed to inquire into the
concealment of certain sums of money due from the aulnage
of cloth within the county of Devon. 1 The three sets of
commissioners were: (1) 24 August, 1400, Philip de
Courtenay, " chivaler," John Sanford, and Robert Markele,
serjeant-at-arms ; (2) 4 November, 1400, Philip de Courte-
nay, " chivaler," James de Chudderlegh, "chivaler,"
Robert Markele, Serjeant - at - arms, Walter Cornewe,
Walter Polard, Edmund Boson, and John Boson ; (3)
5 July, 1401, Peter de Courtenay, " chivaler," Hugh de
Courtenay the elder, "chivaler," William Bonevyll,
" chivaler," John Herle, " chivaler," William Hankeford,
" chivaler," Martin de Ferers, Robert Hulle, John Preste-
cote, and Williain Burleston. The chief reason for the
inquiries seems to have been that Wandry, who was one
of the bailiffs of Exeter in 1400 and on- several other occa-
sions, confined his attention to his own city and made no
attempt to collect the dues from the rest of the county,
for in each of the three accounts presented by him all the
names appear to be those of Exonians, and the last account
is distinctly stated to be limited to Exeter. Out of the
47 names given in these three accounts, no less than 23 or
24 were those of past and future mayors and bailiffs of
the city. The previous aulnagers, John Talbot and John
Shaplegh the elder, accounted altogether for 31 and 13

1 CaJ. P.R., 1 Hen. IV, pt. viii, m. I4d ; 2 Hen. IV, pt. i, m. 37d j
2 Hen. IV, pt. iii, m. Id.

582

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

cloths respectively, and Thomas Wandry himself accounted
for 6 in the first period, while the names of some of the
previous commissioners also appear in the lists. It is,
therefore, all the more surprising that the returns should
have been so small. In the first fourteen months, from
21 November, 1399, to 31 January, 1401, Wandry only
accounted for 179 cloths from 22 vendors ; in the next
20£ months, from 31 January, 1401, to 15 October, 1402,
159£ cloths from 35 vendors ; and in the last period of
3£ months, from 15 October, 1402, to 2 February, 1403,
36 cloths from 11 vendors. This gives an average of only
about 117 cloths annually, in place of the 538£ for Exeter
during the previous period. No cloths of any kind were
exposed for sale in Cornwall during the whole of this period*
As the vendors named were probably the most important
cloth merchants in Exeter at this time, although the quanti-
ties of cloth returned as sold are so ridiculously small, a
list of the names may be of local interest. They were as
follows : Henry Alyn, 1 John Blakelond, Richard Bosyn, 2
Nicholas Bowhode, 3 John Bugge, John Coke, 4 Richard
Dyscher, William Edmonde (or Heddemond), Thomas
Eston, 5 William Goitan, Maud (or Maiota) Golde, Simon
Grendon, 6 John Grillys, 7 Roger Hakeworth, John Herward,
Henry Hull, 8 Robert Hyston, Thomas Hyston, John
Jonsone, Richard Larkstoke, 9 William Mannyng, William
May, 10 "taylor," William Morton, Alice Nemot (or
Nimet), William Oke, 11 John Panter, 12 " chaundeler,"
Richard Peuterer, 13 John Peppedon, John Porter, John
Russel, 14 Roger Sadelere, Adam Scut, 15 John Scut, John
Shaplegh, senior, 16 John Shaplegh, junior, Roger Shaplegh,
William Shaplegh, 17 Peter Stret (or Sturt), 18 Ralph

1 Bailiff 1383, 1388.

* Bailiff 1373 ; mayor 1387, 1389, 1391, 1393, 1409.
8 Bailiff 1402, 1407.

4 Bailiff 1413 ; mayor 1417, 1421, 1424.

5 Bailiff 1394, 1402 ; mayor 1414, 1419, 1422, 1426.

8 Bailiff 1382, 1386, 1389, 1391, 1393 ; mayor 1395, 1398, 1405.

7 Bailiff 1387 ; commissioner in 1387 and 1388.

8 Bailiff 1394, 1396 ; mayor 1403, 1412.

9 Bailiff 1397, 1402, 1408. " Bailiff 1389.

11 Bailiff 1385, 1387, 1391, 1393, 1396 ; mayor 1401.

12 ? Panton, bailiff 1383, 1388, 1392, 1394.

13 Bailiff 1387, 1395, 1398, 1405.

14 Bailiff 1373, 1377, 1379, 1380, 1388, 1390, 1392, 1397, 1399.

15 Bailiff 1365, 1369, 1373, 1377 ; mayor 1385, 1397, 1407, 1410.

18 Bailiff 1386, 1390, 1399, 1401, 1403, 1404, 1407, 1409 ; aulnager
for Exeter 1396-9. « Bailiff 1415, 1417.

18 Bailiff 1400, 1403, 1405, 1411 ; mayor 1413, ? 1415.

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

583

Swayn, 1 John Talbot, 2 Gerard Tasker, John Tollow, 8
Thomas Wandry, 4 John Webber, Alice Wilford (or
Elsota Wilforth), John Wilford, 6 William Wilford. 6

Wandry had received sixteen seals of office from John
Copleston, of which he delivered three to the Treasurer
and Barons of the Exchequer, and the remaining thirteen
were sold by the Barons at 2s. 6d. each, presumably after
cancellation. In 1402 it was enacted that the aulnage
might be let to farm " by improvement " according to the
discretion of the Treasurer and Barons, and on 4 February,
1403, Wandry was directed by writ to deliver the seals
made for use in his office, and other things touching the
same, to Thomas Fardell, of Barnstaple, to whom the
King had farmed the subsidy, aulnage, and half the for-
feitures from the Feast of Purification (2 February) in
this year for three years, at a rent of 20 marks this Easter,
and 40 marks each Michaelmas and Easter following during
that term, that is, £53 6s. 8d. per annum, a very con-
siderable increase on the amounts that had been collected
by Wandry. As the subsidy was now farmed, the
records for a long period contain only the accounts of
the King's half of the forfeitures, and these, more fre-
quently than not, were nothing. At Michaelmas, 1435,
John Thorn became the farmer, and it is noted that before
this date the subsidy had not been collected or farmed for
several (plures) years. 7 At Michaelmas, 1436, John Stan-
dard and Thomas Lamby succeeded, and then there is
another gap. John Hyndeston had a grant of the farm
for Devon and Cornwall for two years by patent of 26
October, 1456, and this was renewed by patent of 24
November, 1458, 8 but, at the beginning of Edward IV's
reign — on 10 April, 1461 — the farm was granted to Edmund
Molyneux for seven years from Michaelmas, 1460. In his
return for 1462-3 he accounts for the half of 6s. 8d., the
value of a dozen of narrow cloth belonging to John
Towker, of Malton (? Molton), exposed for sale unsealed at

1 Bailiff 1398, 1410, 1413.

2 Bailiff 1375 ; mayor 1383, 1396 ; aulnager for Exeter 1394-6
8 ? Pollow, bailiff 1408, 1412.

4 Bailiff 1385, 1395, 1398, 1400, 1404, 1406 ; aulnager for Devon
and Exeter 1399-1403.

5 Bailiff 1399, 1401, 1404, 1412, 1414.

• Bailiff 1396, 1397 ; mayor 1400, 1402, 1404, 1406, 1408, 1411,
1412.

7 L.T.R. Enrolled Accts., Misc., 8 and 9, No. 8.

8 Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 338/11-12.

584

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

Exeter, and valued by Richard Dyke and Thomas Hayle, of
Exeter. 1 Hyndeston received twelve seals of brass, six
for the subsidy and six for the aulnage, and these were
passed on to Molyneux and his successors.

In 1464 was passed a very important Act of Parliament,
referred to in a subsequent Act as the Act of Approvement. 2
This statute regulates the whole business of cloth-making
in all its details. It prescribes the size of cloths of different
sorts, and the manner of sealing faulty cloths. It compels
the clothier to pay his work-folk in ready money, instead
of " pins, girdles, and other unprofitable wares," and to
deliver them wool according to due weight ; and it forbids
the fuller to use cards in " fulling, rowing (roughing or
raising), or tayseling " of cloth. But, for our present
investigation, the most interesting clauses are those which
prescribe sealing with a double print of lead, to be devised
and ordained by the Treasurer for the time being, who had
power to appoint as many keepers of the seals as he thought
necessary, so long as one of them was an alien. These
keepers had to render yearly an account of the revenue
of their offices without paying any fees for the same, and
were to be rewarded by the Treasurer and Barons according
to their labour and diligence. If any of the keepers should
be found faulty or corrupt in his office, refuse to seal,
extort more than his due fees, or refuse to show his com-
mission upon sealing or measuring any cloth, he should
forfeit 20s., to be divided between the King and the
prosecutor.

One of the clauses of this statute forbade the putting
into cloth of any lambs' wool, flocks, or cork, on pain of
forfeiture, but three years later 3 an exemption as regards
this clause was given to the inhabitants and residents of
the Hundreds of Lifton, Tavistock, and Roborough,
because " by this ordinance the said inhabitants were likely
to be undone, for that they have continually used, from the
time whereof is no memory, to mix and put flocks in the
cloth made there, 4 without which flocks they might not,

1 Exchequer K.R. A ccounts, 338/13. Richard Duke and Thomas Hayle
were both bailiffs in 1460, and the latter was again bailiff in 1462 and
1466 (Izacke).

2 Stat. 4 Ed. IV, c. 1.
8 Stat. 7 Ed. IV, c. 2.

4 It is not clear how this was done. In later times it became the
practice to apply flocks in the form of powder to the woven fabric, and

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

585

nor could make any cloth there to sell, by reason of the
grossness and stubbornness of the said wool ; for the same
wool is not put in clothing, nor in cloth in any (other) part
of this realm ; so that the King will lose his customs,
aulnage, and all other profits pertaining and belonging
to him of the said cloth made in the same Hundreds, and
the inhabitants aforesaid for ever will be utterly impover-
ished, and like to be undone, unless a reformation be made
in the premises." These cloths were exempted in several
subsequent statutes under the name of Tavistocks or
Tostocks. 1

The first " approver " under the Act of Approvement
was Nicholas Elwyn, who was appointed for Devon and
Cornwall under patent of 26 January, 1468, and we have
an almost complete set of the accounts of these " ap-
provers " during the whole period that the statute was
in force, namely, from Michaelmas, 1467, to 22 March,
1478. 2 Thomas Byne succeeded Elwyn at Michaelmas,
1470, but he held office only until Easter, 1471, when he
was succeeded until the following Michaelmas by John
Ferley, whose account does not appear to have been
preserved. John Rowland and Nicholas Henstecote were
then appointed under patent of 14 November, 1471 ;
Thomas Elyot under patent of 18 November, 1472, for
five years from Michaelmas, 1472, his sureties being
Thomas Dokmanton, of Exeter, gent., and John Wykes,
of Wyke, gent. ; and Richard More for Devon, Cornwall,
and several other counties, under patent of 8 November,

incorporate the powder with it in the process of dressing, but in the
case of these Devonshire cloths the flocks were apparently mixed wi^h
the wool before spinning.

1 Stat. 6 Hen. VIII, c. 9 ; 27 Hen. VIII, c. 12 ; 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 6.

8 Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 338/14-20; 347/10-11.

1474.

586

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

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THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

587

This gives a yearly average of 849 cloths. The first
six of the eight accounts are remarkable for the long lists
of vendors, and the small numbers of cloths accounted
for by each individual. The first four lists are fairly
consistent with each other, and contain a very large
majority of the same names in each ; in fact, no less than
161 of the names appear in at least three of the lists.
There are, indeed, very few names in the second, third,
and fourth lists which do not also appear in the first.
But when we come to the fifth list, made by a fresh ap-
prover, Thomas Elyot, there is almost an entire change in
the names, which it is very difficult to explain. The names
in his two lists, however, are in close agreement, and the
total numbers of cloths sealed are identical. In the last
two accounts, rendered by still another approver, Richard
More, the vendors are reduced to about a quarter of the
previous number, but nearly all of them appear also in
Elyot's lists, although they now account for much larger
quantities. In More's two lists the names are identical,
and the number of cloths per annum is the same as in
Elyot's. During the short period of ten years there are
nearly 500 names of different vendors.

In the first list only are the names arranged under
localities ; in this we have under Exeter 36 vendors of
189£ cloths; Totnes and Plympton, 106, 335 ; Ottery St.
Mary ("Sent Mary Overy ") and Honiton, 38, 150;
Tiverton and Cullompton, 37, 142£ ; Barnstaple, 31, 121£.
As the statute exempting the three Hundreds was passed
this year, it is remarkable that one of the districts was not
made conterminous with them. The names of the Exeter
vendors were as follows : Richard Addiscot, Edmund
Arkesworthe, John Atwill, 1 John Baron, Undirhill Baron,
John Belli, 2 Walter Belli, William Browne, Robert
Browning, John Colyn, William Dunster, Raynold Ebin,
William Frend, John Gill, William Gill, Thomas Hastinges,
William Holle, John Jakman, William Jakman, Hugh
Jerman, 3 William Kelli, John Palmer, Thomas Richard,
John Robin, Richard Robin, Robert Smyth, 4 Edmund
Sowle, Thomas Spere, William Stere, Simon Sweting,
John Thomas, Richard Thornbi, John Towker, Richard

1 Bailiff 1472, 1474 ; mayor 1476, 1479, 1483, 1492, 1496 (Iza6ke).
* ? Betty, mayor 1459.

8 Germin, bailiff 1441 ; mayor 1443, 1449, 1451, 1463, 1455, 1462,
1464, 1466, 1470. 1474.

« Bailiff 1453, 1456, 1458 ; mayor 1469,

588

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

Webbe, John Weye, Henry Whitford. It is an extra-
ordinary fact that although there was only an interval of
five years between this list and the first of More's, not a
single name is repeated.

As More's list probably includes all the most important
clothiers at that time, it will be interesting to give it in
full, together with the numbers of cloths paid for by each
vendor in the two periods. They were as follows : Matthew
Andrew, 1 27, 16 ; Thomas AtweU, 15, 11 ; Philip Atwyll, 2
32, 19 ; John Baker, 120, 68 ; Richard Baker, 3 51, 33 ;
John Balker (or Blaker), 37, 29; Richard Barry, 15£,
121 ; Nicholas Bery, 37, 28 ; Richard Birche (or Bryce), 4
7, 4; Robert Bonefaunt, 5 112, 66; Thomas Bounde, 6
26, 16 ; Thomas Boyle, 88, 100 ; Richard Burgh, 40, 30 ;
Robert Chapelman, 18, 13; Richard Clerk, 7 18, 14;
John (or James) Corman, 22, 15 ; William Coyton, 30,
23; Walter Dowlyng, 153, 115; John Dythe, 30, 17;
John Ector, 8 38, 29 ; Henry Geffery (or Gaffery), 17, 11 ;
Henry Grant! ond (or Grauntlond), 44, 31 ; John Graunt-
lond, 34, 22 ; William Gremell, 9, 7 ; John Gruscote, 9
46, 32; Nicholas Hamelyn, 10 18, 14; Peter Hamelyn,
16, 12 ; Henry Hoper, 140, 105 ; John Kelby, 29, 23 ;
John Kellegh, 11 24, 18 ; William Naune, 6, 6 ; Nicholas
Nawne, 12 20, 15 ; Robert Newton, 13 115, 68 ; John Rewe,
19, 15 ; William Rewe, 41, 30 ; Richard Ronwell (or
Ronwall), 14 114, 86 ; John Taylor (or Taillor), 15 113, 67;
Henry Undey, 29, 22 ; William Webbe, 118, 84 ; William
Webber, 110, 67 ; John Wenycote (or Wyncote), 23, 15 ;
Thomas White, 24, 16 ; and Peter Wise (or Wyse), 108,
67.

I Of Topsham, merchant (Cal. P.R., 21 Ed. IV, pt. i, m. 2).

* Bailiff 1485. 3 Bailiff 1464, 1467. * Bailiff 1473.

* Bailiff 1473, 1489, 1491, 1499.

6 Merchant, alias "mercer," bailiff 1486; deputy of John Taillour
'(see below).

7 Bailiff 1466, 1470 ; mayor 1472, 1488.

8 ** Marchaunt," alias " taillour," bailiff 1488.

9 ? Goscott, " marchaunt," alias " taillour," bailiff 1491, 1503 (died
of the plague).

10 " Marchaunt," alias " wever," bailiff 1485, 1491 ; mayor 1499.

II Mayor 1457, 1461, 1477. 13 Bailiff 1467.

13 Bailiff 1469, 1477, 1478 ; mayor 1487, 1503 (died of the plague).

14 ? Rumwell, bailiff 1459, 1464 ; mayor 1473.

16 ? John Taillour, of - Exeter, the younger, merchant, surveyor of
the customs and subsidies in the ports of Pole, Exeter, Dartmouth,
Plymouth, Fowey, and Briggewater, and of the customers and con-
trollers in the same ; keeper of the seal for the subsidy and ulnage of
cloths in the county of Devon (Cal. P.R., 21 Ed. IV, pt. i, m. 2).

Digitized by

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

589

As the approvers under the Approvement Act were
salaried officials, and were concerned mainly in regulating
the size and quality of the cloths made rather than in
collecting money, the revenue fell short of the amount
expected, so in 1477 1 "the King certainly perceiving that
sithence the making of the same Act, he hath had yearly
greater loss by the approvements of the subsidy and aulnage
of cloths, than he had at any time before the said Act of
Approvement made," it was enacted that the Treasurer
should again have power to let to farm the subsidy and
aulnage to persons, by sufficient surety, in the form as
was used and done before the previous Act ; the* farmers
to have half the forfeitures as before. It was also enacted
that the cloths should be sealed with wax at both ends,
instead of with a double print in lead. In accordance with
this new Act, Richard More, under patent of 5 June, 1478,
became farmer for ten years from Easter (22 March) in
that year, and consequently we get no further particulars
except of forfeits. In the period from Easter, 1478, to
Michaelmas, 1479, he accounted for 50s., the price of 14
pieces of woollen cloth called " streytes," 13 being white
and one green, the goods of John Piers, merchant of
Brittany, exposed for sale in Exeter before being sealed,
by John Atte Wylle, 2 merchant, and seized by John
Ector, 3 of Exeter, the accountant's deputy in Devon and
Cornwall. 4 On 4 October, 1483 — at the beginning of the
reign of Richard III — he handed on the seals to William
Dracher and John Shaldo, the new farmers of the subsidy. 5

In this year another important Act had been passed, 6
requiring that no person should be made aulnager, sealer,
or keeper of the seal, but one who was expert in cloth-
working and worth £100 at least, and the officer so deputed
should seal no cloth but such as was made within the limits
of his deputation, in pain to forfeit to the King for every
whole cloth 5 marks, for a half-cloth 33s. 4d., for a " streat "
20s., and for a kersey 10s. The seals were to have the
King's arms printed on one side, and the arms, sign, or
token of the city, borough, or town, or the name of the
county where the cloths were made, on the other side.

These straits (occurring also in the forms streytes,

1 Stat. 17 Ed. IV, c. 5.

* See p. 587, note 1. 8 See p. 588, note 8.

4 L.T.R. Enrolled Accts., Misc., 8 and 9, No. 8.

5 Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 347/12.
« Stat. 1 Ric. Ill, c. 4.

590

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

streats, strayghtes, streightes) were in later years the
subject of several special enactments, from one of which
we learn that they were a base and coarse kind of cloth,
usually made for the use of poor people beyond the seas,
and especially designed for export to Brittany in exchange
for linen cloths. 1 In 1513 2 it was enacted that " none shall
make white streats to sell, but when they are raw ready
to be toked, and being a yard and a quarter broad and
15 yards long, and except the maker set his special mark
upon them " ; and in the following year 3 this statute
was made perpetual, and extended to " russet streats "
as well as white, and the weight was fixed at 14 pounds
the piece at least. In the preamble of " An Acte for the
true making of white playne Streightes and pynned White
Streightes in Devon and Cornwall," passed in 1553, 4 we
are told something more of the nature of these cloths :
" In divers parts of Devon and Cornwall ther be certeyn
kinds of clothes made of the nature of Tavestock clothes,
thone called White playn Strayghtes, and thother called
pynned White Straightes, which sorte of clothes be made
withe the refuse and course woolles flockes lambes wool and
heire woolles ; which clothes are transported and carried
into the partes of Brytayne beyonde the sea, and ther
uttred by the marchauntes therof by exchange and barter
for lynen cloth called doulasse, lockeram and canvase,
which the same merchants do afterwards bring into this
realm to serve the King's majesty's subjects therewith,
as well dwelling in Devon and Cornwall as in divers other
parts of the realm ; and the said kind of clothes are made
with Cornish wool, which is for the most part thereof
all hairy wools." It was enacted that in future the white
plain streights should be at least 12 yards long and one
yard broad, and the white pinned streights should be at
least 1 1 yards long and f yard broad, and should weigh
8 pounds at least, but the essential difference in the nature
of the two cloths is not explained. It was declared lawful
for anybody in Devon and Cornwall to make these cloths
with hair, flocks or yarn made of lambs' wool, or otherwise,
without any penalty. The owners were required to bring
or send the cloths to the next city, borough, or town cor-

1 Stat. 27 Eliz., c. 18. In this it is stated that " in trueth none of
the same are worne or occupied within this Realme."

2 Stat. 5 Hen. VIII, c. 2.

3 Stat. 6 Hen. VIII, c. 8.
« Stat. 7 Ed. VI, c. 9.

THE ATJLNAGER IN DEVON.

591

porate, where the same should be fulled, dressed, and made,
there to be measured, weighed, and sealed with a seal of
lead, in which the arms or name of the town should be
graven, and the mayor was required to appoint and swear
two officers for the true weighing, measuring, and sealing
thereof, who should receive a halfpenny for each cloth and
no more. In 1584 1 it was again enacted that the inhabi-
tants of Devon and Cornwall might weave these cloths,
and use therein hair, flocks, and lambs' wool, and further
that they might keep three looms in their houses, 2 and
make the cloths of such length, breadth, and weight as
they liked, provided only that no piece of such cloth
should weigh above 12 pounds, nor be above 14 yards long
or one broad ; the yarn had grown so much smaller and
finer that the weight, length, and breadth could no longer
be made to agree.

There are also statutes relating to the manufacture of
Devonshire kerseys, which were a superior kind of cloth
to the Tavistocks and white straits. It is not quite clear
whether the " Western Dozens," exempted with Tavistocks
from the Act of 1535, 3 refers to kerseys, but in 1552 4 it
is definitely prescribed that the length of Devonshire
kerseys called dozens shojild be betwixt 12 and 13 yards,
and the weight 14 pounds, and this Act did not extend to
Devonshire cloths called Tavestocks. In 1557 5 it was
prescribed that Devonshire kerseys should weigh after
the rate of one pound the yard ; and in 1592 6 that every
piece of Devonshire kersey or dozen (as it came from the
loom) should weigh 15 pounds and upwards, and every
raw Devonshire kersey or dozen, being a rudge-wash kersey,
that is to say, being made of fleece wool washed only on
the sheep's backs, and the wool not being cleansed, washed,
and scoured after it was shorn and before it was woven,
should weigh 17 pounds at least, and should contain in
length between 15 and 16 yards by measure of yard and
inch ; and in 1606 7 that Devonshire kerseys or dozens
should contain in length between 12 and 13 yards, and
should weigh 13 pounds. The object in all cases was to
provide that the cloths, when scoured, thicked, milled,

1 Stat. 27 Eliz., c. 18.

2 Only two were allowed elsewhere. Stat. 2 and 3 Ph. and Mary, c. 11.

3 Stat. 27 Hen. VIII, c. 12. * Stat. 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 6.

6 Stat. 4 and 5 Ph. and Mary, c. 5. 6 Stat. 35 Eliz., c. 10.

7 Stat. 4 Jas. I, c 2.

592

THE AULNAGBR IN DEVON.

and dried, might weigh 12 pounds and measure 12
yards. 1

The statute of Elizabeth (1592) was due to a complaint
by the clothiers of the weavers and tuckers of Devonshire
kerseys or dozens, who made them too light when they
came from the loom : some weavers used false slays, or
mixed yarn, and made the muster end of fair yarn, the
other end by the crest being coarser and open woven ; and
the tuckers cut off some, and racked and strained the
remainder. Complaints of this had even been made by
the States of Holland. 1 The Act states that these Devon-
shire kerseys or dozens were a commodity heretofore
in great request, prize, and estimation both amongst her
Majesty's natural subjects and in foreign nations and
countries, but of late marvellously (and not without occa-
sion) discredited by the inventions and new devices of the
weavers, tuckers, and artificers. 2 In addition to pre-
scribing the weight and dimensions, as indicated above,
it required the cloth to be " sewantly " woven throughout
of well and like sorted yarn, except the list, and the weaver
to weave in at one end his mark of some coloured yarn, and
at each end a " purrel," 8 and it forbade him to deceitfully
mingle his yarn. Searchers and sealers of such kerseys
were to be annually appointed by the head officer of the place
where they were made, who should be sworn, and have the
power to enter into any house (in the day-time) to make
search accordingly, receiving a farthing for every kersey
they marked.

It must have been detrimental to the best interests of
the cloth industry to allow the use of flocks, for this was
one of the chief " deceits " the aulnager had to guard
the public against. This practice had increased to such an
extent by the time of Westcote (1630) that he says Pilton
made " cottons for lining, so coarse a stuff as there was a
vae or woe pronounced against them in these words,
'Woe unto you Piltonians that make cloth without
wool.' " 4 As early as Richard Ill's time it had become
general to apply flock powder to cloths, to enhance their

1 Bibliotheca Lindesiana, vol. v, Royal Proclamations, No. 847.

* " Some merchants caused counterfeit Devonshire kersies to be
made in Yorkshire out of washers or half -thicks, which have contained
such length and breadth with stop lists, like those Devonshire kersies,
which they have caused to be dressed, dyed, and pressed with the hot
press, and so sent beyond the seas in the name of Devonshire kersies,
to the great discredit of that sort of cloth " (May, Estate of Clothing, 32).

8 This was to prevent pieces from being cut off the ends and the re-
mainder sold as a whole cloth. 4 Westcote, Devonshire, 61.

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

593

appearance and value, 1 and in Edward "VTs reign we find
Bishop Latimer denouncing this practice, in his usual
vigorous language, in one of his sermons before the King :
" I hear say there is a certain cunning come up in the mixing
of wares. How say you ? were it no wonder to hear that
cloth-makers should become poticaries ? If his cloth be
seventeen yards long, he will set him on a rack, and
stretch him out with ropes, and rack him till the sinews
shrink again, while he hath brought him to eighteen yards.
When they have brought him to that perfection, they
have a pretty feat to thick him again. He makes me a
powder for it, and plays the poticary : they call it flock-
powder ; they do so incorporate it to the cloth, that it is
wonderful to consider : truly a goodly invention ! They
were wont to make beds of flocks, and it was a good bed
too : now they have turned their flocks into powder to
play the false thieves with it." 2 This powder was mixed
with " solace," and spread upon the musters, and where
the cloth could be seen ; " but the same cloth lying a while
after the dressing, the solace drieth up, and then the same
flox flyeth away, leaving the cloth in his owne nature
againe." 3

According to the statute of Richard III (1483) no cloth
could be retailed until it had been fully watered, and it
could not be stretched or drawn after being so watered ;
no one was allowed to keep in his house any tenter or other
engine whereby cloth might be drawn in length or breadth,
under penalty of £20, but tenters were to be set in open
places and used only for the due stretching of cloth after
it came from the mill and before it was " rowen " (raised).
In 151 4 4 it was enacted that no one, after buying cloth,
should draw it length or breadth with tenter, wrinch, or
otherwise, under penalty of £5, and in 1552 5 that none
should use with his tenter any wrinch, rope, ring, or other
engine, to strain or stretch cloth, under penalty of £20.
A kersey was allowed to be strained one nail in breadth,
and half a yard in length, and no more ; but John May,
a deputy aulnager, writing in 1613, says : " It hath been
known that a Devonshire kersey of 12 yards hath been
strained a quarter of a yard in breadth and 3 yards in

1 Stat. 1 Ric. Ill, c. 8.

2 Latimer, Third Sermon before Edward VI.
8 Smith, Memoirs of Wool, i, 135 ; May, Estate of Clothing, 29.

* Stat. 6 Hen. VIII, c. 9.
VOL. XLIV.

6 Stat. 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 6.

594

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

length : so that in breadth and length the tenters lends them
the one half of the piece, which as soon as it comes to water
flies away invisible to his own country, but never to be
found again." " If a gentleman make a livery for his man,
in the first shower of rain it may fit his page for bigness." 1

Various other abuses crept in from time to time. For
example, the use of cards instead of teazels for raising the
nap had been forbidden since 1464, and in 1552 2 the newly
invented gig-mill was also banned. In this year, too, 3
it was enacted that none should press any cloth with the
hot press, nor in any other deceivable manner, but only
with the cold press, in pain to forfeit the same, or the value
thereof. Indeed, in almost every fresh statute provision
had not only to be made for new kinds of cloth, but also
to guard against new abuses.

In the reign of Elizabeth was introduced what was
called the " new drapery," that is, the manufacture of
serges or perpetuanoes, as distinguished from the " old
drapery," or manufacture of broad cloths, kerseys, and
straits. As the various statutes were devised only for the
regulation of certain specified cloths, the " new drapery "
was in many cases not affected, and this gave rise to further
complications. It is difficult now to ascertain the precise
nature of the different cloths made, but the essential
difference between kerseys and serges seems to have been
that in the former both warp and weft were made of the same
kind of yarn, which was spun locally, whereas in the latter
the warp was made of worsted, which is spun from wool
of longer staple, and was obtained from Yorkshire and else-
where. Kerseys were inferior in strength to serges, but
they were not necessarily coarser cloths, for we have
Westcote's authority for saying that some of the local
yarn, especially that spun at Crediton, was extremely fine. 4

The office of aulnager had by this time become almost
a sinecure, though in 1561 and later 6 we find the corpora-
tion of the city of Exeter still making regulations for it ;
in this year the aulnager or his deputy was ordered to be

1 Smith, Memoirs of Wool, i, 135, 136 ; May, Estate of Clothing, 29, 38.

2 Stat. 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 22.

3 Stat. 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 6.

4 Westcote, Devonshire, 61, 121. " It is very true that 140 threads
of woollen yarn spun in that town were drawn together through the
eye of a tailor's needle ; which needle and threads were, for many years
together, to be seen in Watling-street in London, in the shop of one
Mr. Dunscombe, at the sign of the golden bottle."

5 Exeter City Archives, Letter Book 60 A, No. 55.

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

595

ready every Tuesday and Friday by request to repair to
the clothiers' and dyers' houses to survey, view, and seal
their cloths, and collect the duties. The office had in
former times been given only to persons skilled in the art
of cloth-making, 1 but it was now deputed to overseers and
searchers, who were " silly countrymen, and generally
not expert in the mystery of making cloth." 2 Complaints
were made that the searchers' seals were bought and sold
as in a market, " by bushels," and put on the cloths by
the tuckers and other servants of the clothiers, as if the
same had been lawfully searched and sealed according to
law, though the searcher's eye had never so much as beheld
the cloths ; whereby the seal, which ought to have been
a witness of right, was made an instrument of deceit, and
in foreign parts disgraced the cloth that it ought to have
warranted. The searchers were Also accused of extortion,
extending their operations to waistcoats, stockings, and
caps ; charging a penny for sealing, instead of the half-
penny to which they were entitled ; and exacting fines
and yearly rents from woollen drapers, mercers of the new
drapery, upholsters, and stocking-sellers. 3 The aulnager
had, in fact, ceased to exercise any effective control on
the quality of cloth produced, and his office continued to
exist merely for purposes of revenue, although it is probable
that only a small proportion of the fees collected found their
way into the Exchequer. In the Exchequer Accounts 4
there is a curious memorandum to the effect that, under
patent of 26 October, 1583, the farm of the subsidy and
aulnage on cloth in Devon, Cornwall, and Exeter had been
granted to Roger Parker, one of the Pages of the Queen's
chamber, for a term of 40 years, upon the determination of
a lease of 21 years, granted to Richard Stringfellowe and
William Crudge on 29 November, 1570, the said Parker to
pay a yearly rent of £26 15s. 4d. The term was, on 15
January, 1601, in the possession of Walter Hickman, Esq.
John Plummer, gent., came into the Exchequer and offered
an additional 24s. 8d. yearly rent, whereupon the patent
to Parker, if still in force (!), was revoked, and a grant
made to Plummer at £28 per annum. On 13 April, 1613,
the Duke of Richmond and Lennox became aulnager,

1 Stat. 1 Ric. Ill, c. 4.

* Misselden, Free Trade. Quoted in Smith, Memoirs of Wool, i,
147-8.

8 Exeter City Archives, Letter Book 60 C, No. 162.
4 Exchequer K.R. Accounts, 339/1.

596

THE AULNAGER IN DEVON.

and he and his successors held the office until its abolition
in 1724. 1

The statutes occasionally indicate a general change in the
conditions of manufacture. We have seen that, as early
as 1464, 2 a class of employers, known as " clothiers,'' had
come into existence, who supplied their work-folks with
wool by weight, to be spun into yarn, and in 151 4, 3 when
this practice had become more fully developed, the
clothiers were required to deliver wool by weight to the
breakers, combers, carders, and spinners, who had to
redeliver to the clothiers the same wool, or woollen yarn,
by the same weight (the waste thereof excepted) ; and
the weavers also were required to put all the yarn delivered
unto them into the web, or restore it, without putting any-
thing deceitfully thereto. By Westcote's time (1630)
the procedure had quite changed, for he tells us that
" first the gentleman farmer, or husbandman, sends his
wool to the market, which is bought either by the comber
or spinster, and they, the next week, bring it thither again
in yarn, which the weaver buys ; and the market following
brings that thither again in cloth ; where it is sold either
to the clothier (who sends it to London) or to the merchant
who (after it hath passed the fuller's mill, and sometimes
the dyer's vat) transports it/' 4 In the reign of Mary
clothiers were forbidden to keep in their houses more than
one loom, and the weavers and fullers were not allowed to
encroach on each other's occupations ; no weaver could
have more than two apprentices, and no one could act as
a weaver until he had served a seven years' apprentice-
ship, under a penalty of £20. 6

New conditions of manufacture had been introduced
with the " new drapery," the development of which must
be left for consideration on another occasion. It will
be seen that the earlier history of the cloth trade presents
several points of difficulty, of which no solution is offered,
but it is hoped, at any rate, that the new material which
has been brought to light will be found useful to subsequent
investigators.

1 Stat. 11 Will. Ill, c. 20. The office ceased at the expiration of
grants for 60 years from 1664.

» Stat. 4 Ed. IV, c. 1. 3 Stat. 6 Hen. VIII, c. 9.

4 Westcote, Devonshire, 61.

6 Stat. 2 and 3 Ph. and Mary, c. 11. Weavers were then allowed to
have two looms, and in Devon and Cornwall they were afterwards
allowed to have three (see p. 591).

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Google

THE EXETER AND DARTMOUTH ROAD.

BY T. J. JOCE.

(Read at Exeter, 24th July, 1912.)

The Roman power, having firmly established itself on
the outpost above the Exe, an admirably chosen position,
which has made the city to this day the key to the south-
west, was advancing steadily on into the difficult country
beyond that river, where the Celtic tribes were able during
many years to hold their own against the invader. But
discipline and organized warfare prevailed, and at length
a road, direct and well-controlled, a broad channel cut
through the dense forest, was led up to the great natural
rampart between Exe and Teign upon which our eyes rest
to-day from the same station, though the intervening
centuries have seen every form of change.

The line of direction of the Roman bridge over the Exe
was almost east and west, and that of the road we are
considering south, the point of divergence being not now
traceable, due in part to its crossing low-lying meadow-
lands by the river, on the outskirts of a city which has
known many years of troubled history. Through Alphing-
ton, crossing Kennford, it took its course, climbing over
Haldon with its merciless gradients, rising to seven
hundred and sixty feet, the poorer land on the heights
helping towards its better preservation. An unused
portion lies above Waddon Brakes. It crossed the line
of the present ' telegraph ' road at Beggar's Bush, and
after an exceedingly steep descent in Dunscombe now
passes the wall of Ugbrooke, where for a long distance
it is the present main road. An unused stretch lies in
Sands Copse, and then it is again in use where the name
' Sandygate ' describes the nature of the way. A two-
mile stretch of old road, broad and straight, brings us to
the river where those early road-engineers found a swift
moorland stream, the head of a tidal estuary, and a great

598

THE EXETER AND DARTMOUTH ROAD.

expanse of water-logged marshland. It would appear
that on both the East and West Teign streams there was
no fording-place from Chudleigh and from Bovey to the
sea except that at Hackney, where the ancient Trackway
crossed.

There lie, to this day, twenty feet below ground, the
piers and abutments of white stone — most likely Beer
stone, brought by water — which were the earliest of the
various structures discovered at this spot. The bridge
and its necessary adjunct, the long causeway, leading to
the hard ground near Sandford Orleigh farm, seem to
mark the end of Roman constructional work in the south-
west. That they explored and had stations farther
into the western peninsula is known, but of settled occu-
pation this appears to mark the terminus.

Thus there came into being the Tengbridge, or Teign-
bridge of history, a place of such consideration as to give
name to one of the Hundreds of the county. There is to-
day but one house near it, taking name from it, but deep
in the alluvium around lie foundations of many buildings,
showing that there was once a considerable roadway settle-
ment on either side of the river. It is possible that one
of the unidentified places in the Itineraries was situated
here.

The ancient Trackway leading up from Cornwall, and
the constructed military road, were at this point roughly
parallel and but two miles apart, and we may surely
assume that a safe passage over the river and marsh, with
the added advantage of a line of route prepared by the
great road-makers of the world, would be preferred to
a much- worn and irregular trackway which had also the
danger and delays of a tidal ford. It is of interest, there-
fore, to observe the connecting-link of road between the
prehistoric and the civilized.

On climbing the hill out of the Abbotskerswell valley
towards Newton, at a level stretch of the lane known
as Highburrow, before descending to the hollow at Stan-
parks which was the course of the Trackway towards the
Teign, a road is found starting suddenly away to the left,
not curving naturally, but abruptly leaving the former
line at an angle of 120°, and the angle is marked sharply
by the hedge. This is the point where the ancient way
was forsaken for the better course by the bridge.

By the side of the road — which is now the usual way

THE EXETER AND DABTMOUTH BO AD.

599

to Newton from Abbotskerswell — is a hollow pack-horse
track, worn in places to a depth of six feet. It leads into
Wolborough parish, anciently Ulborough and Ulber, and
we follow a long descent of three-quarters of a mile
towards the town* Rock Cottage now stands on its
former course, and near by the foundations of the cottages
which formed the forgotten village of Ulber he under the

Along the upper end of Wolborough Street we pass on
our way to the Lemon, according to Leland the Loman,
which stream must be crossed to reach Teignbridge.
Ford and stepping-stones were used here until the early
part of the nineteenth century. Wolborough Street and
Back Road are seen to be in the same alignment. Nos.
68 and 66 have the old line, and 64 and 62a have been
brought up to the line of the modern street, properly known
as High Street. The ford crosses the bed of the little river
obliquely, while the small Union bridge passes squarely
abpve. The remaining portion of Back Road appertains
to the modern town. Our original line, it would appear,
occupied a course through Messrs. Vicary's gate up to
Exeter Road.

At an early period, at what date we know not, the first
bridge was thrown across the stream some yards lower
down than the ford, and to cross it a deviation from the
fording-way would need to be made by men and animals
to get into the straight for the bridge. This is what we
notice. At a point in Wolborough Street the ford- way
was left for a new route by what became in after years
High Street. At the angle between the two ways was
formed the Pound, whence came ' Pound ' Chapel. The
wayfaring folk traced the full and emphatic curve so
noticeable in Newton to-day, and which is by no means
a mere street turning from Wolborough into Bank Street
(formerly Bridge Street). After curving thus, the way
crossed the bridge up to Exeter Road. The west side
above the bridge shows how irregularly buildings have at
various times been brought out towards the present line
of street. At the higher end of the town the original
width may be seen, narrow at first by the old cottages
of Exeter Road, wider at Elm Cottage, and so on to the
Gilberd Almshouses. It is likely that the earliest way to
Teignbridge was not the present one over Whitehall, but
along the upper part of Jetty Marsh Lane and the grounds

turf.

600

THE EXETER AND DARTMOUTH ROAD.

of Sandford Orleigh, keeping above the marshland till
the causeway was reached.

Both above and below the Lemon bridge a settlement
sprang up, perhaps receiving its name of Newentone from
the dwellers in Sherborne, a small hamlet a few hundred
yards lower down the stream, and of which only the name
of the Town Mills preserves the record. Having position
in different parishes, under separate ownerships, the small
groups on either side of the stream came to have separate
and distinct entities, and to some rivalry in markets.

Turning now to consider for a while the course of the
oldest road from Totnes, we shall find that at a convenient
spot that also was forsaken and another line of direction
followed to the Roman Teignbridge.

The writer has the misfortune to differ from the largely-
accepted idea about Totnes, and holds that it stood not
on an east-and-west through trackway, but that it repre-
sents the lowest fording-place on the Dart, or Darent,
and was the ' way out ' up from the rich lands of the
South Hams towards the north-east and north, and the
roads leading to it come evidently up from the southward,
cross the river by the ford, a few yards below the island,
and lead to the high ground above Bridgetown. The ford
existed before the bridge, and the town street is the devia-
tion curving round from the south, leading over the bridge
to join again the old line from the ford, going past True
Street and Berry along the elevated ridge of Beacon Hill
to that commanding centre of the district — Five Lanes.
For a long distance the line is a parish boundary. Keeping
its direction at the summit crossway we come by a long
gradual descent through a deeply sunk lane to a point near
Edginswell, or Agilswell, where the marshland of the
Aller stream is narrowest. The Torquay railway line
has made some alteration here at Scott's Bridge. Across
the modern turnpike road, up a gentle ascent, a hollow
road by the side of our way, we reach the crossway above
Fluder, and continue past Well, now Coffinswell, up
Blackenway, with a loop road over Coffinswell Down, over
Newtake Plantation and down Hackney Lane to the same
Teign-ford as that taken by the great through Trackway
from Cornwall. We here see the tracks converging into
one on the north shore of the Teign.

On Milber there is some evidence of the way in which the
Roman invaders commanded these old tracks. The well-

THE EXETER AND DARTMOUTH ROAD.

601

known circular camp has immediately above it, and almost
contiguous, an earthwork which has not received so much
attention. We need not doubt which is the later work.
It is a straight-sided, rectangular camp with somewhat
rounded corners, and has been almost tilled level again.
It can be seen on either side of the St. Marychurch road,
and lies adjacent to the ancient Blackenway mentioned
above. On the lower side it commands not only the great
entrenchment, but lower still under the same extensive
down ran the ancient Trackway from the extreme south-
west. The higher earthwork is not of great size, and its
water-supply could never have been abundant. From the
centre of the earthwork there is a paved way of large flints
laid without foundation, uncemented, about ten feet in
width, passing through Milber woods, and its course may
be seen as low as the orchard of Penninn Nursery. Its
position lies exactly between the two old tracks, and the
writer considers the upper earthwork to be a Roman
exploratory camp of a temporary character, cast up by
the conquerors when thrusting themselves into the diffi-
cult fastnesses of the west, and its date is perhaps many
years earlier than the settled work of the great road which
ended at Teignbridge. Milber would appear to have been
Milborough, as Bilver is Bilborough and Ulber, Ulborough.

The oldest way from Totnes ford to Hackney ford was
left at Five Lanes, and a line taken past Marldon, along
the Compton valley to Maddacombe Cross, and up a stiff
hill which still has its hollow track, down Great Oak Lane
to Abbotskerswell. Out of this deep valley an easier line
was taken partly up Hall Lane, over Ham field, and up
Firestone Hill to the Lemon ford and Teignbridge.

Returning again to Five Lanes, we have to the south-
ward the important landlocked harbour of the Dart
estuary, its waters hidden by circling hills. From this
height a way was taken by Windmill Hill, Smoky House,
by King's Ash, by Hook-kilns, or Hookwells, along Lang-
don Lane to Galmpton, anciently Gaynton, and to the
ferry by the Greenway. Another way climbed the hill by
Galmpton Lane, which after ' Collins' Grave ' is the
modern road to Kingswear ferry.

For many years after the eastern side of the island had
been settled by the Saxon invaders a stubborn resistance
to the foe was maintained by the British in the west, and
Athelstan, pushing on after his conquest of Exeter, would

602 THE EXETER AND DABTMOUTH ROAD.

surely find himself near that magnificent harbour which
could not fail to be entered by the early sea-rovers passing
down Channel. It was soon recognized as a port of em-
barkation for France. William of Normandy marched
through that narrow gateway of the west — the old Exe
Bridge — and made another language to be heard in South
Devon by wondering peasants, who themselves used that
broad old speech which we have to this day. William
Rufus, with a martial train, used the same route in 1090.
A hundred years later the road grew busy after an unwonted
manner, for the Crusaders on their hapless journey, full
of high religious and chivalrous feeling, with their King,
Richard of the Lion-heart, with an immense following of
horse and foot, and it may be with the battle-axe of re-
nown, together with all the appurtenances of a great
military gathering, passed along this historic way to the
same goodly haven to which but a sorry remnant returned,
to ' saunterre ' through the land, often laden with foreign
diseases, causing leper hospitals to be set up, of which
one arose in Newton.

The little township by the Lemon, being situated half-
way between Exeter and the port of Dartmouth, occupied
a most convenient position for break of journey and for
rest of men and beasts. There is reason to believe that
the two chapels, hard by the road, came into existence as
wayside chantries, where pilgrims paid their devotions.
' Beggar's Bush ' seems to have been a pitch for a begging
friar, who was greatly interested in the pilgrims.

In the town the needs of the travellers would give occu-
pation to smiths and leather-workers and in providing
food and lodging. A noticeable feature of the older part
of Newton is the existence of long ranges of small dwellings
— the Newton courts — occupying probably the site of the
hovels and lofts where wayfarers rested for the night, their
weary pack-animals and saddle-horses below. A consider-
able number of these yards and courts existed, the en-
trances often low and of varying widths, and it leads us
to infer a great amount of road-traffic. The town never
had pride of position by charter or from the prestige
and protection of a great name, but was in very truth in
its narrow thoroughfare, which crossed the bridge and led
round into its High Street and on to the far lands of the
west, a travellers' town, literally, in the exquisite words
on the tomb of Dean Alford at Canterbury — " The wayside

THE EXETER AND DARTMOUTH ROAD. 603

resting-place of a pilgrim toward the Holy City " (Diver-
sorium viatoris Hierosolymam proficiscentis).

During the long French wars of Edward III thousands
of soldiers sailed from the port, and the road knew the
tramp of the companies who were to win fame as the bow-
men of Cressy and Poictiers, and for centuries there was
unceasing traffic. The vogue of a great pilgrimage to the
Spanish shrine of St. Jago di Compostella lasted for
several years from 1428. "The Duke of Clarence, the
Earl of Warwick with their wyffes and company, roade
to Dartmouth and embarqued for Calys," doubtless an
attractive and picturesque cavalcade, in 1470, and as it
was spring-time it may be that the pleasant journey made
up for the longer sea passage.

The awakening to ocean voyages and exploring of dis-
tant climes which marked the sixteenth century gave in-
crease of trade to the road and port, and Devon seamen
were foremost in that wondrous time. Products of the
tropics and of the Newfoundland formed the cargoes
transported from Dartmouth into the shires. Newton
knives and fish-hooks and other articles of local manufac-
ture were sent away, and seamen's yarns were spun, and
the beginnings of England's sea-control were heard in
Newton taverns. But in the great Elizabethan age the
climax of excitement came with the news of the Armada —
the road was a main line of dispatches and of badly-
needed ship-supplies. The sea was near, and the enemy
a reality. In the long war, ' Spain ' was the one name
which stirred the blood. Many folk for miles around came
to look on the huge prize galleon, San Philip, brought
safely into the harbour.

Not only did Drake, Hawkins, and other dauntless
captains draw rein in the little half-way town, but down
from Exeter there went one sent in haste from the in-
dignity of a prison in the Tower, that illustrious son of
Devon, Ralegh, even then under guard, sent by a queen
of varying temper, yet shrewd enough to know his worth,
to take charge of the vast carrack, Madre di Dios, just
lately captured by Sir John Borough and brought into
port, which an ungoverned populace was rapidly despoil-
ing and turning into a dismantled hulk.

War declining, trade increased the harbour's business
as a port of call. Leland, travelling the country over,
mentions in his precise way the creeks and points on

604

THE EXETER AND DARTMOUTH ROAD.

the Kingswear side. The persevering Ogilby, with his
measuring-wheel, marks each rising and falling gradient
to Exeter, but . later in his century a different course
was taken to avoid the deep Abbotskerswell Vale by
descending towards Kingskerswell along Red Hill, above
the church and Castle Dinham, crossing Langford, and
so into Newton by Keyberry Road (East Street).

In the sadly disturbed times of the Civil War the road
again knew the tramp of armed men, Royalist and Par-
liamentarian, encamping and skirmishing throughout the
district, till the unworthy Goring, hurrying off with plunder,
took ship at Dartmouth. The troops of Fairfax stayed in
the outskirts of Newton for some days. During nearly a
week in November, 1688, regiments of foreign soldiers,
welcome, yet scarcely welcomed, were passing in detach-
ments along the road, sorely tried by their first acquaint-
ance with the mud of the good red earth, following the
Prince of Orange over hills the like whereof could not
be seen in the Low Countries.

Many years later, engaged in the work of leading another
peaceful revolution, there rode along the historic way a
venerable clergyman, who bore the honoured name of the
Rev. John Wesley.

With a settled government came a period of great
prosperity in woollen manufacture and in agriculture,
and the coaching system demanded a better condition of
road than had sufficed for pack-animals and lumbering
wains. The course taken in the present day differs almost
entirely from that of olden times, and towns and villages
are altered beyond recognition. Yet there is one part so
little changed that though for towering mast and spread
of canvas we have steel and steam, as travellers in bygone
days looked down upon it we now behold that matchless
Dartmouth harbour, set deep within its frame of hills, a
noble picture of sun and clouds and woods and sparkling
waves.

TWELVE MONTHS' NOTES ON BIRDS IN THE
SOUTH HAMS DISTRICT.

BY E. A. S. ELLIOT, M.R.C.S., M.B.O.U.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

There is no doubt the Wild Birds Preservation Act is
having some effect in increasing certain species of birds,
and whether these birds are of use to man or not is a moot
point. For instance, the Common Buzzard is largely
on the increase, which preys mainly on rabbits — now a
somewhat valuable asset to the tenant farmer, in spite
of what he may say to the contrary, for in some cases
I have known the rent paid by the sale of rabbits alone —
therefore it is not surprising to find that, in spite of this
increase, numbers of the birds are destroyed, as evidenced
by our local taxidermist having three of these birds in
hand at the same time during the winter. It is possible
some of these birds were migrants from the north, driven
south by the severity of the winter : let us hope so,
for a more interesting bird of prey to watch than a Buzzard
is hard to find, circling round and round in ever-widening
circles high over head in calm or storm, on the look-out
for the unsuspecting bunny* An interesting pheasant
was shot off a hedge close to the precincts of the town
last January, and was brought to me for identification.
It proved to be a cross between a Reeves's Pheasant and a
Chinese. A brief description of the plumage will show
this. There was a broad white stripe over the orbit on
each side, a broad white ring around the neck, the supra-
scapular feathers were broadly edged buff and the upper
tail-coverts buff, tipped with green, but the tail was
barred, characteristic of the species known as Hagen-
beckers. The tail was broadly barred and considerably
longer than in a common pheasant. The nearest place
where any Reeves's occurred in a wild state was six miles

606

TWELVE MONTHS' NOTES ON BIRDS

away, so that we may reasonably suppose the bird that
strayed was a female, as a male bird would have been
spotted and shot long before it got so far with its six-foot-
long tail. I would have liked to have said a word or two
upon the general subject of hybridism and its effect on
the origin of species, but the time at my disposal is too
short. I can only relate my experience with a friend of
mine. I was talking to a farmer once about hybridism
in fowls, but he evidently misunderstood me, for his
answer was, " Why, bless 'e, sir, there baint no high
breeds in fowls ; us only find they in the haristocracy."

A specimen of the White-eyed Duck was shot between
the quays at Kingsbridge the end of January. The
history of this duck is somewhat interesting, as only two
have ever been shot in the county before. This fresh-
water duck is a summer migrant to the South and Central
parts of Europe only, from Kashmir and Northern India,
and it is a rare occasional visitor to our Eastern Counties
in the spring months, while its appearance anywhere
in the West Country can only be regarded as accidental,
and it is singular that the only three instances of its
occurrence should have been in winter. These winter
occurrences of a duck which is, in general, only a summer
migrant from the far South, may be compared with the
appearance of the Red-footed Falcon, also a summer migrant
from the South, in the West of England in the winter
months, and are not a little puzzling. The scientific
name of the bird is somewhat interesting to trace, for the
first naturalist who described the bird in 1788 failed to
recognize the peculiar colour of the iris, and was struck
only by the rusty colour of its plumage, thus giving it
its specific name as that of Ferruginea, retaining the
generic title of Anas, thus placing it in the same genus
as the Wild Duck, with which it has no affinity whatever.
The generic name as now recognized, Nyroca, is an abortive
and Latinized name from the Russian name Ootna NyroJc,
which is equivalent to white eye. It is somewhat curious
that two of the rarest of the Anatidce that have ever
been obtained in the neighbourhood in the last forty
years have so narrowly escaped the fate of falling victims
to the cooking-pot. The first instance was that of a
Pink-footed Goose, and now this bird was ordained for
a Sunday dinner, but was rescued just in time, to " cast
its shadow on the rungs of fame, and leave its feathers

IN THE SOUTH HAMS DISTRICT.

607

to proclaim the same," rather than descend to the depths
of Avernus or the pot. At the end of February I was
brought a Scaup Duck which had been shot on Torcross
Ley. This bird must not be considered a rare bird in the
general acceptation of the word, as it occurs in countless
thousands at this time of the year off the East Coast, where
it finds abundant sustenance on the scalp (whence the
name) or mussel beds so frequently met with in the-Getwae-
^Ocean; It is incredible to what depths these birds dive
to obtain their food — various species of mollusca — speci-
mens of the bird having been tf ound in nets or crab-pots
as deep as thirty fathoms.. To enable the bird to keep
below the surface of the water for so long a period — often
exceeding five minutes — Nature has perfected a curious
yet wonderful means to an end, namely, a dilatation of
the windpipe capable of expansion, just before its en-
trance into the lungs, enabling the bird to store its supply
of air in the same way the ship of the desert does its
water. Again, this species is singularly tolerant of sound,
and it almost seems as if Nature in allowing the bird to
descend to such great depths had abrogated the bird's
hearing apparatus to a great extent, for many years ago
I came across a small flock of these duck feeding just
off the northern end of the Salt Stone, and on firing two
barrels into the flock, killed some, yet the others kept
on feeding as if nothing had happened, enabling the gun
to be charged twice more, until the whole flock were

secured. A wild-fowler has no inside.

May 5. I come in from the garden whilst the tragedy
is green in my memory. Sitting outside the greenhouse,
a bird glides swiftly over my head low down, with wings
fast closed, which I instantly recognize as a male Sparrow-
hawk ; its objective is evidently a few gardens below.
Yes ! there is a Blackbird singing in a small ash tree, oh,
so blithely, to his mate, no doubt sitting on a nest close
by, but in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, the songster
is dead and being carried over my head again to the
hungry progeny of the robber, whose blood I would
willingly have shed if I had been given the opportunity ;
but there ! the deepest feelings have the fewest words.

" All is hushed, and nothing that has life is visible during
tempestuous weather." Thus wrote a poet who was not
a naturalist, for only this morning (4 Nov., 1911), whilst
the gale was at its height, one was able to observe several

608

TWELVE MONTHS' NOTES ON BIRDS

birds of interest, never seen in the estuary except under
exigencies produced by a hurricane of wind and rain.
First one observed the common Estuarine Gull, the red-
legged, flying low close to the quay walls, seeking any
small bits of offal that might be floating from the moored
shipping ; one could almost touch them as they tried to
beat against the gale. Then out by High House Point
were seen an innumerable number of various species
of sea-gulls on the wing, because, as it was high tide,
they seemed not to know where to seek shelter. Numbers
of Great Black-backed Gulls and Lesser also were noticed,
rare visitors inland except during stormy weather, and,
above all, a common Skua, which very seldom enters our
estuaries, keeping well out to sea. The Skua family, four
in number, which occur on our coasts at certain seasons,
is an interesting one, but from exigencies of space we must
refer those interested to any text-book on Ornithology for
the reason. Their generic title, Stercorarius, will afford a
clue — it was an erroneous name given by Linnaeus. The
fact is, the Skuas chase the unfortunate Gulls on the wing
and make them disgorge their well-earned meal, and
catch the fish ere it reaches the water. Their beak is
quite raptorial in character. An interesting account is
given by Sir Walter Buller. He writes : "As is well
known, this bird usually subsists by plunder, pursuing
the Gulls and compelling them to disgorge their food.
Here, however, the conditions were changed, as I myself
had an opportunity of observing from the box-seat.
The Skua had alighted in a shallow beach stream, and was
ducking its body in the water, when a fine old Hawk
(Lucus gouldi), with hoary white plumage, suddenly ap-
peared from the sand-hills and swooped down upon this
intruder. The Skua, without making any show of re-
sistance, instantly disgorged from his crop the entire
body of a Diving Petrel. The Hawk, balancing himself
for a moment with outspread tail, dropped his long talons
into the stream, and clutched up his prey without wetting
a feather of his plumage, and then disappeared with it
among the sand-hills, while the terrified Skua hurried off,
only to be pursued again by the clamorous sea-gulls."

Far away swarmed in the sky are seen a huge flock of
wild-fowl, instantly recognized by their colour and flight,
which presently, after sundry wheelings, sought shelter
under the low cliffs of Decoy Pool. Not often is it vouch-

IN THE SOUTH HAMS DISTRICT.

609

safed to ordinary mortals to see such a collection of sea-
fowl in such a prescribed space, and only under such
conditions of weather is it possible.

There were an extraordinary number of wild-fowl
in the neighbourhood during the winter, notably the
Common Mallard. They mostly flocked in the lower
waters of the Avon, and very few were obtained on account
of their extreme wariness. There has been a great increase
of wood-pigeons in the South Hams this year, in spite
of organized shoots and epidemic disease (diphtheria) ;
so that Nature's apparent attempt to check any great
increase of this destructive species in ordaining the laying
of two eggs in a clutch is of no avail, especially when
we take into consideration that the bird often lays as
many as three clutches in a season, the first as early as
March, and the last as late as October.

On Sunday, 17 March, I noticed a great gathering of
Cormorants (P. carbo) high up in the estuary, over fifty
being counted. It was low tide at the time, and the birds
seemed restless, diving in the extremely shallow water
and coming up again every few seconds, and swimming
round and round each other. It requires little stretch
of the imagination to believe the birds were collected
for the purpose of pairing, the species being early breeders.
On 20 March all the birds had left for their breeding quarters.

Another interesting feature of the spring was the nest-
ing of a pair of Greater Spotted Woodpecker in the stump
of an old tree just opposite my bedroom window, which is
situated in a busy thoroughfare. The incessant tapping
of these birds in search of food often woke me at an un-
seemly hour of the morning. Once I had the curiosity
to try to time the strokes of their beak, and found it no
easy task, but it panned out at something like 350 strokes
a minute, and this with an interval of two seconds be-
tween each twelve or fifteen strokes. No wonder, then,
the muscles of the neck of this species are extremely
well developed. The strokes were so rapid as to be con-
stituted vibratory. A year or two ago a male bird was
brought me picked up dead in the same grounds.

In the same compound a pair of Stock Doves nested,
and the incessant shoo-shooing note of the male bird, even
before dawn, I found most irritating. One can put up
with the soft coo-coo of the Cushat Dove, but the other
note is absolutely distracting.

vol. xliv. 2 Q

610

TWELVE MONTHS' NOTES ON BIRDS.

May 17. On lifting the blind early this morning,
far away in the eastern horizon I noticed a bird which
even at that distance loomed large, and presently I identi-
fied it as a Peregrine Falcon, probably an old friend, as
in previous springs I have noticed this species as nesting
in our cliffs. And once I fired at one near its eyrie, and
missed, owing to the rolling of the boat ; but its mate
instantly dashed at me, and I only escaped a nasty scratch
by dodging behind the sail. One can always identify
a Peregrine or a Buzzard, no matter how far off, for the
former has an attenuate wing, the latter a rounded.

June 22. During the summer I have observed not only
one, but a pair, quartering the distant hills early in the
morning.

A LITTLE BIT OF GREAT TORRINGTON CHURCH
HISTORY IN THE TIME OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.

BY GEORGE M. DOE.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

For many years I have had in my commonplace book a
reference to some Chancery Proceedings in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth respecting a " Popish book " having
been used in the Parish Church of Great Torrington ; but
owing to a lack of opportunity and time I omitted to
hunt up or verify the reference at the fountain-head.
However, thanks to the kind offices of my friend Mrs.
Frances Rose-Troup, I have obtained a copy of the whole
of the evidence in the case, though, I am sorry to say,
there appears to be no record of what was ultimately
done in the matter, nor what sentence, if any, was passed
on the offender. The extracts are from Vol. CLXXIV of
the State Papers (Domestic), temp. Elizabeth.

The case is the more interesting from the fact that
the doings during the Commonwealth period and the few
years immediately preceding it, and which led up to that
great turning-point in English constitutional and religious
history, occupy so prominent a position in our country's
past career, that one is very apt to attach too little im-
portance to, and rather lose sight of, the earlier struggles
and incidents which were the immediate outcome of the
Reformation, and which played no little part in influencing
the course of later events.

The prejudice against anything savouring of " Popery "
was especially strong in the reign of Elizabeth, and notably
in the county of Devon, as so graphically portrayed
by Charles Kingsley, in his great Devonshire classic of
Westward Ho /

Another instance of this strong feeling is shown
in one of the earliest documents preserved in the Office

612 GREAT TORRINGTON CHURCH HISTORY

of the Clerk of the Peace for Devon, quoted by Mr. A. H. A.
Hamilton in his Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to
Queen Anne. It is a letter from the Lords of the Council to
the Justices of Devon of the 20th October, 1592, respecting
the taking of the necessary oaths by all Justices of the
county, and the reporting to the Lord Keeper of those
refusing to do so. The real cause of this order, in Mr.
Hamilton's opinion, was the activity of the Government
against " recusants," in proof of which he quotes from it
as follows : " That divers persons doe occupy the offyces
of Justice of the Peace whoe doe not repayer to there
churche or chappell accustomed, or upon reasonable
lett thereof to some other place where common prayer is
used and accustomed for divine servyce, or whose wyves
lyvinge with their husband, or sonnes and heyres lyvinge
in there houses or within that county where there fathers
doe dwell are known to refuse to come to the churche,
contrary to the statutes in that behalffe made. A matter
not agreable with the vocacon of any that ought to en-
quyer of such offenders, and to reforme the same."

Without further preamble I will give the whole story of
the happening in Great Torrington Church in the words of
the various witnesses taken down at the time, and now
kindly transcribed for me by Mrs. Rose-Troup : —

STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, ELIZABETH.
VOL. CLXXIV. No. 59.

The confession of Alexander Barry taken before S r Richarde
Greynvile knight, and Barnard Drake esquier the xxvi th
daie of December in the xxvj th yere of the raigne of o r
soveraigne ladie Elizabeth the queenis ma tle that nowe is,
as followeth

Imprimis the said Alexander Barry saith that on yesterdaie
beinge Christes day, he beeing at mornyng praier in the churche
of great Torrington, & sittinge by a servant of one M r Chapell,
named William Edmondes, did see in the handes of the said
Edmondes a little booke, to whome the said Barry said, I
pray you, what booke have yow, and the said Barry praied
hym to loane it, that he might pvse it. The said Edmondes
answered it is a Cathechisme. and delyvered hym the booke,
wherof the said Barry pervsed & read a litell pt, and pceived
that it contayned popishe doctryne, Then the said
after a litell while praide the said Barry to delyver
booke agayne. The said Barry

IN THE TIME OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.

613

delyver it, because it contayned matters against the queenes
proceadinges. Then said Edmondes yo w will not vse me so,
I pray yo w delyver me my booke. The. said Barry answered
yo w shall not have it before I pervse it better & afterwards
it may be yo w shall have it. Then said Edmondes, what is
yo r name ? Barry answered, my name is Barry. And forth-
with the said Edmondes tourned himself to one whome some
call Hufry B/eynoldes, servant to M r Anthony Coplestone, &
whispered w th him, And when he had done, the said Barry
asked him what his name was, and he answered, Hollaway,
And ymmediatlie he denyed it and said (as nere as the said
Barry doth remember) that he was called William Edmondes,
And praied the said Barry if ever he would doe any thinge for
hym, that he woulde delyver hym the booke againe. ffor (said
he) I brought the booke from M r Coplestons, and I toke it
vppe in his house to have it in my hand at the churche, when
I came forth w th my maister, and I shall have displeasure if
I have not the booke againe. The said Barry willed him to be
content and said to him, the more he stirred the worsse it
should be for him, wherat the said Edmondes did fetche a
sigh, and spake no more for the booke. Then the said Barry
went home to his house, and pervsed the title & some <pt of
the contentes of the booke aforesaid, and <pceived it to be
a popishe Cathechisme, sett forth by one namyng hym self
in the booke, Laurence Vaux, batcheler of divynyty ; he sett
one to writ owt the title therof , and in the meane tyme he went
agayne to the churche and gave the maior of Torrimgtom in-
formacion of the said booke, declaring to hym of whom he
received it, and a litell after Barry de<pted and went home to
his howse. And further the said Barry saith, that he shortly
after being sent for by the said maior went vnto hym, And
delyvred to hym the said Booke. At w ch tyme the said maior
told him, that he had talked w th M r Chapell, and had taken
order that his man should be forth comyng.

It. further the w th in named Barry saith, that in the after-
noone of the same daye, he was sent for to come before the
fforesaid maior of Torrington At w ch tyme were ,psent diverse
of his brethren the Alderman, and M r Anthony Copleston,
and M r Chapell. And the said Barry being demaunded by the
said maior touching his receiving of the said booke, and meetinge
w* the said Edmondes : made answere to all thinges as before
specified in that behalf, ffurther the said Barry saith that
at the same tyme, the said M r Copleston said, that he thought
the said Edmondes could scarce read, and that he thought
he was not of any religion, but was an arrant knave, and a
vile cutter as might be, and had mysvsed his maister diverse
tymes And therfore did mervaile that his sone yn lawe did
keepe hym so long as he did. And that his sone in lawe the

614 GREAT TORRINGTON CHURCH HISTORY

same daie after his comyng home from the churche, willed
him to putt of his coat, for he would be ridd of him and not
keepe hym any longer. To whome the said Edmondes answered
that he could not take his coat from hym, but if there were
a cognisaunce on it, he might take that away.

ffurther the said Barry saith that as he was then rehearsing
some <pt of the contentes of the said book, The said M r Copleston
said touching the seven sacramentes (w 011 was then rehearsed
to be mentioned of in the saide booke) That thoughe there
were but twoo, in specie, yet the other were sacraments, and
had their misteries and sygnyfications. As matrymony did
expresse the vnitie betwixt Christ and his churche, And
further he said that the only having of the booke was no
offence, ffor a divyne mighte have a papistes booke to answere
and confute the booke

The examenacon of me Thomas Chapell seayinge howe I
towecke W m Edmondes in to my servis in Candalmasterme
laste paste and howe that one M r Porter a grosser in chepe
side did comende to me the said Edmones and gove me his
worde howe that hee shoulde bee of good bee havioure and I
shoulde geve the sayde Edmones for his yeres servaes xl s and
two Liveries and as fare as I knowe hee is a barcke shere
man but to saye sertentie I cannot tell where hee was boren
and farder M r Meare of Torrenton did sertifie mee that hee
was informed that the sayde Edmones hade a papest booke,
but bee cause hee had not at that present no seight of itt,
he could not tell what to seaye to itt, and vppon M r Meares
Wordes I examened the sayde Edmones what boocke hee
hade at the Chourche hee answered me that hee hade a cathe-
cisme, but to what effecte it was of he coulde not tell, but hee
conff essed that Mr Anthonie Coplestons Clerke called Homfrae
Raynoldes had rede some parte of the boocke w ch knewe more
of it than hee did And vppon Demande of the sayd Reynold
whether he hade rede anie parte of the cathecisme confessed
that hee had rede a matter, w ch as tovchinge no other thinges
hee seaythe hee did reayd anie for that I did not knowe seaurlie
whether it were a navstye booke that hee hade hime to
the churche or no for that I never sawe itt, nor anie man
coulde sertifie mee to bee trewe at the fearste, I called the
sayde Edmones vnto me and showed hime that my Lyverie
should not bee warren by anie suche, and caused hime to put
of his cote, and come to answer his Doings hime selfe bee fore

By me Alexander Barry.

Vol. CLXXIV. No. 60.

26 th of Desember 1583.

IN THE TIME OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.

615

the meare of Torrinton Edmones had folloed mee thether
but hee did not & then I retourninge from the Churche asked
for Edmondes hee coulde nott bee founde, and then the Meayre
of Torrenton sente his presepte to the Counstabell of the
parresh to serche for hime, but hee coulde not bee founde,
the foresayd Edmondes as fare as I knowe coulde not reade
when hee came to mee but mowe hee doeth reade onlie for the
sayde cathechisme, the sayde Edmondes did confesse that hee
broughte itt from London hime.

The examinacon of Humffrey Reynoldes taken befor S r
Richard Grendfild knight & Bernard Drake esquier the
xxvj th of Deceber 1583.

Imp r mis he saith that aboute ij monthes sithence he came
into <pvice w th M r Anthonie Copleston, and was lodged with
Willm Edmondes M r Chapelles ma, whome he founde frendlie
vnto him. This Edmondes had a booke w ch he toke to reade &
first beganne to reade at the beginninge & then torned to the
place where it is w r ten of the seven sacram te w ch he rede & then
said to Edmondes that he thought the booke to be naught, but
he saith he nefl told any man of the said booke. One Christes
daie last W m Edmondes havinge the booke in his hand at the
church Barrie toke & pvsed the same, wherof W m Edmondes
semed to the examen d to be greved but he could not gett
the booke againe and then said that he would tell his M r of it &
so they went home. After dinS M r Chapell called his man &
bid him put of his liflie And then the said Edmondes told this
examined that he feared lest that he shuld haue trouble for the
booke and therfor he would shift for him selfe & desired this
examined to bring him goinge where he went w* him that
night to Beford & the next morning brought him three miles
farther in his waie towardes Exeter, whether he said he would
go & he desired this ex d to gather his apparele that he had left
behinde, & to kepe hit for him in this examineds chest and so
this ex d he retorned back to his M ra againe

(signed)

Thomas Chapelle.

Vol. CLXXIV. No. 61.

<p me Humfredfl B/einoldii.

"THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE."

Some General Reflections.

BY ARTHUR R. HUNT, F.L.S., F.G.S.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

In this Jubilee Year of the Devonshire Association for
the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art, retro-
spection is perhaps a pardonable weakness ; and with
some the backward glance may occasionally be^ that of
some laudator temporis acti, though such a person is not
likely to commend himself or herself to this self-satisfied
twentieth century.

As an Association our own most backward glance
takes us only to the year 1862, a year which to all intents
and purposes lands us in pre-Darwinian times ; for in
that year the Darwinian theory, not yet three years
old, had made but little impression on scientific thought,
at any rate in the provinces. My own active and recorded
interest in science reaches back to Monday, 7 February,
1859; as an old school notebook reminds me that "I
saw the planet Venus as a half -crescent at 7.10 a.m.," and
"in the afternoon went to Mr. Pengelly's lecture on
Astronomy at 2.30." Next Monday, the 14th, I record
going to hear Mr. Pengelly, but hearing a Mr. Saville
instead, which I lament as " a great sell." On Monday,
21st, I played rounders, " went to Mr. Pengelly's lecture,"
and record the death of a schoolfellow's tortoise ! On
1 March I " went to the great quarry at Anstey's Cove."
On the 3rd " took a candle and went down the cavern at
Babbicombe." On the 5th " went to Barton Quarry in
the afternoon." On the 27th three schoolfellows went to
Kent's Cavern. On 1 April bought sulphuric acid for
making hydrogen, but did not succeed. On the 2nd
" bought some more S. Acid and Zinc, and succeeded to
perfection with the Hydrogen." After many boyish notes

"THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE." 617

of games and birds' nests the diary concludes : " Exeter,
May 30th, good and exciting match, drawn, 5 runs second
innings."

I had forgotten the caverns, quarries, birds' nests, and
lectures, but that cricket match with Exeter is burnt,
as with a red-hot iron, on my memory. Oh, the schoolboy
agony of having to keep up the last wicket for the future
Head Master of Newton College to try to make the runs,
or play out time ! That is my remembrance, though
possibly it was not the last wicket. We were but a
school of about twenty, an occasional master, old boys,
and our professional, Charles Bentley. But Exeter did
not beat us that hard-fought day.

My object in citing these almost childish records is
partly to illustrate the hero-worship of our founder in
science, William Pengelly. The boys were clearly attracted
by science, and the grief is great when Pengelly's place is
taken by some other lecturer.

Among other embryological science I may record the
purchase on 23 February of half pound hyposulphite
soda and half ounce nitrate silver ; and on 5 March the
printing (by contact) of some lace collars. These photo-
graphic experiments were doubtless initiated by the pre-
sent Lord Rayleigh, whom I immortalize in the following
note : " Feb. 25th. In the morning had jumping in the
field. Strutt and Townsend jumped best ; strained my
ankle a little, which hindered my jumping as well as I
ought." " Townsend," the Rev. George Townsend Warner,
Head Master of Newton, was always a leader ; and the
Hon. J. W. Strutt, the present Baron Rayleigh, o.m.,
has certainly " jumped " high and far since that morning
fifty-three years ago in the playground. I think my
own career was equally well indicated. I tried to jump,
but strained my ankle !

It may be interesting to note that the future Chairman
of the Explosives Committee, or Commission, made some
very potent guncotton at school, which, being exploded
in a small cannon, blew out the candle ; enter the Head
Master, etc. etc. Cannon goes out of the window.

Among other occupations incidentally mentioned in
the diary is that of turning at home with a turning-lathe.
We thus see that the school and home life was pleasantly
varied by chemistry, photography, astronomy, geology,
cave-exploration, and ornithology ; in addition to music

618

"THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE."

and water-colour drawing taught in school hours, and to
wood- and metal-turning at home.

It will have been noted that these schoolboys occasionally
gave up their afternoon playtime to attend scientific
lectures ; and that, although no science was taught in
the school, as such, there was a very practical interest
evinced in various branches of research.

This general interest in science was probably partly
due to the celebrity of Kent's Cavern, and to the stimu-
lating influence of such a man as Mr. W. Pengelly in the
town. Science, as expounded and unfolded by Pengelly,
was a sort of intellectual luxury. The audience were
almost invariably led step by step up to the scientific
frontier, to peer into the unknown, and wish they could
discover just the next step. That, of course, is the essence
of the spirit of research, and, when properly developed,
it is the true and hot the spurious scientific imagination ;
the trying to picture to oneself and realize things which
really exist, which differ entirely from things which exist
only in the imagination.

In my endeavour to string together some of the valuable
pearls of an intensely interesting scientific period, I must
unfortunately make use of the unworthy thread of my
own trivial experiences, but happily pearls do not depend
for their value on their invisible connecting fibre, what-
ever that may be, though lacking the fibre they may be
lost.

My little school diary, from 5 February to 30 May,
1859, was written in one of those absolute calms which
may precede the hurricane, and which in this case did
so, as in the following October the first issue of the Origin
of Species appeared ; and I may say that of that first
issue of 1859 (not only the first edition of 1860) the Torquay
Natural History Society procured a copy. This, no doubt,
owing to the fact that Pengelly was in the very forefront
of intellectual activity in the scientific world. The Origin
seemed to burst as a dynamite bomb on the world in
general, and to give rise to an extraordinary ebullition
of bad manners ; not so in the small scientific
circles of Torquay, which then for already twenty-five
years had been pondering over the evidences in their
midst of the great antiquity of man. Why, even some
members of that very strict society the Plymouth
Brethren had been driven out of their fortress of the six

" THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE."

619

days' creation, and the recent appearance of man. I
remember a few years later, when Pengelly found the
bone needle in Kent's Cavern, joking a relative with the
thrust, " You can't get over that needle and its eye ;
that was made by man," the ready retort came, " They
were not the same little men " ! The flint implements
had long convinced a few specialists that man had lived
untold ages before the so-called Adamic period, and the
bone needles and barbed fish-spears only served to con-
firm the flint tools to the specialists, and to convince a
wider class of doubters. And here let us not fall into the
common error of deriding the doubters. The otitis probandi
lay on those who preached the new doctrines, contrary to
all received scientific axioms, and they were doctrines
which required proving up to the hilt. I remember
hearing my first intimation of evolution, which came, I
think, incidentally in a lecture by Pengelly to the Torquay
Natural History Society. It struck me as rather absurd,
but not so very unorthodox when referred to Kent's
Cavern, and the antiquity of man. Professor Huxley
took up the new doctrine wildly, but his advocacy was
much less convincing to the non-scientific world than
the more comprehensible evidence of the caves. The
facts of the caves you can see and handle, but no one but
an anatomist can judge of " the great Hippocampus
question," which so greatly excited Huxley and his
followers. Scientific scepticism is one of the greatest
safeguards of science, and that man is wise who refuses
to accept unconditionally the dogmatic teaching of any
scientist, whether it be a Dalton, with his atomic theory,
or a Kelvin discoursing on the origin of granite. There
is much sound sense in the reply of the naturalist, when
the fiend threatened to eat him up, "Hoofs and horns :
don't believe a word of it." If not competent to form an
independent judgment there is, however, much safety
in the caution, " Believe nothing that you hear, and only
half what you see." The latter warning is eminently ap-
plicable, for instance, to the elusive appearances of waves.

Before proceeding further it may be as well to consider
what were some of the principles taught and acted on
by scientific workers for the advancement of science
in the fifties and sixties of the nineteenth century.

(1) The Advancement of Science is entirely distinct from
the diffusion of knowledge. For instance, the Society for

620

"THE advancement of science."

(

the Promotion of Christian Knowledge desires to increase
the general knowledge of known and accepted doctrines. It
has no intention of discovering some new gospel. Scientific
men, as their name implies, seek to make or create new
knowledge, to advance knowledge, and not merely to dis-
seminate it.

(2) Carefully ascertained facts are of transcendental import-
ance. " No fact is unimportant."

(3) The giving of opinions should be avoided. " We want to
hear what Mr. X. knows, not what he thinks."

(4) The making of private natural history collections, except
for special study, is undesirable.

(5) The knowledge of important facts is a trust for science.
The possessor of such facts should " give them to the world,"
and thus free himself from responsibility for them.

(6) In writing papers, a previous fellow-worker must not be
ignored.

If agreed with, he should be given the honour of priority ; if
disagreed with, he should be paid the compliment of a state-
ment of the reasons for disagreement*

(7) Science pursued for practical advantage and, above all,
for private gain, must be viewed with distrust. Great gain will
come from science, but that must not be the primary motive of
the votary of the temple of science. He must seek no reward
or recompense.

(8) As members of one brotherhood, with a common object,
every worker must be ready to assist his fellow; it being
always a point of honour to observe the rights of priority in
discovery or publication.

These were some of the rules which I learned either
by direct teaching, or by observation, though, for nearly
twenty years after I first, as a boy, became acquainted
with Pengelly in the schoolroom, they did not concern
me personally. My interest in science was that entirely
of an outsider, and it was not until the year 1873 that
I submitted my first attempt at work to the Devonshire
Association. Then, and ever since, I have striven to
follow these rules and act on these principles, believing
them to be right. During the seventies I was a collector
and sifter of facts, which I prepared as best I could, and
" gave them to the world " for the service of other workers.
A strange medley indeed they were — coins ^ sea-hares,
notes on Torbay, cave-explorations. Indeed, during
the seventies and eighties, I avoided as far as possible

"THE advancement of science." 621

transgressing Rule (3) by offering opinions or forming
conclusions.

When my work was flouted and ridiculed by those who
recognized not Rules (6) and (8), I further developed on
my own account Rule (3) as to opinions. I determined
to take a hint from the practice of the law, and to treat
all my scientific subjects as clients, in whose causes I
thoroughly believed, and therefore to argue their cases
and defend them in entire detachment from any personal
gain or satisfaction I might enjoy from their success.
I do not know whether any worker has ever tried this
simple device, but it has the merit of making the student
absolutely and genuinely indifferent to personal attack !
If I felt I had done the best I could for my clients, the
Waves, the Devonian Schists, the Channel Rocks, or
the Granites, personal attack became really so great an
amusement that it was not entirely devoid of pleasure.
For instance, the following municipal stricture gave me
unalloyed delight. I may premise that a Town Council
were determined upon a scheme which I thought disloyal
to the burgesses, so I opposed it. A supporter of the scheme
at a Chamber of Commerce dinner referred to me in the
following terms : —

" I know we shall hear the big drum calling up the opposition.
The very mention of 4 progress ' calls forth from the wilderness
of his discontent the dear old Jeremiah sitting under his juniper
tree [sic]. But Jeremiahs or no Jeremiahs, the Council must
stiffen its back and go forward. Let us proceed with health
and happiness and add a thousandfold to the prosperity of our
fellow-burgesses, and leave the dear old carping critic crawling
on his carping criticism."

This was published in a local paper.

The next point I desire to emphasize is this : My eight
rules of scientific practice were generally observed in the
pre-Darwinian days, and Darwin himself was eminently
a type of the old school of workers ; but, together with
the storm that the doctrine of evolution raised, the old
rules went by the board, except in certain provincial
backwaters where they have continued to the present
day.

These rules not only fell into disuse, but they were
some of them openly challenged and repudiated. At the *
same time all sense of a common brotherhood was lost.

622 "THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE."

Now with respect to the important Rule (7), as to the
disinterested motives of the true lover of science, we
have an almost incredible official rejection of it in the
address delivered to the Chemical Section at the Glasgow
Meeting of the British Association in 1901.

The President therein declares that —

" In order that the academic world may attract the ablest
men of ambition, as well as that rara avis the able enthusiast,
it is necessary that the highest prizes for academic distinction
should carry similar social prestige, similar remuneration, and
similar opportunities of exerting public influence as are enjoyed
by the leaders of other professional callings ; they should be
at least equal to those of the Archbishop of Canterbury or of
the Lord Chancellor/'

Observe, these great rewards are to be conferred, not
for success in after life, but for academic distinction.
The great gifts of inventiveness and of the spirit of re-
search are to be obtained by bribes. A somewhat analogous
case comes to mind in St. Peter's scathing condemnation,
" Thy money perish with thee, because thou hast thought
that the gift of God may be purchased with money."
Of one thing, I think, we may be sure, viz., that such de-
votion as was shown by Mr. Pengelly's almost daily visit
to Kent's Cavern for sixteen years could not be secured
by £15,000 a year and a dukedom. However, Pengelly
got his reward. The usual prophet's reward — nothing at
all — not even one of the doctor's degrees which fall around
like autumn leaves.

I once observed to a Cambridge professor that Pengelly
ought to have an honorary degree. He replied that, if
so, it ought to come from Oxford. However, perhaps the
absence is now an almost equal distinction.

I was once much amused with the reply of one of the
world's great men who had more foreign degrees than
he could reckon, "It is not so much the degree itself; it
is the going for it that is the mischief ! " That man was
amusingly devoid of self-seeking and ambition. He
quite gave me the impression that a degree of itself could
not seriously inconvenience him, but to have to go for
it, which he would have to do lest he should give offence,
that was the difficulty.

Now I desire to examine another point, viz., How did
the old practice, and how does the new practice, re-
spectively affect the Advancement of Science ?

"THE advancement of science." 623

The old practice among scientific workers was to spare
no pains in testing alleged facts, in every possible way ;
and one of these ways was candid criticism.

On reference to the Guide to the Reports of our Associa-
tion I learn that Pengelly wrote no less than eight purely
critical papers, entitled "Notes on Slips connected
with Devonshire," and thirteen papers entitled "Notes
on Recent Notices of the Geology and Palaeontology of
Devonshire," making no less than twenty-one critical
and corrective reviews of published works. Now I can,
from personal experience, vouch for the value of such
criticism in making authors careful to be exact. Not a
single line did I publish in our Transactions without the
consciousness of Pengelly's wholesome lash, as well as
invaluable correction. On the one occasion when my
revered master fell upon one of my " Channel Notes "
rather severely, I felt it was the end of all my work unless
I could justify myself. I replied in a separate paper with
all the severity of despair. We were constantly meeting,
but no allusion had been made to this public battle royal,
until Pengelly one day curtly and incidentally referred
to the situation as follows : " I have a right to a rejoinder,
but I intend to let the matter drop." I almost wish that
members of this Association would glance over this
" Reply to a Recent Critique," etc., in our volume for
1883, now nearly thirty years old, and realize Pengelly's
magnanimity. Mine was an unsparing defence, by way
of counter-attack, and Pengelly, with his wonderful
dialectical skill, could have made an equally scathing
rejoinder. I doubt whether there is one man in a thousand
in the position of a distinguished master with an obscure
pupil, who would not only have refrained from a retort,
but have gone so far as to inform his opponent of his
intention so to do. Pengelly retired from that contest,
leaving himself quoted in parallel columns in the Trans-
actions of his beloved Devonshire Association silent. No
one can say he considered a rejoinder beneath his notice.
He announced that he forwent his undoubted right to reply.

No doubt the practice of cajidid criticism has been
carried to unusual lengths in our Association, but I do
not know of a single instance in which offence has been
caused. In my own case my only regret is that my friends
have dealt so tenderly with me, or shall I say with my
clients !

624

THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE.

In the old days and under the old practice, I used to
think that the maxim was right, " Magna est Veritas, et
prcevalebit," but when I reflect on the absolute failure of
Pengelly himself in even securing the acceptance of the
simple facts as to Kent's Cavern, on which he was the
sole authority, I must sorrowfully admit that the ultimate
victory of truth may be long postponed indeed. In the
present day, with its impatience of criticism, I fear that
truth in many cases will be hopelessly defeated.

A recent instance of confusion will serve to illustrate
my meaning.

A few years ago I was asked by a lady, as often before,
to recommend some simple introduction to geology.
I found what seemed what was wanted in the advertise-
ment of a new shilling geological primer. It was not issued
for about a year, when I bought it at once. On perusal,
I found that many of the old received doctrines and
technical terms had been abandoned, or varied, without
comment ; among them the fundamental term " Second-
ary.'' Now the term secondary is one of Lyell's major
time-divisions for all rocks, including all strata from Trias
to Cretaceous. A " secondary " rock is some rock between
those two inclusive.

But in Petrology the term "secondary" is " applied to
minerals which are derived from the alteration in situ
of the original constituents of a rock " (Teall, Brit. Petro-
graphy, p. 447). There has been no confusion between
these two different uses of the term " secondary." When
I examined the new primer I found that the author stated
that " secondary rocks are those which have been formed
by the destruction of the primary rocks and the re-
disposition of their material." This is an entirely new
definition of " secondary," because a secondary mineral is
formed in situ without the destruction of the original rock.

There were several other equally important lapses
from accepted doctrines, and I could not possibly advise
my friend to trust to such teaching ; or, rather, I felt that
I could not explain it, if asked to do so. In sending a
reprint of my last year's paper to a leading geologist,
I took the opportunity of mentioning my regret as to the
primer in question. He replied : —

" In your letter you speak of X. in a disparaging manner
because he has said that ' secondary rocks ' are derived from

"the advancement of science." 625

primary crystalline rocks. Surely he means, what has often
been said, that all rocks of secondary or mechanical formation
have been ultimately derived from crystalline rocks."

But here is the exact point at issue — LyelTs " primary "
division included all strata from the Permian to the
Laurentian, and did not refer especially to crystalline
rocks. John Phillips, long before, had written: —

" With the cretaceous system ends the long series of deposits
which are, by general consent, ranked as strata of the secondary
periods of geology " {Treatise on Geology, Vol. I, p. 229).

Besides all this, it is not a fact that secondary strata
are necessarily derived from primary, or even from crys-
talline rocks. There was plenty of secondary denudation
and deposition, and chalks and other lime rocks are also
largely of contemporaneous organic origin.

In a text-book of geology, published late in 1910,
written by Messrs. Lake and Restall, with a preface
by my friend Dr. Marr, I read as follows : —

" Classification of the stratified rocks. . . . According to the
scheme which is usually adopted, the groups and systems are
as follows (in descending order) : Groups, Kainozoic or ter-
tiary, Mesozoic or secondary, Palaeozoic or primary, pre-
Cambrian or Archaean " (loc. cit., pp. 285, 286).

There is apparently no suggestion that a secondary
rock has any necessary relation to a primary rock, except
in age ; and no relation at all to a crystalline rock. The
shilling text-book in question is undated, but is quite
recent, and is, as I have shown, at variance with a con-
temporaneous text-book of even greater pretensions,
to judge by the price, 16s.

I respectfully submit that if an introductory primer
diverges materially from received geological doctrines,
the fact may be justifiably commented upon without
the critic being taxed with speaking "in a disparaging
manner " of the author ! I will just note one more dis-
crepancy, among many. The shilling primer asserts,
" Conglomerate and breccia are cemented gravel or
pebble beds."

Lake and Restall say, " If the fragments are rounded,
the resulting rock is called a conglomerate, and if angular,
a breccia.' ' This is a well-recognized distinction. Thus,
no breccia can be formed either of cemented gravel or

vol. xliv. 2 R

626 "the advancement of science."

pebbles. All the modern looseness of diction and of
thought is diametrically opposed to the painful strivings
of our geological fathers after accuracy of thought and
accuracy of diction ; and, above all, after accuracy of
fact.

After perusing the proofs of my last year's paper on
"Modern Science and Wave- Action," I appended a
postscript to the effect that I foresaw that it would
be misunderstood. The comments of the above-cited
correspondent in acknowledging receipt of reprint are
so valuable and important as indicating the change of
practice and thought in geological science during the
past fifty years that I have pleasure in citing it. I am
sincerely grateful to the writer for his explicit candour.

" Your girding at professional men is useless and nonsensical,
for there is no truth in your accusations. What you do not see
is that the standard of geological work has risen greatly since
you and I were young. No doubt the professionals have set the
pace, but the papers, both of profs, and amateurs, are now
much more thorough than they used to be, and quite right too.

" You say you will continue to ' press your argument until
publicly refuted/ I could refute it crushingly, if it was worth
while spending my time over it, but it is not, and I do not
suppose anyone else will think so either. You are like Don
Quixote tilting at a windmill, and only succeed in making
yourself ridiculous, and in impressing the idea on outsiders that
there is something very unjust and wrong in the geological
world.

" Now I have eased my mind, and have really nothing more
to say on the matter.

This is precisely the sort of misunderstanding I an-
ticipated by my postscript, but it is far more explicit
than I could have hoped for. I only regret my corre-
spondent had " nothing more to say " !

On referring to my paragraph last year, commencing
" Professionalism is the same all the world over," etc.,
I wrote those words with the knowledge that, a professional
man myself, I should be probably addressing professional
men — engineers, barristers, solicitors, and medical men.
I believe most sincerely that in science professionalism
and professorialism may be real dangers.

Yours truly,

"the advancement of science. " 627

Professor Huxley was fully conscious of this danger,
as is well shown in the following note in his Life and
Letters, Vol. II, p. 312, viz. :—

" As for a government by professors only " (he writes in The
Times of 6 Dec, 1892), "the fact of their being specialists
is against them. Most of them are broad-minded, practical
men ; some are good administrators. But, unfortunately,
there is among them, as in other professions, a fair sprinkling
of one-idea'd fanatics, ignorant of the commonest conventions
of official relation, and content with nothing if they cannot
get their own way. It is these persons who, with the very
highest and purest intentions, would ruin any administrative
body unless they were counterpoised by non-professional,
common-sense members of recognized weight and authority in
the conduct of affairs/'

This is, I think, far too severe condemnation — ignorant,
one-idea'd fanatics !

However, Professor Huxley here covers rather different
ground. My contention is that it is the conditions abso-
lutely inseparable from professionalism which create
the danger. It is really simply this, viz., that scientific
inquiry demands both individual and co-operative work,
with constant sifting of facts, correcting of errors, and
checking of results. But the moment a man sets himself
up as an authoritative teacher, or claims to be a professional
expert, such a man cannot possibly readily accept contra-
diction from a pupil, or brook dissent from a layman,
or, indeed, any dissent at all. Per contra, in this age of
specialization, professionalism in science has become more
and more necessary. All I can do is to point out that there
are certain rocks to be avoided if the Advancement of
Science is the object in view.

Ever since my own anxious schoolboy innings against
the Exeter Cricket Club in 1859 I have been constantly
playing all sorts of matches, both private, team, and club,
in all sorts of competitions ; and have for the last year
been captain of a rifle team, shooting matches with all
sorts of clubs. It is probably for this reason that I have
often felt so keenly the post-Darwinian lack of the old
esprit du corps in scientific circles. I cannot imagine,
for instance, one member of any team saying to another,
" I see the mistake you are making, but it is not worth
my while to correct you, and I do not think anyone else
will think so either." That, however, is constantly done

628 "the advancement of science."

in science, in one form or other. But it was not so in the
olden days, nor have we ever had a suspicion of it in our
own Association.

This neglect of correcting a fellow-student is not usually
prompted by unkindness, but perhaps rather by the idea
of not interfering in other men's work, or of appearing
unfriendly. The following is an interesting case. In
my paper read at Launceston I incidentally stated that
Mr. F. W. Clarke, in his Data of Geochemistry, cited
Mr. J. H. Collins, f.g.s., for tin " as a cement in certain
Cornish conglomerates, and as an impregnation in long-
buried horns of deer." My authority is Mr. Clarke, Data
of Geochemistry, p. 592. Mr. Clarke cites two papers in
the Mineralogical Magazine by Mr. Collins.

A very friendly expert correspondent, in replying to my
enclosure of a reprint, most kindly mentioned that the
occurrence of tin in certain deer's horns had been dis-
proved, but this was to be only a friendly hint, and not
for publication. This put me into an awkward position,
as having published it as a fact in my paper. Subse-
quently, in acknowledging receipt of Mr. Collins' book
On the West of England Mining Region, in which the author
refers to the permeation of deer's antlers with tin as an
undoubted fact, I ventured to say in general terms that
the occurrence of tin in deer's horns had been disputed.
I counted, and rightly, on Mr. Collins being a West-country-
man and not taking offence. I venture to quote a passage
from his reply : " You need not withdraw the cassiterite
statement ; they failed to find tin in the British Museum
specimen, and assumed there was none in the Penzance
specimen which I analysed." This accounts for it all !
Geologists seemed quite content to leave this question
under the cloud of uncertainty ; but it is really a most
important one, as bearing on the recent deposit of tin-
stone from cold solution. The same sort of thing occurs
with Australian precious opal which I have seen permeating
bones, though I am not sure as to their ages. The special
interest, as regards the tinstone, lies in the fact that cassi-
terite is also crystallized from vapour at a very high
temperature.

Let me hasten to say that in this case the authorities
applied to gave me all the information in their possession
to clear up my doubt. I certainly proved an alibi for
Mr. Collins' Penzance specimen. My fellow-students will

"the advancement of science." 629

understand what a needless amount of correspondence
was caused by the evidence of the deer's horns not having
been challenged in public, and the question settled when
it first arose. The case, as it remains at present, seems
to be that Mr. Collins, a mining expert and ore analyst,
vouches for the occurrence of tinstone in certain deer's
horns at Penzance, and that someone else, to me unknown,
has stated, with no doubt equal truth, that there is no tin
in certain deer's horns in the British Museum. That is
modern science all over, but it is as old as the time of
Gashmu the Arabian, e.g., " It is reported among the
heathen, and Gashmu saith it " !

My above-cited critical correspondent suggests that
I have only succeeded in impressing on outsiders that
there is something very unjust and wrong in the geological
world. There is no suggestion of injustice, but I only
wish I could impress on insiders as well as outsiders that
there is or was something radically wrong. I am sure of it.
I have probably enjoyed very exceptional opportunities
of forming an unbiassed judgment, owing to the fact
that I joined both the Geological Society and the British
Association without the remotest intention of being an
active worker with either, viz., in 1870 and 1877 respec-
tively. The meeting of the British Association in that
year was at Plymouth, where a distinguished member
of Section A (president of that section three years later)
proposed my spending the few days of the meeting
together with him, and Pengelly was president of
Section C.

Being thus on very intimate terms with acknowledged
leaders of science, I did not feel at all overawed by the
general run of British scientists, and indeed, next year at
Dublin, Pengelly pointed out to me sundry of the leading
men, often with a dry comment on their idiosyncrasies.
One, he declared, always looked the wisest man he had
ever seen. Another was remarkable for his skill in beating
a retreat when forced to do so, a very charming and emi-
nent man too. Further, before I submitted a line to that
Association, I had been admitted a member of its General
Committee for approved scientific publications, this
being the qualification. I had thus already received
far more recognition than I had ever dreamed of, before
attempting work for the Association. Thus, whether
fellow-workers agreed or whether they dissented, did not

630

THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE.

trouble me in the least. I was indeed, thirty years ago,
rather by way of being a critic of the Association's methods
than a suppliant for its recognition. Now what I very
soon noticed was this : There seemed a very irritable
spirit pervading scientific circles, and an entire absence
of the general good-fellowship to which we were accustomed
in Devonshire. Men spoke unkindly of rivals, and there
seemed a good deal of cliquism. I remember, on the
occasion of the visit to the Cresswell Caves in 1879 (in
which I, as a cave-worker, was, of course, much interested),
that in one of the caves I spoke to a distinguished flint
implement specialist. He seemed disposed to freeze me
up ! He might be good at implements, but I knew a
deal more of practical cave-exploration than he ever did.
There was the curious spirit apparent in one set of scientists,
similar to that of Punch's coal-heavers, " 'Ere's a stranger,
let us 'eave 'alf a brick at 'im." Later on, when the
half-bricks came my way, I was quite ready to return
whole bricks. This, to me, previously unheard-of scientific
unfriendliness was many years afterwards fully accounted
for in Huxley's Life arid Letters, which to me came as a
great revelation. Science had begun to look down upon
outsiders, whereas science had formerly always been famed
for its humility. This fact is, I think, so important that
I must prove it up to the hilt. Now, if we turn to the
second volume of Professor Huxley's Life and Letters,
we find the following two passages, viz. : —

(1) " The ignorance of the so-called educated classes in this
country is stupendous " (1885, in letter to Lord Farrer, p. 115).

(2) " And the importance of scientific method in modem
practical life — always growing and increasing — is the guarantee
for the gradual emancipation of the ignorant upper and lower
classes, the former of whom especially are the strength of the
priests " (1894, in letter to Prof. Lewis Campbell, p. 379).

Professor Huxley regarded the whole nation as ignorant,
viz., the upper, lower, and educated classes, except the
few who practised what he termed " scientific method."
Huxley was not only a representative man, but he was
the great leader of the modern school, head and shoulders
above his followers.

Here is another significant extract : —

(3) "I have no doubt there is a great deal in what you say
about the origin of the myths in Genesis. But my sole point is

"the advancement of science." 631

to get the people who persist in regarding them as statements
of fact to understand that they are fools.

" The process is laborious, and not very fruitful of the desired
conviction " (1890, in letter to Mr. Hyde Clarke).

This incidental remark, recorded in a private corre-
spondence, affords an illuminating clue to the mental
attitude of many leading scientists of the later decades
of the nineteenth century towards the ignorant upper,
lower, and educated classes. Professor Huxley's object
was not merely to prove that he was right, and his dis-
sentients wrong, but to bring them to confession that
they were fools ! This curious mental attitude was
not exceptional, but ran like a connecting thread through-
out what I may term the whole Huxleyan party and their
disciples. As a representative of the latter's teaching,
I may refer to that very interesting book by Mr. H. G.
Wells, Anticipations, 1902. As the author informs us,
" It bristles with pegs for discussion — vacant pegs ;
it is written to provoke." The author, like myself, pro-
tests against the lack of criticism; e.g., "one of the least
satisfactory features of the intellectual atmosphere at
the present time is the absence of good controversy. . . .
A great number of people are expressing conflicting opinions
upon all sorts of things, but there is a quite remarkable
shirking of plain issues of debate. There is much indirect
answering, depreciation of the adversary, attempts to
limit his publicity, restatements of the opposing opinion
in a new way, but no conflict in the lists. We no longer
fight obnoxious views, but assassinate them." This
passage might well be published in letters of gold. I
could cite examples to prove every assertion. One example,
I think, I must give. Our late member Mr. A. Somervail
was a man of the highest honour, and extremely sensitive.
Meeting him one day at the Torquay Natural History
Society, conversation turned on to a scientific critic of
his. This gentleman, it appeared, had suggested to Mr.
Somervail that he might as well criticize a third party,
a fellow-student in the same work. There really seems
no reason why one scientific man should not suggest
to a second the expediency of criticizing a third, all in
the interests of truth ; but this cut Somervail to the
quick, and he protested to me, with much emotion,
" He wanted me to assassinate X." I, much amused,

632 "the advancement of science."

inquired, " And did you assassinate X. ? " However,
it was no joke to Somervail, whose sense of honour was
too deeply wounded. Here now we see Mr. Wells, many
years later, speaking of scientific ' 4 assassination " as
a recognized practice. As for attempts made to limit
publicity, I know of three editors, of papers or magazines,
who have been taken to task and quasi-threatened
for publishing my own communications, not always
scientific.

Mr. H. G. Wells, by a totally different route, has arrived
at the same conclusions as myself on the important ques-
tion of the general shirking of controversy, and the
shunning of criticism. Mr. Wells is a distinguished alumnus
of Huxley's favourite college, the Royal College of Science,
and a representative modern scientist and literary man ;
whereas I, so far as my interests in Natural History are
concerned, am a direct descendant of the old school of
science, and am an alumnus of Cambridge University
and of Trinity College, for both of which institutions
Professor Huxley, and some of his followers, had very
scant respject. Moreover, I have never shrunk from the
confession that if Cambridge and Trinity are, or were,
educational failures, I was one of their worst specimens
at their worst time, having failed in my college matricu-
lation, and having had to work hard afterwards for a
poll degree. Let me boldly confess that Trinity would
have been only too glad had I gone elsewhere ! Sad,
but true. It was my tutor, the late Bishop Lightfoot,
who yielded to my youthful pleadings to be allowed
another attempt.

Now to return to the attitude of post-Darwinian
scientists towards the general public.

Mr. Wells has some very pontifical remarks to make
on the modern "proprietor class," created by the modem
Joint Stock Company system. Their property he describes
as absolutely irresponsible, 44 a thing that no old-world
property ever was." This is perhaps not quite accurate,
because a mortgage bond, or an IOU, is practically as
irresponsible a property as a stock certificate in a limited
company. Neither mortgagee nor stockholder usually
interferes with the management of the respective pro-
perties. They both represent capital lent for the borrowers
to use, subject to the payment of a fixed income or variable
dividend to the lenders or investors. However, to Mr.

"the advancement of science. " 633

Wells the " proprietor class " is an undesirable class,
and this is how he describes it, viz. : —

" It includes the millionaire snob, the political-minded
plutocrat, the wealthy sensualist, open-handed, religious
fanatics, the ' charitable/ the smart, the magnificently dull,
the great army of timid creatures who tremble through life on
a safe bare sufficiency, travellers, hunters, minor poets, sporting
enthusiasts, many of the officers in the British Army, and all
sorts and conditions of amateurs " (p. 73).

Later in the book Mr. Wells remarks : —

" The old-fashioned University, secure in its omniscience,
merely taught ; the University of the coming time will, as its
larger function, criticize and learn " (p. 270).

This censorious tone is most characteristic of the age.
If the " proprietor class " includes all sorts and con-
ditions of amateurs, it equally includes all sorts and con-
ditions of professionals, if fairly successful in life, and
with something to invest. The alleged distinction between
the old-fashioned and future Universities can never be
endorsed by time. The old Universities did not teach.
They examined. The exceptions only sufficed to prove
the rule. My own experience was as follows : Cambridge
examined me in the " Previous Examination," and
for the degree. Cambridge taught me during a single
term by one course of compulsory " professors' lectures,"
which I enjoyed extremely. These, however, were only
compulsory for the ordinary degree. I have the venerable
old paper still. Though attempting sixteen questions
out of twenty, Alma Mater floored me with No. 14; e.g.,
" In boring tubes or cylinders it is necessary that the
boring instrument should revolve at a moderate rate,
and at the same time advance slowly in the axis of the
bore. Show how this is effected by giving simultaneous
motions to a screw and its nut." Probably I came to
the mistaken conclusion from experience that the vener-
able mother was in error, as while the nut advances the
screw remains stationary ! Certainly that is so in ordinary
slide-rests. A still more important " function " than
criticism and learning is to make men think. That Cam-
bridge has always done magnificently, and that is all
the difference between training and mere instruction.
It is, however, difficult to understand how a University,

634 "the advancement of science."

which is a corporate body, can either criticize or learn.
The learning as well as the teaching is individual. I
feel sure that Cambridge University, as a corporation,
would not have pledged itself to the relative motions
of screw and nut in cylinder boring. Outside the professor
and his class Cambridge was probably mentally inert on
the subject of screws and nuts. No doubt, if Cambridge
thought on the subject, Alma Mater was only regarding
the case of the boring tool rotating.

But to return to early days. Probably no one thing
did more to impede the Advancement of Science than
the extremely irrelevant and preposterous lengths to
which the assault by Science on Religion was carried.
I had unusual opportunities for watching both parties.
Scientists seemed to fancy that the religionists feared
them. Nothing of the sort. Both parties had an equal
contempt for each other's " blindness " ! Let us for
a moment consider the state of the case. During the
first half of the nineteenth century the clergy, either
from advantages of education or of leisure, were leaders
in science, and that pre-eminently so. Who, for instance,
were the protagonists as to the cavern evidence of the
antiquity of man ? Dean Buckland of Oxford, and
Father McEnery, Roman Catholic Chaplain of Torre
Abbey. Who was one of the leading lights in geology ?
The Rev. Dr. Sedgwick, d.d., of Cambridge. Numberless
naturalists of the first rank accepted as a matter of course
the orthodox views as to the history of the world ; or,
doubting, had no satisfactory explanation of the con-
flicting evidences. I well remember that stage, when
the complete extinction of trilobites and goniatites,
and the appearance of new fossil forms, seemed to indicate
"catastrophes," "cataclysms," and all the heresies es-
chewed by modern scientists, who now possess information
then withheld from possibly better men.

It is perhaps impossible now to realize what an ex-
asperating nuisance the misuse of the theory of evolution
was to earnest workers. It was impossible to stir with-
out being tripped up either by a Darwinian or anti-
Darwinian. Let me cite a few examples. In the seventies
I was very keen at working out some little problems
in zoology, which gradually took the form of the in-
fluence of waves upon sea-creatures.

In one case, by dredging at all times of the year, I

"the advancement of science." 635

collected a series of individuals of the mollusc Aplysia,
with the object of ascertaining whether Forbes and Hanley
or Gwyn Jeffreys were right in their views as to species.
The former thought there was one British species, and
Gwyn Jeffreys thought there were two. I compared
the odontophores, or Ungual membranes, and the shells.
The lingual membranes start with a very few teeth,
which increase in number by age. One day, when reading
and discussing a paper at Torquay on this problem,
I spoke of the " development " of the sea-hares. Mr.
Pengelly at once corrected me to "growth." I retorted
that as a photographer I had used "development" as
a technical term long before I had heard of Darwinism,
and that the Darwinians should have no monopoly of
that word ! Moreover, I contend that the lingual mem-
branes do develop rather than grow. They do both.

Then, again, when discussing the long spines of cockles,
I said that the " use " of the spines was to anchor or
moor the molluscs in the sea-bottom. Pengelly objected
that that was "teleology," i.e., a question of " design."
It was a mere statement of fact. The use of a nose is
to smell, and the use of a cockle-spine is to anchor ! This
irrespective of origin.

Then, again, I had a very curious case of a gradual
passage of two well-established species of gastropods into
each other, both by way of outline of shell and also of
sculpture, i.e., Trochus granulatus and Trochus Zizyphinus.
Driving in a four-wheeler to the Linnean Society with
Mr. Gwyn Jeffreys, I mooted the question to him. He
promptly replied, " But a species is a species ! "

One more incident as to the Darwinians and the antis.
Pengelly, staunch Darwinian as he was, promoted a
rule for the Torquay Natural History Society that no
lecturer should be either introduced or thanked. That
rule still survives. Its sole object was to prevent presidents
making speeches and wasting time by discoursing pro or
con on evolution !

By the time I had zoologically done with research,
I had become a sort of scientific rogue-elephant, driven
from the herd, and rSady for any mischief ! Thus, when
not only in zoology, but when also in my pet subject of
submarine physics, and later on in petrology, I was
obstructed by authoritative people whose opinions were
of little or no use to me, I found myself sometimes in

636 "the advancement of science."

full pursuit of some foe, instead of in the more meritorious
pursuit of some fact. Speaking to Devonshire men, and
in Exeter, I may more fully explain my perhaps undue
vexation with scientists for their often expressed contempt
for the general run of Englishmen, whom Mr. Wells
describes as the " Grey," or occasionally as the " Abyss " !
In my own case, if it comes to a choice between scientists
and the " Grey," I am most decidedly for the Grey,
and even for the Abyss. As I showed in a paper read at
Totnes in 1900, 1 fully believe that I am a direct descendant
of Thomas Hunt, the woollen merchant, Mayor of Exeter
in the year 1537. The descendants of my undoubted
ancestor, whom I believe to have been Thomas' second
son John, were yeoman farmers, settled in the South
Hams before the year 1575. My great-uncle, Thomas
Holdsworth Hunt, was a Newfoundland merchant and
shipowner. My maternal grandfather was an Oporto
merchant, and so was my father, and so should I have
been had health permitted. Now what I affirm without
hesitation is this : The observation, knowledge, and skill
requisite to successful farming, to the successful conduct
of the Newfoundland, shipping, wine-growing, and com-
mission businesses, require a much higher type of man
than is necessary to do humble, though still useful, re-
search work in science. A successful merchant may
turn in his leisure to science, and has done so, , but a scien-
tific man cannot as well turn in his leisure to business.
The practical business and professional men of the world
do not rate scientists at their own value. 1 The scientific
expert can as often as not be balanced by another scientific
expert per contra, and the specially trained and stimulated
brain of the original and successful scientific investigator
is usually too much specialized for the rough, practical,
active, and varied work of this world. A great scientist
once admitted to a friend that he had either to delegate
the management of his estates and agricultural business
to his agent, or give up research entirely. The incom-
patibility of scientific and business qualities is a very
general belief. Indeed, on one occasion a Torquay Borough

1 In his Life of Gladstone, Lord Morley quotes Gladstone as speaking
of a scientific fraternity which, valuable as it is, has been unduly pam-
pered of late from a variety of causes into a somewhat overweening
idea of its own importance (Life of Gladstone, Vol. II, p. 420). I discussed
this controversy in an article in the Westminster Review, October, 1905,
" The Kew Gardens Feud."

"the advancement of science." 637

Councillor suggested in the Press that attention to science
had narrowed my own mind. I do not say that he was not
right, but it had never occurred to me before in that
light.

The assumption which seemed to be made by scientists
in the later Half of the nineteenth century, that the students
of natural science were, as a race, superior to other mortals,
was a dangerous doctrine indeed. Genius is born, not
made, and some of the greatest discoverers of the nine-
teenth century would have been snuffed out at the start
had they encountered the mephitic fog of mere trained
and orthodox talent.

It is not often one has the chance of crossing the path
of the great inventors who have revolutionized human
affairs. When the privilege does present itself, the chances
are in favour of the great man being unrecognized. Let
me cite a few cases.

On arrival' at an afternoon party in London, clad,
no doubt, in the conventional frock-coat, lavender kids,
and very possibly adorned by a purple tie with white
spots, my hostess asked me if I would kindly go and talk
to a gentleman who did not know many people present.
Who was this unknown guest ? Professor Wheatstone,
of electric telegraph fame. Wheatstone was really in
those days an electrical demigod in scientific circles.
Any text-book referring to electricity would mention
him, and some might possibly give his portrait.

When telephones were first introduced I was much
bitten by the new scientific wonder, and made several
telephones both with horseshoe and bar magnets. At
one of the meetings of the British Association I happened
to mention the subject at dinner in the hotel. A gentle-
man sitting opposite smiled. It was Professor Graham-
Bell ! The professor most generously and kindly gave me
a pair of his telephones of the last new pattern. He,
however, was, I believe, as much interested in the education
of the deaf and dumb as in telephones. Dr. Sorby, though
he did not revolutionize the ways of the world, created
the science of micro-petrology. Once, when I humbly
offered the incense of my worship with reference to one
of his papers, he simply and sincerely replied that he
was glad I thought well of it ! Of Edison, as an inventor,
it is needless to speak. Every phonograph and incan-
descent light proclaims the inventive genius.

638 "the advancement of science."

One remark of my above-quoted critic is very im-
portant. He affirms that the standard of geological
work has risen greatly since we were young, and that
the papers of both " profs." and amateurs are now much
more thorough than they used to be.

It is a remarkable tribute to the amazing thoroughness
of Sir Henry De La Beche's classic Report on Devon and
Cornwall (1839) that quite recently it has been indexed
by, I believe, the Government authorities. The standard
of work aimed at by such men as Darwin, Lyell, Sorby,
De La Beche, Pengelly, Sedgwick, Murchison, and their
great contemporaries, was apparently the highest attain-
able accuracy. Pengelly's standard was certainly that,
and no less.

I entirely dissent from the view that modern scientific
papers are more thorough than those of yore, though,
of course, they have more information to deal with.
I admit the larger quantity, but greatly doubt the superior
quality. Besides which, both the objects in view and
the means to attain them have often been entirely different.
Let me take one of my own subjects as an illustration.
Sir George Airy wrote a classic treatise on "Tides and
Waves," in 1845, treated mathematically. Mr. Scott
Russell sent in two reports on experiments and observa-
tions on Waves to the British Association in 1837 and
1844. I observed and experimented, and sent a paper
to the Royal Society in 1882, and Mrs. Ayrton did the
same in 1904. Mr. Scott Russell experimented by dropping
weights into his tank, displacing water, and creating
waves of translation. Mrs. Ayrton experimented with
stationary waves, and I experimented with oscillating roll-
ing waves, imitating swells at sea. I submit that neither
Mr. Scott Russell's experiments nor Mrs. Ayrton's can
be safely relied on to reproduce the action of sea-waves
in an experimental tank, and that conclusions based on
them would be misleading, if referred back to the sea.

It is, I think, obvious that so long as the elementary
facts of this subject are in dispute, it would be labour
lost to attempt a " more thorough " paper, developing
and applying in detail the lessons learned at the tank.
As soon as the first step is made good, the others can be
taken at any time, with equal caution. Sir George Airy's
treatise was " thorough " enough, and is still the recog-
nized authority, after over sixty years. It was some

"the advancement of science." 639

satisfaction in my own attempt that my paper was com-
municated to the Royal Society by Lord Rayleigh, when
Sir G. G. Stokes was secretary, that it was commended
by Sir George Darwin, and my efforts at wave-work
approved by Sir George Airy.

I may explain that I have never attempted a " thorough "
paper on experimental wave-work, but have concentrated
the attack on one or two vulnerable points in what are
apparently more or less erroneous theories. The very
short paper offered to the Geological Society in 1887,
and embodied in my paper last year, would have been
quite sufficient to ignite the mine to blow up the enemy's
fortress ! Moreover, the chance of the acceptance of a
paper by an unrecognized writer varies inversely as its
length. I submit that it cannot be too strongly affirmed
that a chief object in a research-paper, during the progress
of the research, is not exhaustiveness, but some definite
advance in knowledge, however small. When the research
is complete, and the essential facts established, then the
recording paper or book cannot well be too exhaustive
or detailed. Prolixity is less to be avoided than brevity,
as an original worker is very apt to skip links in his chain
of demonstration, which, though obvious to himself, may
be unrecognizable by the reader.

Mr. Wells has familiarized us with the appearance
of the " Grey," as viewed from Science. It may interest
and possibly amuse some of our members if I present
the obverse impression of Science as viewed from the
" Grey." I may say that in descent, connections, and
avocations, my own environment has been the greyest
of the grey. My earliest recollections date probably
from the late forties, as I well remember the political
excitement of 1848, and a still earlier general exodus
from Oporto in the Gladiator frigate on account of some
civil war in Portugal, which, I think, was in 1846. My
first ideas of science were derived from pictures in the
Saturday Magazine, and from overhearing my elders talking
of mountains with lakes on their tops (extinct volcanoes)
and hot springs. Also more particularly the wonder of
Professor Owen's reconstructing an extinct bird from a
single bone; but that was later. Then there was the
devastating mildew which attacked the vines about 1851,
which science cured with sulphur ; and more generally the
interest excited by the proposed Great Exhibition in 1851.

640 "the advancement of science."

In the forties an ingenious relative conceived the idea
of cleaning wine-bottles with scraps of iron with a view
to roughening the glass to induce the crust to stick !
Iron unfortunately will not touch glass, but fragments
left behind will be dissolved by the acids in the wine.
Some of the results of these injudicious experiments in
chemistry and physics were subsequently unfavourably
reported on from different parts of the world.

On my arrival in London, in 1852, the public seemed
much impressed by science. The Polytechnic, with its
lectures in chemistry and working models, was eminently
adapted to interest children. The electric telegraph
and rapid steam travelling were at that time really far
more impressive to business men than Marconigrams,
Mauretanias and Olympics are now.

The triumphs of science and engineering were obvious,
and often palpable. The late Mr. P. H. Gosse, f.r.s., by
his popular yet scientific books, excited the most practical
interest in marine zoology. Marine aquaria were popular
toys, and have been continued at the Zoological Gardens
and elsewhere ever since. In Torquay, Kent's Cavern
and the neighbouring caves brought to the forefront
of popular thought the great question of the antiquity
of man, and far and near the fame of Faraday inspired
profound and universal respect, and intelligent interest.
The rank and file of the British working classes (not the
labouring classes), commercial and professional, were,
as a nation, prepared to recognize and honour science
and its great leaders ; and they did so honour it. My
father, a man with no pretensions to any scientific know-
ledge whatever, never spared money to give me, as a
young boy, the most useful scientific presents. At the
early age of thirteen I had Westwood and Humphrey's
costly British Moths, and also the Butterflies. Later
on I had Yarrell's Birds and Morris' Nests arid Eggs. For
astronomy I had a good telescope, for mechanics a lathe,
and occasionally lessons in geology. All those in the
fifties. All this science was, however, an extra, the hope
was that I might follow ori in the business, the practical
work of life. The decision was long deferred, until after
my Cambridge course. A trial of over two years was
then made in the City, but there I realized, with regret,
that two decades of weak health had left me physically
unfit to undertake the responsibilities and the infinite

"the advancement of science."

641

details of that commerce which has more than anything
else created the character of Englishmen, and created
the Empire too. I was unfit for the " Grey."

As a waster and misfit, and for ordinary life a candidate
for the scrap-heap, I tried to serve the cause of science
in the lowest possible place. The first opportunity pre-
sented itself in 1870, when, being in London, I was able
to investigate the gold coins found on Blackpool Beach,
by books at hand in the Inner Temple Library, and by
reference to the coin-room at the British Museum. At
that time, in 1870, science in a great variety of forms
had been present in my mind for nearly twenty years.
My own bent, engineering, and my father's bent, com-
merce, had both been barred to me by bad health. As
a boy mechanic I had made a working model of a steam-
engine by hand without a slide-rest, and the principles
of geology I knew at any rate as well as I do now. Owing
to these facts, and to this concatenation of circumstances,
many of them adverse, my introduction to the outside
world of science in the seventies provided for me a para-
lysing shock. For one thing I took in the representative
periodical, Nature, from the first, or, more strictly speak-
ing, from the second number. Two things soon struck
me very unfavourably, viz., the bitter and quarrelsome
spirit manifested towards those differing in opinion,
and the, to me, astounding clamour for honours and en-
dowments. Had the missionaries of the Church Missionary
Society, or any other society, started a magazine and
clamoured for ribbons and gold, I could not have been
more disgusted and indignant. With such aims I had
absolutely nothing in common. Such doctrines I should
treat as " vermin," to be shot at sight, and at the first and
every opportunity! The honour of discovering a single
valuable addition to the temple of knowledge had, accord-
ing to my early training, no equivalent in worldly honours
and lucre. The greatest distinction a scientific worker
can ever attain is to be known far and wide by his plain
name ; and the commoner the name the greater the dis-
tinction. Take, for instance, Faraday, ' Lister, Lyell,
Sorby, Graham-Bell, Edison, and Thomson (though
these names are not common). Titles cannot gild that
gold or paint those lilies. In fact, a title may even cause
some loss and confusion, say, between a Thomson and
a nobleman of the title of Kelvin ! Thomson invented

vol. xliv. 2 s

642 "the advancement of science."

much, though, perhaps, Kelvin invented more. Science,
however, clamoured, and science obtained. But what?
As the greatest possible reward, science obtained the
rank with which a Cabinet Minister commences, viz.,
a Barony. A very distinguished scientist may hope to
equal a provincial mayor, and obtain a knighthood. The
award of the military orders of knighthood to scientists,
such as those of the Bath, is one of those incongruities
that can only raise a smile. The only saving point is
that, when official, a Civil knight is a servant of the Empire
as much as a military or naval knight. But K.C.B.'s
conferred on the world in general are quite a British
idea. One real difficulty is this : Just as genius and
worldly honours are incommensurable, so no Govern-
ment can be capable of assessing the relative value of
scientific performance. The attempt can only result in
a rather comical marshalling of scientific men according
to titular rank, with the certainty of numberless invidious
omissions and distinctions between men of equal merit
or lack of merit. For instance, why should a contented
man be a Knight Bachelor or overlooked, and a
discontented claimant be appeased with a K.C.B. ?
One cannot particularize, but there have been some
very amusing cases. One most illustrious name was
completely overlooked until the owner wrote an in-
dignant article in the Nineteenth Century, in self-assertive
defence of his splendid original work. He received his
K.C.B. at the first opportunity ! In his case it could add
no lustre to the diamond. He will always be known by
his plain name.

With special reference to geology, I have been much
struck by the fact that when discussing such limited
questions as beaches and sea-bottoms, I have been publicly
reminded that "geology is not an exact science." This
by an anonymous newspaper correspondent. Then,
again, in the case of a special beach-paper, a local editorial
dismissed me as a " smatterer in geology." In both
cases geology was beside the question. These were just
instances of a popular and general distrust of geology as
a science. Geology and geologists seem of little public
account. Take, for instance, our own late member
Mr. Alexander Somervail. He was an active and well-
known geologist, a member of the General Committee
of the British Association, and for many years Hon.

"the advancement of science."

643

Secretary of the Torquay Natural History Society, one
of the oldest institutions in that town. Yet not even in
scientific questions did he ever get any official or private
municipal recognition, whether in the case of public
scientific lectures, or when the borough wanted to secure
a visit from the British Association, when, indeed, as
I have mentioned, Mr. Somervail happened to be a mem-
ber of the General Committee of that society. It is a
curious fact, and one only to be regretted, that with the
exception of advice on engineering questions, and oc-
casionally in law, municipal bodies seem to have a total
distrust of science. Aldermen and councillors seem to
regard scientific expert knowledge as a mere question
of untrained opinion of no particular value.

This is bad for the boroughs, but it is bad for the ad-
vancement and credit of accurate knowledge too. As an
outsider myself, I note with sincere regret the public
indifference to science, for its own sake, compared with
the general interest which was manifested, say, half a
century ago. Science, no doubt, progresses with leaps
and bounds, but now chiefly where some material gain
is probable. Knowledge for the sake of gold is more
eagerly sought than ever, and more thoroughly attained ;
but the old principle of knowledge for its own sake is
much more rarely practised. The public can be interested
in clever detective stories, while many scientific workers
seem quite insensitive to the precisely analogous charm
of detective science, in which a baffled pursuit supplies
its own incentive.

A good case in point is that of the Devon Schists, in
which the available evidence is conflicting and contra-
dictory.

Four of our members have written upon this subject ;
six papers in all, viz., Messrs. Pengelly, Somervail (three),
Lowe, and myself ; three being Fellows of the Geological
Society. In illustration of the argument for the Devonian
Age of the Schists, the authorities of the British Museum,
South Kensington, accepted a collection of twenty-five
specimens of the Schists, and twenty-five specimens of the
admitted Devonian grits, fine sandstones and greenstones,
in matched pairs ; suggestive of what could have repre-
sented the various original and metamorphosed rocks. No
oneoutside our ownAssociation hasconsidered this intensely
interesting problem worth following up and, if possible,

644 "the advancement of science."

elucidating ; and, so far as I am aware, no one has taken
the trouble to examine the special collection placed at
the service of geologists for this end in the national
collection. Our member Mr. Hansford Worth, though
he has not given us a paper on the schists, has done much
in the way of collecting valuable collateral evidence in
rocks dredged in the Channel, in the line of the Bolt
Head, the Eddystone, and the Lizard. Problems such
as these, which excited such intense curiosity and interest
among our geological forefathers, cannot at the present
time compete with the fashion for the elaboration of
detail and the invention of new technical terms. No
doubt the exact age of the Devon schists is in itself an
unimportant detail, but the solution of the problem
would probably throw great light on the collateral and
most important major problem of rock-metamorphosis. I
really sometimes lose all patience when geologists write
as though it were a personal grievance of my own that
these problems are not followed up or are even suppressed.
Nothing could give me more sincere gratification than
to have every error I have fallen into both exposed and
exploded ! If there was one thing that Pengelly enjoyed
next to defeating an opponent in argument, it was being
neatly defeated himself. At the Dublin meeting of the
British Association, in 1878, Pengelly had, in Section C,
a keen tussle with that genial Irishman Dr. Haughton,
based on fossil magnolias being evergreen trees, as affecting
their occurrence in polar regions now exposed to long
periods of darkness. Pengelly, having routed Dr. Haugh-
ton on the platform of Section C, Dr. Haughton, when
too late, discovered that some magnolias were deciduous,
and at once wrote to Pengelly. Pengelly was delighted
at having the tables so neatly turned upon himself. The
revelation of a weakness in botany in the protagonists
of Section C did not qualify his pleasure in the least, nor
his own defeat in argument.

It may be reasonably objected, as it no doubt will
be objected, what is the use of constantly pointing out
the hot bearings of the scientific machinery, if no oil
can be supplied ? Or, is the legal maxim more accurate
in law than in science, viz., "Where there is a wrong
there is a remedy " ? Or is the remedy too costly, too
theoretical, too difficult of access ? From much obser-
vation and repeated experience I am convinced that

"THE advancement of science."

645

one hot bearing is due to bad fitting. The moving parts
are not carefully adjusted. The main shaft is out of
line, or something less important is out of truth. Or
there is some undue strain. I was once on a Government
steamer which conveyed a large party of British Associa-
tion excursionists round the Eddystone, including Lord
Kelvin himself. The weight of these hundred and more
scientists on the capacious bridge-deck seemed to strain
the framework of the oscillating paddle engines under
the bridge, heating the main bearings excessively, and
necessitating a hose constantly playing on them. What
with oil and salt water the engine-room staff must have
blessed the weight of science on that Saturday night.
Now in science, taken as a whole, not only are the " main
eccentrics quarrelling on the sheaves," which it is their
bounden duty to do, but the slide-valves are quarrelling
with the boilers and cylinders, the piston-rods with the
guides and connecting-rods, and the whole lot with the
cranks and main driving-shaft. Either friction or actual
stoppage must ensue when the slide- valve vows it knows
nothing of boiler or cylinder, or the crank declares it is
quite immaterial for what length of stroke the cylinders
and pistons are constructed. But, alas ! how often do
the scientific guides, eccentrics, and even cranks work in
independence of, or even in opposition to, each other ; and
yet how infinitely important it is that they should co-
operate with mathematical precision.

Unfortunately, just in proportion as science has been
specialized, so have scientists failed to appreciate the
weight of researches with which they are not familiar;
and, not appreciating, they first judge and then con-
demn. Personally, in science, I had two masters, and
I have sometimes wondered whether they ever possessed
any other disciple! — Pengelly and Sorby. If they ever
had other disciples, I have never met them. They have
had many judges and critics.

Now Pengelly was a true philosopher, and of the
straitest sect of the scientific pharisees who distrusted
utilitarian science. I fear he would have been well pleased
to suppress three whole sections of the British Association,
viz., E, F, and even G, viz., Geography, Economics, and
Engineering.

When I was elected to the Geological Society, Pengelly
impressed upon me that F.G.S. represented science,

646 "THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE.

whereas F.R.G.S. meant nothing, or words to that effect !
Whereas they are both tarred with the same very general
brush of a common interest in some particular study.
Now Pengelly was a great man. When he once migrated
from Section C it was to preside over Section H, anthro-
pology. He was one of the principals in a great scientific
house of business, in which I was an office boy, to sweep
and dust all or any of the great men's rooms. In this
humble position I had a flick at the dust of five of the
British Association office parlours, viz., Geology, Zoology,
Anthropology, Engineering, and even Geography, having
had papers in the first three, and being on research com-
mittees of the last two. What did the office boy observe
in the course of his work? He observed this fact: He
observed that the director in one parlour of the business
often not only knew nothing of what was going on in the
next parlour, but did not care to know anything about
it. If perchance interested, he would as likely as not
draw upon the bank of his own imagination. This is really
the fact. When Lord Kelvin investigated the great problem
of the antiquity of the earth, he could not entirely avoid
geology, the science of the earth. He assumed that the
molten globe consolidated from within outwards, instead
of, as the old geologists believed, from without inwards,
the first crust forming as a floating slag of light materials.
Lord Kelvin, in order to prove his point, further assumed
that the crystals of granite sank to the bottom of a liquid
ocean of basalt, of much higher specific gravity. Just
as well assume that cork will sink in water. With these
premises Lord Kelvin arrived at the conclusion that the
globe was 20,000,000 years old, and at least one eminent
geologist agreed with him. What, then, becomes of the
principles of mineralogy, and of specific gravity ?

Some years before, at a conference between physicists
and chemists on this subject, the age of the earth, someone
referred to the geological evidence. An eminent physicist
dismissed the suggestion summarily with, " The geologists
are mere mud-scrapers." Much later on radium came
on the scene, and the eminent son of the " eminent phy-
sicist" adduced cogent evidence to show that the geologists
had much under-estimated the age of the earth, far as
they had exceeded Lord Kelvin. I am not competent
to appreciate the radium evidence, but the " eminent
physicist " seemed to think his son's evidence and argu-

" THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE."

647

ment quite sound. I was not unkind enough to ask,
" How about the mud-scrapers ? " However, no number
of physicists or chemists would convince me that low
specific gravity will sink in high, or higher, specific gravity.
In the above case Sections A and B, to their cost, flouted
and ignored C. But Section C is quite as prone to flout
B, or A either, for that matter. I have already mentioned,
in a previous paper, how an eminent past President of
Section B wrote to me in the most casual way that he
thought it quite likely the penologists were all adrift,
and so in very truth I believe that in certain points they
are. Just as the great Lord Kelvin overlooked the
elementary petrological or mineralogical fact that quartz
and felspar are lighter than basalt, so apparently do the
petrologists sometimes ignore the fact that water has an
ascertained critical temperature, above which it cannot
retain the liquid state or its properties under any pressure.
It would appear that the several army corps of science
have radiated so far from the common central starting-
point that they have lost touch. Now, in our own Devon
schists inquiry there were two specialists interested, viz.,
a petrological authority and a stratigraphical authority.
The stratigraphist expressed regret to me that the
petrologist would not so much as listen to the strati-
graphical evidence. Yet, at the time, the two experts
were holding conflicting views. Can we wonder that the
problem still rests in obscurity ?

The more we reflect on the question the more does
the fact stand out, that one of the great factors in the
Advancement of Science is co-operation, and that the
absence of co-operation may well result in some needless
check in the general advance.

There are three sections of the British Association in
constant touch with each other, viz., A, B, and G, Mathe-
matical Physics, Chemistry, and Engineering ; and to one
or more of these can be attributed the greater number of
the marvellous discoveries of the past wonderful century.
We may take Lord Kelvin and Professor Osborne Reynolds
as good examples of the double-honour men in mathe-
matical physics and engineering, and Lord Rayleigh as
a good representative of mathematical physics and
chemistry, he having discovered argon. Of course Zoology,
Section D, can boast Darwin, Lister, and Pasteur. In
my own elementary geological work I have had to rely

648 " THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE."

on Lord Rayleigh to keep me from blundering in questions
concerning waves and currents ; and I have equally had to
trespass on the kindness of Professors Noel Hartley and
Sydney Young to prevent my blundering in the, to myself,
obscure question of pressures and temperatures as affecting
petrology ; and the same with every inquiry attempted —
stratigraphical, penological, cave-work, or zoological.
In every research some collateral fact will be required
for immediate use, which some expert is sure to know.
If the information can be obtained, then the inquiry
may be capable of further prosecution, otherwise often
not. In nine cases out of ten, the inquiry itself will be
of little interest to the expert consulted, or possibly none
at all. Indeed, it very rarely is. The information is
usually accorded out of pure benevolence, and often at
the cost of some inconvenience and expenditure of time.

I may, perhaps, say in conclusion that as I approached
my fiftieth year I determined, if possible, to break away
from the innumerable nets and toils of scientific inquiry,
as becoming too overwhelming a burden.

During the subsequent twenty years I have broken
no new ground, but attempted solely to defend and
strengthen my position, wherever it has seemed a sound
one. The time has now come when the work even of
defence must soon be laid down, nolens volens. I cannot
sufficiently thank the members of the Devonshire Associa-
tion for their absolutely invaluable support and long-
suffering forbearance. Some of the papers submitted since
1873 would have been the better for greater experience
and for severer revision, but to all of them there are the
commercial cryptogram appended, in spirit, if not in
letter, " E. and O.E.," " Errors and omissions excepted."
Merchants were even more cautious than scientists.
They insured even against clerical errors.

Postscript. — Bedrock for October last contains two suggestive incidental
comments on some of the views I have attempted to express.
One writer observes that —

" Practically all the uneducated classes believe in spirits ; so do the great
majority of the semi-educated upper and lower classes ; and it is only when we
reach the biologists and physiologists, who are in the best position to know,
that we find widespread dissent " (p. 325).

Another writer expresses the following opinion : —

" The business man is also trained to habits of extreme accuracy. Here again
his existence depends on it. . . . The man of science is less vitally affected by
his mistakes, and his training to accuracy is consequently less severe " (p. 346).

I have no doubt that the training of the business man, whether merchant
or lawyer, is far more conducive to strict mental accuracy than any biological
training can be.

THE BOROUGH OF
CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS AND ITS
MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

Part II.

BY EDWARD WINDEATT.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

The numbers in brackets are from the Calendar of the Borough Archives.
1601. RICHARD HAYMAN.

Extract from an account dated a.d. 1601.

Richard Hayman Mayor, Thos Page Receiver.

Paid for a Preacher by Mr. Mayor's

order . . . % . . . £0. 5.
Paid John Rotre for writing a Book to

be sent to My Lord the Bishop . 0.6.0
Paid the Vicar's wages 1 year . . 26. 13. 4
Ditto Clerk's ditto ditto . . 3. 4.
Ditto Sexton's ditto ditto . . 2. 0.
Paid Mr Leech for Preaching on Elec-
tion days . . . . 0. 10.

Edward Seymour and the Mayor of Dartmouth. To
the Council. 1602, October 31. Berry Castle. "We have
upon notice given unto us of one Robert Drew brother
unto Sergeant Drew, late the Queen's Sergeant that em-
barked himself at Dartmouth a man reported to be no
Merchant nor factor to any : sent for him to examine him
upon the particular points of the instructions conceived
for such purpose, and severally offered to administer the
oath of allegiance unto him which he for the present
would not take, saying he would first be advised thereon,
whereuppon we purposed to commit him to prison or
otherwise bind him to answer before your honours, which
perceiving he afterwards would have taken it, and then we

650 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

forebore to administer the same, the rather for that we
doubted but his passage might prove dangerous to the
estate of this realm being informed by certain Merchants
that were to pass over with him that he is ill affected in
religion, and during the time of his late being in France,
he daily to their knowledge frequented Mass sequestered
himself from the Company of his countrymen and such
as were protestants and joined society with the most
notorious Papists there, and therefore have taken bond
with sufficient sureties to appear before your honours
on the 20th November next."

1603. H.M.C., p. 55, 31st December. Copy of letter
from the Lords of the Council to the Mayor respecting the
arrest of a prize Ship of the Dunkirkers (1989).

(Col. Vivian's Visitation contains the pedigree of Gourney,
of Dartmouth, p. 433.) Arms, Arg. a cross engrailed, Gu.,
in the first quarter a cinquefoil, Vert. One of the family
was Sir Richard Gourney, of London. Thomas Gourney,
M.P. for Dartmouth, 1558, 1572, 1614.

The Arms were in front of the gallery of St. Saviour's
Church.

1604, 17 April. Account of Mr. Thomas Gourney of
the expenses incurred for the procuring of a new Charter
for the Town of Dartmouth (1413).

1605-6. R. M. MARTIN.

Note of expenses at Exeter in the conduct of a suit
against John Roope (1414) : —

" August 4, 2nd year James I, Charter granting power
to hold Sessions within the Borough. 7th Feb., 1604, a
constitution made against washing at the conduits or in
the Street (2003, f. 34). 1605-6, the Fishermen that fish
in the Irish Seas to the High Court of Parliament praying
to be released of a custom of 9d. a barrel upon herrings
which had been charged on them " (1415).

1609-10. JOHN SMYTH.

Col. Vivian's Visitation of Devon contains the pedigree
of Smyth, of Dartmouth, p. 693 : —

1603-4. THOMAS GOURNEY.

1606- 7.

1607- 8.

1608- 9. THOMAS PAGE (No.

1989
f. 56'

Mayor).

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

651

" Arms, Barry Wavy of six Arg. and Az., on a chief Gu."

Three pairs. It commences with John Smythe, of Dart-
mouth, buried 1591, and refers to John Smith, Mayor,
1608, who died 1629, and ends with Gilbert Smith, died
1663. This Mayor married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard
Dyer, of Barnstaple.

1610-1. 7 January, 1611. There is a Certificate of the
Mayor of Marseilles respecting the Ship of William Con-
stable, of Dartmouth (1418).

20 August, 1611. Robert Perrott to the Mayor of Dart-
mouth, order to summon all trained Soldiers belonging
to Sir Edward Seymour's band to muster at Totnes on
26 September (1419).

1612-3. There is a letter from Sir George Carey to the
Mayor of Dartmouth and his brethren, asking them to
bestow a Burgess-ship on a special friend of his (1420).

17 April, 1613. Also a letter from the French Consul at
Lisbon respecting a ship belonging to one Isaac Porton
laden with cod (1412).

There was at this time evidently fear of the plague,
and there is preserved a certificate of Sir George Speke
and other Justices of the Peace for Somerset, 9 October,
1613, that George Coxe, William Axoll, and William Crocker
dwell at Wolmeston and Crewkerne, where there was no
sickness of the plague, nor any suspicion thereof, and that
they may travel to Dartmouth to sell goods (1421).

In the early part of the seventeenth century the trading
with Newfoundland from Dartmouth was considerable.
Reasons were recorded why those going to Newfoundland
with ships should not be deprived of priority of places
with the planters there (1424). Also reasons why the King
would not grant a patent to any one man for making
"treane" oil (1426).

There are also drafts of Petitions of the owners of the
ships Hand Maiden, William and Mary, Peter and George,
of Dartmouth, to the Duke of York, Lord High Admiral,
for permission to go to the Newfoundland Fishery (1428).
About the same time there were also difficulties as to trading
with France, and the Merchants of London obtained a
Charter and the Western Port Merchants endeavoured to
restrain the Londoners (1429-1434). There were also
difficulties as to trading with Spain and Portugal, and there
is a letter from John Sher, Mayor of Exeter, to the Mayor
of Dartmouth to send two Merchants to Exeter to confer

652 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

on the same matter, and the insatiable desire of the Lon-
doners to exclude and debar all the kingdom but them-
selves from importing and exporting all commodities
from Spain and Portugal (1437).

1613-4. There was an order of the Lords of the Council,
13 November, 1614, to the Earl of Bath respecting the
erection of a compass with degree and Seats about it at
Gallions Bower for keeping the Sea Watch (L 989, f . 226).

1615. 5 July. Certificate by the Mayor and Bailiffs
of Dartmouth that Thomas Newman was owner of a ship
of 120 tons lately taken after some fighting by Turkish
Pirates, and a note of the losses by the same Pirates by
men of Dartmouth amounting to £8010 (1989).

In 1615 the Duchy of Cornwall Council sent a letter
to the Mayor and Burgesses to show their title, which they
alleged was by grant under the great seal, but after several
meetings in 1616 they, the Dartmouth Corporation, are
obliged to take a Lease for 21 years and pay a fine of £100
besides the annual rent of £14 13s. 4d. During the reign
of Charles I there is another trial and decree in favour of
the Corporation (who were the Duchy Lessees), and it is
rather an extraordinary case, for the action was brought
for petty customs against a party that had fitted out a ship
called the Endeavour, of Topsham, as a letter of marque to
go on a voyage of reprisal for taking the ships of the enemy,
and they took the Nostra Seniora de Canddarea laden with
Brazil tobacco, sugar, etc., belonging to the King of
Spain and carried her into Dartmouth, where she was
condemned as a lawful prize ; yet it was declared that the
owners were to pay the petty custom (Report on Water
Bailiwick, of Dartmouth, from an old document relative
to the Duchy dues, Dartmouth Chronicle, 17 May, 1872).

See Col. Vivian's Visitation of Devon, p. 724, pedigree,
Spurway of Spurway.

Thomas Spurway, of Dartmouth, living 1620, married
Luce, daughter and coheiress of Edward Liston, of Dart-
mouth, and widow of . . . Anthony.

1615-6. RECEIVER, ROGER MATTHEWS

1616-7. THOMAS SPURWAY.

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

653

RECEIVER, ROBERT FOLLETT

1617. March 24. Corporation accounts contain : —

For hooles and rings of iron to hang

the King's Arms on

2d.

To the Painter for painting them

For making the Frame for the King's

Arms .....

Hogshead of Wine given to Sir John

Southcot .....

4. 4.

To Mr. Maior and his companions for

charges for being at Totnes .

There are also charges for a drum and two pairs of
drumsticks ; also

" Laid out for the New Window in the East end of the
Chancel of the Church of St. Saviours."

Among the Corporation documents was a letter from this
Mayor to the Earl of Bath "for practising shooting at
Totnes " :—

" My hunble dutie unto yor honar with most dutifull
acknowledgment of yor honorable respect upon all manifest
occasions to the good state of this town evermore remem-
bered. I have presumed at the request some Townsmen
here to make known unto your honner their humble desire
with your honourable allowance to exercise themselves
with their muskets by a shooting match with some of our
neighbours of Totnes, both in the town of Totnes and here,
for that their purpose therein tendeth only to the bettering
of their skill in light exercise and the increase of neigh-
bourlie love and amitie. I have the rather embolden
myself in their behalf to become also hereby an humble
sutor to your honour for tolleration and allowance of their
intended enterprise. In all humbleness herein assuringe
your honor that all possible care shall be taken in this place
that noe hurt or danger happen thereby and so I humbly
reast and remainge evermore your honor to be com-
manded,

" Thomas Spurwaie, Mayor of Dartmouth,
" 20th July 1616."

1617-8. William Plumleigh, Mayor of Dartmouth,
married Jone, daughter of Thomas Spurwaie, of Exminster.,

Digitized by

654 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

William Plumleigh, who died in 1647, gave 24s. a year to
be paid yearly out of land in the North Churchyard to
12 poor widows of St. Petrock's parish at Shrovetide.
All trace of this is gone.

William Plumleigh, M.P. 1625, described as merchant.

17 October, 1617. A declaration was made by the Cor-
poration that the Shipwrights of Dartmouth and the West
parts were not able to conform with certain constitutions
published by the Company of Shipwrights of Rotherliethe,
who claimed that the men should not work except by
Licence of the Company, to which they must pay 3d.
out of every day's wages (3328).

Col. Vivian's Visitation of Devon gives John Plumleigh,
married Margaret, dau. of Even Touse, of Dartmouth,
26 March, 1597, bur. 2 January, 1603-4, at Dartmouth.

In St. Petrock's Church is a monumental brass repre-
senting Barbara Plumleigh, her two sons and four daugh-
ters. The inscription shows her to have been the wife of
John Plumleigh. She died 3 September, 1610, and was
evidently the first wife of the Mayor of 1619-20. There is
in the same church a tablet with the inscription that it is
to the memory of Margaret, the second wife of John Plum-
leigh, of Dartmouth, daughter of Nicholas Martin, of
Exon, died 25 February, 1638.

In 1641, John Plumleigh by deed gave the town a close
of land at Ford Head as a place for the inhabitants to dry
and bleach their clothes in, and the herbage for the poor.

RECEIVER, PASCHO JAGO

1618- 9. JOHN SMITH.

1619- 20. JOHN PLUMLEIGH.

RECEIVER, ANDREW WAKEHAM i-r-

Extracts from the accounts : —
1619-20. To a grave in the Church for a

fleming ....
For using the bells for his knell .
Paid for removing the poor man's

26s. 8d.
7s.

box in the Church .
For the keys for the same .

4d.
lOd.

5s.

Novr. 5. Paid the Ringers

For a lock for the Stocks .

Mr Wm Plumleigh, for his Kitchen

£16.

6. 8

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

655

This would be towards the expense of feasts he gave
during his mayoralty.

1620. August. Pd. To Bowden for setting the

Armes over the Church Porch 10s.
Pd the Heralds on their nutation
registering the Townes Armes 10s.

Also payment made for gilting the Townes Armes over
the Church porch ; for making the tables of Armes in the
Church, and for drawing the four plotts for the Town.

1620-1. Paid the " Heralds on their visitation in 1620
for registering the Townes Arms 10s." Same year paid
Nicholas Townsend for gilding the Town Arms over the
porch and for making the table of Arms in the Church
(Worthy's Devonshire Parishes, Vol. 2, p. 18).

RECEIVER, ANDREW VOYSEY

1621-2. The Mayor of Dartmouth wrote, 20 June, 1622,
the Lords of the Council, sending a list of contributions
made by the inhabitants amounting to £30, and excusing
the smallness thereof because of the loss of the Town of
six ships of 160 tons each taken by the Turks and 130 men
carried into captivity at Argier (Algiers), besides many that
have been robbed by the Turks and French (1445).

1622-3. THOMAS SPURWAIE.

/1670\

WILLIAM KENT, RECEIVER (-g-)'

This Mayor, 5 May, 1623, petitioned with many others
the Lords of the Council, setting forth that the New Light
erected at the Lizard by Sir John Killigrew and which they
say " can in no waie be beneficial in that place neither will
any experienced maryner trust thereto," and that the due
of Is. 2d. a ton would be burdensome (1447).

1623-4. Entries in the accounts : —

Mr Bastard, his fee as Recorder . £3. 0.

For a barrell of wine for Mr Bastard 34s. 4d.
pd. for the preacher's horses att three

several tymes . . . . 14s.
pd. for preacher's dyett (no amount)

pd. for making cleane of the armoure 12s. 6d.

pd. Mr. Maior for his kitchen . . £15. 6. 8.

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656 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

pd. the Gunour (Gunner) on the Coro-
nation day .... 2s.

pd. for a new bible and booke of Comon

prayer ..... 35s. 3d.

1624- 5.

1625- 6. WILLIAM PLUMLEIG^b.

The Plumleigh Arms were on front of the gallery of St.
Saviour's Church.

In the accounts of Mr. Wm. Plumleigh, 1625-26, are
entries for sicke soldiers in Dartmouth, and to send them
to Brent and Totnes ; also charges for a new Almshouse ;
the following are also of interest : —

Item — pd. Judith Follett and John Cole
for carrying of sick soldiers to
Totnes . . . . 4s.
pd. to Henry Penny towards the

making of the Town Chain . £42. 00. 00

(This is the chain put across the harbour in time of war,
agreed by Henry VIII's charter to be put across from a
tower to be built.)

pd. James, the Cutler, for trim-
ming the Town Armour . 15s.
pd. to John Crewkerne, to give
unto a preacher of the King's
fleet, which did preach twice
the 26th of Nov. ... 2s.

pd. for a barrel of wyne for Mr.

Bastard . . . . . £2. 7. 6

Horse hire and man to carry it to

his house .... 2s. 6d.

pd. Triggs for a Lock and Key for

Kingswear Castle ... Is. 3d.

(This would be opposite the tower from which the
chain went across, and not what is now known as Kingswear
Castle.)

pd. John Hollman, for going to

Sallcombe to warn them to

mete the Justices about setting

forthe of 3 shipps . . Is. 3d.

pd. for J a quarterne of faggots to

lay under the chain . . Is. lid.

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AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES. 657

pd. a footman to convey a letter

to the Maior of Totnes . . Is.

Given to a footman that brought
a letter from the Maior of
Totnes .... 6d.

(These preparations for fitting out ships and putting the
defences in order must have been in consequence of the
Spanish War of 1625, when a fleet of 90 vessels left Ply-
mouth and made a "frutless decent " on Cadiz.)

1627-8. Dartmouth was visited by the plague, as
appears by St. Saviour's Register.

1627, June 17. A number of burials are marked P
(" that died w 4 ye Plague "). Those so marked are 17 June,
8 July, 9 August, 11 September, 8 October, 3 November.
In all 56 marked P. There is an account of money for
" shrowds " for the poor in the time of the plague.

In 1590-1 there was also an outbreak, and in 1590
there was an outbreak in Totnes, and the first entry is
" 22 July, 1590, was buried Margary, the daughter of
Mr Nic° Wycke of Dartmouth, the first plague," so it
would appear to have spread from Dartmouth.

26 August, 1627. John Tailler, senr., of Exeter, sent the
Mayor of Dartmouth £30 15s. 5£d. collected for the poor
of Dartmouth, when oppressed with the plague (1450).

The General Muster Book of the inhabitants is as fol-
lows : —

Dartmouth. — The general Muster booke of all the
Inhabitants of Dartmouth, penned the last of June, 1628 :

Innerward

John Bagwell, sen. a Muskett performed

Gilbert Wreighford a calliver performed

William Laby a calliver performed

Richard Palmer a bill

Clement Pallmer a muskett performed

John Hill, sen. a Bill

Thomas Gylles a holbert performed

Michaell Babage a Bill

Robert Hollabombe a Bill

William Roberts, sen. a Bill

William Roberts, jun. a Bill

Phillipp Boyes a muskett performed

Christopher Dick a Bill

vol. xliv. 2 T

Digitized by

658 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

Robert Caley

a Bill

John Jeff erie

a Bill

Jane Jefferye, wid.

a holbert

Edward Johnson

a Bill

John Lash, jun.

a holbert

John Francis

a muskett performed

Thomas Eick

a calliver performed

Thomas Beere

a muskett performed

Richard Cosens

a Bill

John Salter

a Bill

Charles Good

a Bill

John Chope

a Muskett performed

James Farr

Bill

Walter Tucker

Bill

Samuel Wills

Bill

John Hill, jun.

Bill

Thomas Woodaford

a Bill

Edmond Davye

a Bill

Eron Ford

a Bill

JohnJarvis,als.Lovett a holbert

Pascho Mathew

a Calliver

James Prowte

a Bill

Edward Winget

a Bill

William Shillabere

a Bill

Roger Yeoman

a holbert

John Trickey

a Muskett performed

John O'Mealie

a Bill

John Carter

a holbert

William Symons, sen.

a Muskett performed

Richard Fowlle

a Caliver

William Ellett

a Muskett performed

John Owke

a Calliver

Alexander Withicombe a Bill

Thomas Tewiss

a Bill

Thomas Welter, sen.

a holbert

Willm. Winchester

a Calliver

Christopher Cottager

a holbert and sword

John Wheeler

a calliver performed

Then follows a long list of more names, one being : —
Widow Lovett a holbert and sword

Against many names no weapon at all is entered.
Total number of names, 104.

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AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

659

Callivers . . 10
Bills ... 40
Halberts . . 26
Swords ... 4
Muskets . .20
Dagger ... 1

101

Ten names, nothing carried out against them.
Memo. : —

Abraham Kellyr
Wilton Canter
John Anneriday
Bennett Watts
Walter Winget.

The Recorder, Mr. Bastard, 25 October, 1628 writes
the Mayor respecting the Town's right to foreshore, and
advises making a reasonable composition, if they can, to
perfect their title, " for that we all see in what tymes we
now live " (1449).

1628- 9.

1629- 30.

1630- 1. The date 1631 is in ironwork on the door of
St. Saviour's Church, with, in ironwork, two quaint lions
and a tree. This ironwork is said to date from the reign
of Edward III. The date, 1631, is a puzzle. Either this
style of ironwork lingered for a considerable time longer
than generally thought, or the ironwork belonged to an
older door and was brought there in that year.

Among the accounts is : —

1630-1. Account of the costs of building the Church
Tower and the Pinnacles with a list of Subscribers towards

the work (^°).

1633-4. ALEXANDER STAPLETON.

Account is preserved for building the North side of
St. Saviour's Chapel (3051).

1634r-5. WILLIAM GURNEYE.

Col. Vivian's Visitation of Devon gives William Gurneye,
buried 1646-7 at Townstell, married Grace, dau. Robert
Ball, of Tor.

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660 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HABDNESS

Brand's Popular Antiquities, 1877, p. 130, has reference
to Burton's Judgment on Sabboth Breakers, published
1641, which has this reference to the Maypole at Dart-
mouth : "At Dartmouth 1634 upon the coming forth
and publishing of the Book of Sports a company of
younkers on May Day morning before day, went into the
Country to fetch home a May Pole with drumme and
Trumpet whereat the neighbouring inhabitants were
affrighted, supposing some enemies had landed to sack
them. The Pole being thus brought home and set up they
began to drink healths about it and to it, till they could not
stand so steady as the Pole did, whereupon the Mayor
and Justices bound the ringleaders over to the Sessions
whereupon those complaining to the Archbishop's Vicar
General!, then in his visitation, he prohibited the Justices
to proceed against them in regard of the King's Book.
But the Justices acquainted him they did it for their dis-
order in transgressing the bounds of the book. Hereupon
these libertines scorning at authority one of them fell
suddenly into a consumption whereof he shortly afterwards
died. Now although this revelling was not on the Lord's
day, yet being upon any other day and specially May Day,
the May Pole set up thereon giving occasion to the pro-
phanation of the Lord's Day the whole year after it was
sufficient to provoke God to send plagues and judgment
among them."

1635. 21 July. Sir George Chudleigh writes the Mayor
desiring them to retain Capt. Langdon as Commander of
the Town Company (1453).

1635-6. The Piazzas, or Butterwalk, are said to have
been erected by a person bearing the name of Hayman,
in the years 1635-40, and the letters M. H. may still be seen
on the carved oak frieze of one of the fronts. A Richard
Hayman was Mayor 1641. All the five houses are sup-
ported on a row of 12 stone pillars, on the tops of which the
signs of the zodiac are curiously carved. All the houses
formerly communicated with each other, and it is said,
in July, 1671, Charles II held his Court here for a week.
His arms, carved in oak, still exist in one of the houses.
The houses are ornamented with grotesque figures curi-
ously carved in wood. In one house is a remarkable
ceiling ; it represents the " Root of Jesse," with his
descendants branching from him in succession until the
genealogy ends in the Virgin Mary and our Saviour. All

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

661

the figures are strangely shaped in plaster, and to those
who were kings are given crowned heads. At the four
corners of the ceiling are the four Evangelists with their
symbols, and it is said that the room was formerly sur-
rounded with life-size figures of the twelve Apostles carved
in oak. Over the chimney-piece was a fine representation
of " The Judgment of Solomon."

There is a chimney-piece in another of the houses, in
plaster, in a quaint design intended to illustrate the descent
of the Holy Ghost (Acts n. 1-4).

1636-7. THOMAS SPURWAY.

Lord Mandevill was paid, 17 March, 1636, £12 for three
years' fees as Steward of Dartmouth.

1638. JOHN BUDLEY.

1638- 9. ANDREW VOYSEY.

Col. Vivian, p. 764, pedigree of Voysey, of Dartmouth,
gives Andrew Voysey, Mayor of Dartmouth, buried
22 May, 1653, at Townstal, married Thomasine, dau. of
Robt. Martin, of Dartmouth ; he married, secondly, Mary,
dau . of Richard Wakeham, of Dartmouth. Andrew Voysey
was M.P. 1640; described as merchant.

1639- 40. ROGER MATHEW.

A Roger Mathew, merchant, was M.P. 1620, 1625, 1626,
1628, and 1640. In 1646 Thomas Boone was elected M.P.
for Dartmouth, vice Mathew, disabled.

1640. WILLIAM BARNES.

1640- 1. ROBERT FOLLETT.

Silphine, dau. of John Follet, of Dartmouth, on 1 Feb-
ruary, 1603-4, married Aldred Staplehill, of Dartmouth,
at Tounstall. Administratrix to her husband's estate,
1650. They had a son, Thomas, born 1618, married Joan,
dau. of Follett, 17 January, 1641-2, Tounstall.

1641-2. WILLIAM PLUMLEIGH.

1642. There is an account of disbursements made by
Laurence Wheeler towards "fortefying and maintaining
the Garison of the Town to the use of the Parliament "
(3068) ; also, an account of disbursements "in the service
of the Parliament against the violence of the Sheriff Sir

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662 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

Edmond Fortescue his posse comitatus and Sir Ralph
Hopton's army being at Totnes " (3069).

1641-2. ALEXANDER ST APLEHILL .

3 November, 1642. "A constitution made against the
excesse of feasting and banquetting of the Mayor and Chief
Officers of the Town " (2004, f. 8).

In 1643 Dartmouth, which favoured the Parliament,
was taken for the King by Prince Maurice There is the
following entry in St. Saviour's Register : —

" Dartmouth : St. Saviour's.

burialls 1643.

Slayne in The Densum Luscombe

fight of Dart- Alice wife of John Elliot

mouth, the 30th Nicholas Castell
September 1643 Richard Moore
Common Soldiers Richard Bowden
Townsmen Walter Trewicke Were

Peter Woredeford Buried the Octo-
ber 4th
Robert Parrat
Thomas Gibbons
Nicholas James
CAPTAIN WILLIAM BROOKING

Steven Bondman
Colonel JAMES CHUDLY the 4th of October
Ensigne George Buckman
Soldiers Robert Austin ]

.Philip Bulley [ October 9th."
Philip Roope )

Note in the Register Book, by the Vicar : —
"N.B. Colonel J. Chudleigh was Eldest son of George
Chudleigh and served in the Parliament Army until
within a few months of the siege of Dartmouth when having
joined the Royal cause he was killed on the day the town
was taken. Col. J. Chudleigh assisted in the siege under
Prince Maurice.

See Dugdale. 5 March, 1821. R. H. Vicar."

1642-3. There is preserved a receipt by Col. Ruthven,
Lieut.-General of the Western Forces, for " two pieces of
Brass Ordenance."

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AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

663

1643-4. JOHN BUDLEY.

There is also preservedThomasNewcomen's Receiver's ac-
count of disbursements for the town and expenses for Coals
and Candles for the Garrison. Among them for strong beer
and wine carried to Prince Maurice (3071). And there is
a book with claims by Burgesses of Dartmouth for expendi-
ture in defending the Town for the Parliament, and the
losses sustained by the siege and occupation by the Royalist
army (3070).

1643. H.M.C., p. 67, 19 November. Joseph James to
Edward Seymour. As to the good affection of Mr. William
Coode who is in the harbour of Dartmouth and his desire
of visiting his friends before he goes on his voyage.

1643. H.M.C., p. 67, 22 November. The Garrison at
Dartmouth. " A particular of the list of the Soldiers in
Garrison at Dartmouth and the sums paid them."

Dartmouth occupied by Lord George Goring, and he was
defeated by Fairfax after nearly a month's defence, and
the Mayor's son killed Mr. Budley and also Capt. Brooking.

The following is a copy of : —

" Sir Thomas Fairfax's letter to both Houses of Parlia-
ment, more exactly and fully relating the Storming and
Taking of Dartmouth, with the Castles, Forts, Officers in
Chief, and Soldiers therein ; together with a List of the
names of the several Commanders, and Soldiers, taken in
the said Town, Castle and Forts."

"To THE
Right Honourable the Speaker
or THE

House or Peers pro Tempore.

"My Lords,

" After my coming to Totnes, the Enemy rising in
great disorder from their Siege at Plymouth, leaving their
Guns and some Ammunition behind them, I considered
with those about me of attempting upon Dartmouth ;
and it being concluded affirmatively, I caused two Regi-
ments of Foot to march to Ditsam, and two to Stoke

1644-5. JOHN GOURNEY.

John Gourney, 1613, gave £5 for the poor.

1645-6. JOHN BUDLEY.

664 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

Flemming, being on the West side of the Dart River.
I having summoned the Place before, resolved upon Sunday
night to Attempt it by Storm, which was agreed to be done
in three Places : The first post was on the west gate by
Colonel Hammond : on the North end of the Town by
Lieut. Colonel Pride ; and on Tunstall Church and Works
by Col. Fortescue. The Time resolved on, was in the
Evening ; our men fell on with great Resolution (to whom
Colonel Lambert's Regiment was a Reserve, and to alarm
the Enemy elsewhere) Colonel Hammond entering the
West Gate where four guns were planted, and two upon the
Mill Pool upon his flank. The Enemy firing his great guns
but once, his men that had the Forlorn-Hope did very
gallantly (as indeed they did all) and went freely on and
beat off the Enemy, and possessed one Fort after another ;
viz : Mount-Flaggon, West-Gate, Paradice-Fort, and beat
off the main Guard ; where were taken four Lieutenant
Colonels ; and so possessed the Town from the West
Gate to little Dartmouth. In the Interim, Lieutenant
Colonel Pride attempted the North part of the Town,
called Hardness, where beating off tKe enemy he entered
it, and took about 80 Prisoners in it, and by it possessed
all the north part of the Town unto the Draw Bridge, which
divided the North part from the rest of the Town ; where
Colonel Hamond's men and his met Colonel Fortescue
with his men, attempted Tunstall Church, which was very
well man'd with above One Hundred Men, and having in
it ten Guns. His men after some dispute, with good Resolu-
tion entered the Place and possessed it, so that the Enemy
was beaten out of all except the great Fort, in the East
Side of the River, called Kingsworth Fort, and the Castle
with the Fort which lay over the Castle at the Mouth of
the Harbour, called Gallant's Bower to which last the
Governor with the Earl of Newport, and as many as escaped
us fled. After they were forced from their strengths out
of the town, the Governor coming back from the Castle
to see in what posture the town was, had a remarkable
shot, as he was in the Boat, one sitting by him, a Musket
shot was made at the Boat, which pierced the Boat, and
through both the thighs of one that was next unto him,
and about three inches into his own thigh, upon which
he retreated to the Castle. Our Dragoons, with two
Companies of our firelocks and some Seamen, were ordered
only to Alarm Kingsworth Fort, wherein was Sir Henry

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES. 665

Cary with his Regiment, having in it twelve guns and
Twelve barrels of powder, and convenient proportion of
Ammunition. This had a very strong Bulwark, strong
enough to have made a troublesome Resistance ; but the
Enemy came willingly to Terms ; and to save time I
willingly condescended to let Sir Henry Cary march away
with the rest, leaving the Arms, Ordnance, Ammunition,
with all Provisions in the Fort to me, and all engaging
themselves never to take up Arms more against the Parlia-
ment, which was accordingly performed. Next Morning,
being thus Master of all but the Castle and Gallant's
Bower, I summoned that, the Governor was willing to
listen to me, but I held him to those terms, upon which,
after some dispute he yielded, which was, to deliver
himself, and all Officers and Soldiers upon Quarter ; he
sent me out Colonel Seymour and Mr Denham, for Hos-
tages, with whom came out the Earl of Newport, and all
was this day performed accordingly. In this Fort and
Castle were eleven guns, with proportion of ammunition
and Provisions. We have taken in the Harbour two Men
of War, one belonging to the Governor of Barnstaple,
with twelve guns, burden two hundred tuns ; the other
belonging to Newcastle, formerly Capt. Johnson's of ten
Guns : In the Town, one hundred and three pieces of
ordnance, and about six hundred Prisoners, and one hun-
dred Horse, with good proportion of Arms and Ammu-
nition, an exact Particular whereof I am not able to give
your Lordship at present an Account thereof : there being
many of the Inhabitants of this Town, Soldiers in Plymouth,
and some Officers. And understanding that the Town had
two thousand five hundred and Garrison besides Townsmen,
I have sent thither for five hundred Foot for this place, who
quickly will increase to more ; and to this I desire your
Approbation : for having found more work to do, I held
it not fit to weaken my Army, especially considering the
Recruits designed by you, I doubt will be too long before
they come. I have given your Lordship a brief Account
of this Service, which I desire may be accounted a sweet
Mercy of God in a very fitting season, and only ascribed
unto him who truly did direct and act it, and made all
the Preparations to it, both in the ordering our Hearts
and giving health to the Army, which laboured two months
ago extremely of sickness, but is now in good Disposition
generally to Health. I can say I find it in the Hearts of all

666 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

Officers, all the common Soldiers, being betwixt eight
hundred and a thousand, are set at liberty to repair to
here, in all integrity to serve you ; And that it is so, is still
the mercy of God ; for surely the success of your affairs,
only depends upon the ordering of a gracious Providence,
which is no less visible in your Councels (which we con-
gratulate) than amongst us ; that being the common Root
and Spring of all, and which can and will carry you through
the greatest Difficulties, and us in serving you, until God
hath finished his own work : Wherein to possess the Obliga-
tion and readiness of my self and the Army, by the same
good Hand of God is all the undertaking of

" Your Lordships most humble Servant,

"Thomas Fairfax."

" Dartmouth, Jan. 20, 1645-6."

"For a further relation of particulars I refer you to this
bearer, Mr. Peters, who was present upon the place, and
did much encourage the Soldiers to do their duty.

" Prisoners taken at Dartmouth, 19 January, 1645 : —
Sir Hugh Pollard (Governor).
Earl of Newport. Colonel Seymour.

MAJORS.

Fulford Colefin Raynolds

Hooper Ford Lee

Powell Blewet Phillips.

LIEUT .-COLONELS .

Codrington Blunt Wadland

CAPTAINS.

Pollard Sampson Start
Woodly Duke Downing

LIEUTENANTS.

King Eldon Drew

Pollard Blee Williams

Hunt Libull Hinlay

Duncalf Slanner Searle.

Kigan Johnson

ENSIGNS.

Praed Waggin
Dode Vichering.

Searle.

Horton
Conway.

Fitz James

Richard
Upton

"Many Country Gentlemen, Ministers, and inferior
Officers, all the Common Soldiers, being betwixt eight
hundred and a thousand, are set at liberty to their

Digitized by

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES. 667

Dwellings. Ordnance about a hundred and twenty
mounted. Two Men of War in the Harbour."

This fight is said to have taken place the Sunday after
12 January, 1646, after the soldiers had been exhorted
by the celebrated Hugh Peters, who himself wrote a full
account of the engagement.

Wheeler's Arms were on front of the gallery of St.
Saviour's Church.

Lawrence Wheeler, by will dated 20 April, 1662, gave
a yearly charge of £2 12s. to be distributed amongst the
poor in one dozen penny loaves.

Col. Vivian's Visitation, p. 710, Staplehill, of Dartmouth,
Arms, Arg. a Chevron Sa.

Col. Vivian also mentions Gilbert Staplehill, of Exeter,
and Mayor of Dartmouth, bur. 18 October, 1612, Toun-
stall. There is a brass to his memory in St. Saviour's
Church (Worthy's Devon Parishes, Vol. II, p. 11).

In " Some Account of the Monumental Brasses of Devon "
(Exeter Diocesan Archl. Soc, Vol. VI, p. 119) it is said he
died 15 February, 1637. J. S. Arthwood, in the Antiquary,
gave the date 13 February, 1637. The account is : —

" S. Saviour's Dartmouth. Here is the fine figure of
Gilbert Staplehill once Mayor of the Town of Dartmouth,
though of late date the execution is very good. He is
represented bareheaded with the hands joined in prayer
and arrayed in the Mayor's furred robe. Over his head
are three shields, the first bearing quarterly first and fourth,
Argent, a chevron Sable, for Staplehill ; second and third,
Azure, three roaches in pale naiant, Argent, for Roach ;
second, Azure, three butterflies volant, Argent, two and one,
for Muschamp of Surrey, and third, Argent, on a bend
Sable, three horseshoes of the Field, for Ferrers. At the
foot of the figure is this inscription :

Behold Thyselve By mee

I was as Thou art now

And thou in time shalt be

Even dust as I am now

So doth this figure paint to thee

The form and state of eche degree."

1646-7. LAWRENCE WHEELER.

1647- 8.

1648- 9. JOHN STAPLEHILL.

The height of the figure is 2 feet 7 inches.

668 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS
1649-50. WALTER JAGO.

Alice, dau. of Richard Jago, of Dartmouth, married
Zachary Gould, of Dartmouth, 8 February, 1601-2, at
Dartmouth, his second wife. The Goulds were of Darting-
ton, Rattery, and Staverton. Thomas Gould, of Rattery,
born at Dartmouth, 4 August, 1605, was a merchant at
Lisbon.

1651- 2. JOSEPH CUBITT.

1652- 3.

1653- 4. LAURENCE WHEELER.

In April, 1653, a Release was made by Bathsheba
Newcomen, executrix of Thomas Newcomen of the family
of Newcomen, the inventor, to the Corporation Feoffees,
of a tenement on the New Key.

1654- 5. WILLIAM BARNES.

1655- 6. WILLIAM SPURWAY.
1659-60. LAURENCE WHEELER.

1660-1. In October and November, 1660, the Mayors
of Plymouth, Barnstaple, Weymouth wrote the Mayor of
Dartmouth as to the proposals of the Londoners for the
regulation of Trade (1461-3).

1661- 2.

1662- 3. WILLIAM SPURWAIE.

Certificates are preserved of numbers of persons not
attending Church (J^)«

12 June, 1663. There is a copy of a certificate touching
the Adventurer, frigate, 70 tons, of Dartmouth, which was
taken by the Turks to Argier (Algiers), and of her cargo.

1663-4.
166^-5.

1665-6. THOMAS JAGO.

30 October, 1665. There was a Petition of the Shoe-
makers of Dartmouth to prevent one Philip Masters, of
Jersey, from plying the Trade of a Shoemaker in the
Town (3338). & •

1666-7. The Dutch were besieging Dartmouth.

Among the papers of the Corporation of Totnes are the
accounts during the Mayoralty of John Ley, Mayor in
1666-7, which show how Totnes assisted Dartmouth when

Digitized by

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

669

it was attacked by the Dutch. The entries are as
follows : —

For as much paid Richard Punchard for
his journies to Dartmouth, 3 days, the
Dutch being before it . . .0:6:0
For 6 leather bags for powder . . 0:5:0
For John Chaffe to go to Dartmouth as a

Drummer . . . . .0:1:0

For a boat for Volunteers to pass down

there 0:4:0

For John Dolbeare to go thrice to Black-
down Beacon . . . . .0:1:0
For twine and making three bullet bags . 0:0:6
For boat hire for William Tiller, who came
with a letter from the Deputy Lieutenants
at Dartmouth . . . . .0:1:6
For John Sanders and his horse 1 day to
attend to carry ammunition if occasion

presented 0:1:6

For brown paper to wrap powder in . . : : 10
For monies paid to Mr John Brooking for

the Volunteers at Dartmouth . . 10 : :
For charges expended by the Constables
to carry masons at Plymouth by Sir
John Skelton's order . . . .2:7:0
For making up the Beacon . . .0:17:0
For 6 Pyoneers 2 days at Dartmouth , 0:12:0
For 6 Pyoneers 3 days at Dartmouth . 0:18:0
For the Constables charges several times to

conduct them . . . . . : 10 : 6
For the Ringers at the proclamation of

peace : 10 : 6

Sir John Skelton was Governor of Plymouth Citadel.
There is a monument to his memory in St. Andrew's
Church, Plymouth, and in the Western Antiquary, Vol. II,
1882-3, p. 169, is a view of it, and at p. 175 an account
of him.

1667- 8.

1668- 9.

1669- 70.

1670- 1. EMANUEL WOLLEY.

King Charles II visited Dartmouth and was entertained
for a week ; the following is the account : —

Digitized by

670 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

" The three and twentieth day of July, 1671, Our
Sovereign Lord King Charles the second over England,

" These particular sums of money herein-under men-
tioned were paid by Emanuel Woolley, then Mayor for
this Corporation unto His said Majesty's Servants then
attending his Majesty in this place.

" A Bill of Homage Fees, due to the King's Servants,
from all Towns Corporate unto which His Majesty shall
come :

io 13 lie vreiiuieiiieii uoiieio titiiiv vvetiueio .

X.O.

A
u.

A.O tne vjciiuicnicii u oners oi Due it rivy

onamDers ......

A
U

io une ijrentiemen usners v^uaruer waiters

A
U.

To the Sergeant at Arms

To the Sewers of the Chamber .

To the King's Barbers ....
To the King's Harbinger . .

To the King's Marshall .

To the Yeoman Ushers ....

To the Grooms of the Chamber

To the Yeomen Harbingers

To the Footmen .....

To the Sergeant and Office of Trumpets

To the Sergeant Porter ....

To the Yeomen of the Month .

To the Page of the Presence

10.

To the Porters at the Gate

To the Yeomen of the Fields .

10.

To the Boatmen .

16.

To the Surveyors of the Ways . ...

10.

The receipt for the money was as follows : —

" Received then of Emanuel Wolley Esq, ^
Mayor of the Towne of Dartmouth, in
full discharge of the homage fees, within ^
mensoned, payable to his Maties servants
the sume of Thirty six pounds six shil-
lings eight pence.

" I say reed as above said.

&c.

36. 6. 8

"Tho. Duppy. Gen* Usher Coll.

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES.

671

The above sum was not sufficient to settle every charge ,
the following further entries appearing : —

" Above demanded and received of the said Mr. Mayor
some Forty shillings.
" I say reed by me

"Tho. Donleley. Closet Keeper."

" Paid the King's Waterman . . . 00. 11. 00."

The last payment may have been to take his Majesty
and suite across to Kingswear, from whence they, no doubt,
proceeded to Exeter.

Mr. John Lovering, in 1671, founded an Almshouse for
decayed Fishermen or their widows, and gave the sum
of £200 to be laid out in land for the repairs, and towards
the support of the pensioners. His son of the same name
gave a sum of money for the augmentation of its endow-
ment. The Almshouse was, says Lysons, burnt down,
there were no funds for the rebuilding, and the Charity was
entirely lost.

A memorial of this visit of Charles II was discovered
some years ago when the Butter Row houses were under
repair, viz. some square wax candles with the Royal Arms
painted on them (Worthy's Devonshire Parishes, Vol. II,

26 January, 1671. There is a Charter of Laws for New-
foundland, giving powers to the Mayors of Plymouth,
Dartmouth, and other Western Towns to try offences
committed in Newfoundland. This document is in a box
with a seal (3344).

Holdsworth : In St. Petrock's Church, Dartmouth, on
the floor of the nave a memorial of this family.

Arthur Holdsworth, this Mayor, died 22 June, 1690,
aged 66.

Holdsworth Arms were on the front of the gallery of
St. Saviour's Church. This is the first member of this
family who is mentioned as Mayor. The family is referred
to before under the Mayoralty of 1504, when they first
came to Dartmouth.

p. 20).

1671-2. ROBERT CLAPP.

1672-3. ARTHUR HOLDSWORTH.

672 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

1673- 4.

1674- 5.

1675- 6. THOS. NEWMAN.

The Newmans were merchants in Dartmouth, and were
connected with the Newfoundland trade. Several times
members of this family were Mayors.

1676- 7.

1677- 8. AMBROSE MUDD.

1678- 9. In 1679 Walter Jago and Arthur Holdsworth
(probably the Mayors of 1649 and 1672), and John Haynes
gave a Rent Charge of £18 per annum to the parish of
St. Saviour's, £3 12s. of which was to be given to a Latin
Master and £3 12s. to a Master for teaching Arithmetic
(Lysons).

1679- 1680.

1680- 1. An order was made, 1681, 11 August, that
Councillors may vote by proxy in the Election of Mayor,
if they be sick or disabled from attending (1990).

1681- 2.

1682- 3. JOHN WHITROW.

Col. Vivian, p. 644, Rebecca, 2nd dau. Thomas Reynell,
of East Ogwell, ma. John Whitrow, of Dartmouth, both
living with issue, 1695.

1683- 4. benjamin rooke.

1684- 5. arthur holdsworth.

1685- 6. thomas jago.

Ordinances and Bye-laws.

A very long roll of parchment is preserved, signed at
the end by Sir Francis Nythers and Sir Richard Heath,
Judges of the Western Circuit, and allowed 19 March,
1686.

" Burrough of Clifton Dartmouth Hardness
in the County of Devon.

" Ordinances, Constitutions, Laws, and Statutes, made,
ordained, constituted, and established by Thomas Jago,
the now Mayor, John Beare, Esq., Recorder, Roger
Pomeroy, Esq., Ambrose Roope, Esq., Edward Roope,
Arthur Holdsworth, Robert Clapp, Thomas Baddiford,

Digitized by

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES. 673

Nicholas Paynton, and Thomas Floud, Burgesses : Symon
Lumley, Richard Hingston, George Dotton, Peter Burd,
William Manoway, Roger Matthew, John Sparke, Thomas
Jago, junr., Nicholas Elliott, and John Bulley, Assistants,
being the Common Council of the said Burrough and
Corporation, the five and twentieth day of December,
in the 2nd year of the reign of our most gracious Sovereign
Lord, James the Second, by the Grace of God of Eng.,
Scot., France and Ireland, King Defender of the Faith,
An. Dom. 1686."

The following are those of interest : —

1. Non-attendance at Election of Mair, 20s. Fine.

,, other times, 3s. 4d.

(Without reasonable excuse.)

2. Elec. of Mair, two burgesses named, and Freemen to
elect.

3. No one once elected eligible for three years as Mair,
except in case of death of Mair, then former Mair to be
Mair and oldest Justice.

4. Resident Burgess elected Mair fined not exceeding
£20 if does not accept office.

5. Assistants not exceeding £20.

6. Fine 3s. 4d. on Burgesses or Common Councilmen
(except Mair, Recorder, or Justices) speaking in any debate
unless his head be uncovered.

7. Fine not exceeding 20s. for discovering any debate
or discourse to outsiders, whereby the secrets of such
meetings and assemblies are made known and exposed to
the various interpretations of factious and disaffected
persons (as by too frequent experience hath been mani-
fested), proved before the Mair by two Witnesses.

8. Fine on Freemen resident for non-attendance when
summoned 3s. 4d.

9. " Item, to the intent that the said Burgesses and
Common Councilmen, for the tyme being, inhabiting
within the said Corporation, may hereafter be and appeare
in decent and comely habitt, according to their degree and
calling. It is ordered that every one of the said Burgesses
and Common Councilmen shall, upon all Sundays, without
notice, and upon festivall dayes in the yeare, and at all
other solemn and special assemblies, use and weare a
decent and comely gown, and shall attend the said Mair,

vol. xliv. 2 u

Digitized by

674 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS

for the time being upon Sundays without notice, and upon
festivall dayes, (having prev. notice thereof from the Mair)
to the Church, and into and through the body of the Church
to their respective seats, and soe back again in their
gowns."

Fine for not doing so, 3s. 4d.

10. Son of Freemen, not Eldest, to pay 2s. 6d., and
others to be free, and not to sell till free.

11. Is as to Strangers being made free.

12. Apprentice of Freemen to pay 2s. 6d. before can sell.

13. Inhabitants to repair the street from their houses
to centre of street in front, where gutter runs. Fine 12d.
if not done.

14. Fine of 5s., Strangers or Foreigners, not being
free, selling victuals and other wares in the Borough,
other than in gross or on Market days.

15. Fine of 3s, 4d. on butchers exposing meat for sale
on Saturdays after 10 in the afternoon.

16. Inhabitants on appointed days to clear up dung,
&c, in front of houses, and heaps to be taken away, 3s. 4d.
fine if not done.

21. Persons between 18 and 60, when required by
the Mayor, &c, to watch, or find a watch.

26. Item. It is ordained and established that if any
person shall kill or procure to be killed, any Bull
without beating (baiting) the same at the Bull post or
ring, on the day next before the killing thereof. Fine

The following were the fees payable in this Court in
Dartmouth : —

The fees of the Court of Pye Powder, as it was given
in by Mr. Arthur Kelly, the Town Clerk, in July, 1688,
and transcribed 18 November, 1717, by Mr. Thomas
Newman, Town Clerke : —

3s. 4d.

30. Workmen to be paid in ready money only.
34. Mayor, &c, to appoint a Paymaster.

1686- 7. GEORGE KINNICOTT.

1687- 8. JOHN WHITROW.

Court of Pie Powder.

AND ITS MAYORS AND MAYORALTIES. 675

8. d.

To the Mayor .

To the Town's Bayliffe
To the Jurors .

6 : 8
3 : 4
6 :

To the King's bayliffe
To the Town Clerke .
To the sets

3 : 6
1 : 4

1:1:6

The Court of Pie Powder was a special Court held during
a Fair for the trial of causes and offences arising during the

1689-90. Mr. William Wotton in 1689 gave a rent-charge
of £5 per annum for the purpose of teaching poor children
of the parish of St. Saviour's, Dartmouth, to read the Bible.
The endowment has not been paid since 1805.

Probably of same family as the Mayor of 1638-9.

1692-3. 20 November, 1693. There was an Order
imposing a toll of a half -penny a bushell on Barley and a
penny on wheat in the Market-place (3339).

The writer has an original order of this year as follows : —

" Uppon ye Peticon of Mr John Hodge of ye Towne off
Dartmouth in the said County setting forth that when ye
French Fleet lay on our Coasts and ye Regi mt of ye Hono d
Coll. Samuel Rolle quartered in or near the said Towne
one Charles Singe a Soldier of his by fireing his muskett
hurt and wounded his hand and being committed to ye
care of ye said Mr Hodge he in sometime perfected the
cure for which he has yet received no reward or satisfaction
we do therefore order you forthwith to pay to ye said
Mr John Hodge ye summe of eight pounds which shall be
allowed you uppon the passing your account.

"Given under our hands and seals this 9th day of Jan-
uary in the 7th year of his Majties Raigne Anno Domi 1695.

Fair.

1688-9. WILLIAM M ANNO WAY.

168&-90.

1690-1. WILLIAM VOYSEY.

1691-2. THOMAS BADDIFORD.

1692- 3.

1693- 4.

1694- 5. WILLIAM VOYSEY.

William Stawell.
John Barrington.

8"* Rolle.
Fran. Courtnay.

676 THE BOROUGH OF CLIFTON-DARTMOUTH-HARDNESS.

1695-6. JOHN PALMER.

Arms of Palmer were on front of the gallery of St.
Saviour's Church.

H.M.C., 1893. Papers of Sir William Fitzherbert, Bart.

Martyn Ryder to Sir G. Treby, Attorney-General.

1700. 23 August. Exeter. " I came hither last night
and found the Judge trying our Dartmouth cause. It
lasted from 2 to 9 o'clock and then the Jury was sent out
but with harsh directions as Sir. W. Y. and Sir. John E.
and Mr D. told me. And being willing to know more,
and that from the lawyers I went this morning while the
Jury was at the Crown Bar to Mr Pratt in the same and
other like Company and he told me in general that he
never heard such law in his lifetime."

The case was about the Corporation and its constitution.

1696- 7. THOMAS FLOUD.

1697- 8. WILLIAM PALMER.

1698- 9. WILLIAM VOYSEY.

1699- 1700.

THE PETROGRAPHY OF DARTMOOR AND ITS
BORDERS.

In the nine years which have elapsed since Part II. of
this series was read at Sidmouth, the writer has found
no opportunity for continuing the work systematically.
None the less, individual observations of interest have been
made, and, although the scheme of work may be inter-
rupted thereby, it is possibly better to sacrifice rigid
continuity than to leave " finds " of geological signifi-
cance unrecorded.

In accordance with this want of principle the present
contribution, after a brief reference to Felsite " A," will
be wholly illogically devoted to the record of a discovery
of the mineral Pinite in Dartmoor granite.

A TYPICAL DARTMOOR FELSITE (FELSITE "A")

The gap between the last two recorded localities for
this felsite must now be subdivided by the interpolation
of another in situ exposure, on the east bank of the Avon,

CXIII, S.E., 10a., km. 3° 51' 30", lat. 50° 27' 44£". This

point is half a mile, or thereabouts, up-stream from Brent
Moor House, and about 100 feet from the river. It is the
greater part of a mile inside the junction of the granite and
the sedimentaries, but from the presence of altered slate at
the same spot it is evidently associated with an inlier of
slate. The felsite is somewhat rougher in texture than
typical specimens of this material, but otherwise requires
no discrimination from it.

In passing, it may be well to remark that inliers of slate

Part III.

BY R. HANSFORD WORTH, M.INST.C.E., F.G.S.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

(continued).

678 PETROGRAPHY OF DARTMOOR AND ITS BORDERS.

are much more frequent on Dartmoor than is generally
known : they are found as far in toward the heart of the
granite as Brown Heath over Erme Pound, and Tor Royal
Newtake, near Princetown ; later the writer hopes to record
these in detail.

The works of the China Clay Corporation, Ltd., although
extending from Cantrell on the south to Redlake on the
north, have brought little of novelty to our knowledge.

The pipe-trench to the west of the light railway, between
the 2£ and 2| mile-posts, has, however, yielded a granite
in which pinite is quite a common mineral.

Thus one hand specimen shows on a face 3 inches by
4 inches at least fourteen crystals of pinite, and there
are probably many smaller crystals not clearly identi-
fiable on the same face. The type specimen has been
labelled Devon, CXIX, S.E. 24, Ion, 3° 53' 28", lat.
50° 25' 34J".

The pinite is pseudomorphous after iolite. The largest
crystal found as yet is a twelve-sided prism of at least
15J mm. in length, and having a greatest diameter of 12
mm. and a least of 10 mm. There is a perfect cleavage
parallel to the base of the prism, and there are cleavages
parallel to the alternate sides, giving a six-sided form.

More usual dimensions for the crystals are 9 J mm. long
by 5 mm. diameter ; 6 mm. long by 2| mm. diameter ;
and others in which the length cannot be ascertained, but
of which the diameters average about 4 mm. There are
also smaller crystals. Six-sided prisms are the more
usual, but all agree with the largest specimen as to the
direction of their cleavages.

Every cleavage parallel to the base is marked by the
development of mica, and accordingly the cross sections of
the crystals, which occur in any hand specimen of the
granite, mostly present the appearance of well-developed
hexagonal plates of dark mica. In a micro-section of a
large crystal, taken somewhat obliquely to the longitudinal
axis, there are 38 cross sections of such plates of mica in a
length of 14 mm. The average distance apart, and thus
the average thickness of the platy structure of the crystal,
would probably be 0-33 mm. in a direction parallel to the

ON THE OCCURRENCE OF PINITE IN

DARTMOOR GRANITE.

PETROGRAPHY OF DARTMOOR AND ITS BORDERS. 679

long axis of the prism. This structure is discontinuous,
and does not always extend across the whole width of the
prisms.

The general colour of the mineral in the micro-section
is olive-green. There are inclusions of quartz, of dark
mica, with crystal direction other than that described
above, and of tourmaline. All tourmaline, wholly sur-
rounded by pinite, is bright blue ; one mass, which lies
partly without the pinite, is olive-brown where outside that
crystal, and blue as to that portion within.

The granite in which the pinite occurs is of medium
grain; the other porphyritic constituents are felspar
(chiefly, but not exclusively, orthoclase), quartz, and dark
mica, with a little tourmaline. The interstitial matter, or
groundmass, varies both in texture and quantity ; on the
whole it is fine-grained, and where finest it forms a larger
proportion of the whole rock. The colour of the felspar
divides the rock into two classes ; in some specimens the
felspars are all white, in others they are flesh-coloured ;
the larger felspars stronger in colour in their outer parts,
the smaller rather bright in colour throughout.

The quartz is thickly strewn with fluid enclosures, most
of which have a bubble, and many a cubic crystal in-
clusion also.

The rock is fresh and hard, but some specimens have an
occasional bright ochreous patch of fairly firm texture,
which has possibly been derived from the partial kaoliniza-
tion of a felspar (?).

There is no reason to believe that the rock with flesh-
coloured felspars is other than identical in origin with that
having uncoloured felspar. Local colouration of felspars
near joints and veins is a common secondary character on
Dartmoor.

The discovery of pinite is interesting as a further link
between the granites of Dartmoor and Cornwall. With
sufficient patience and care it is possible to match practi-
cally all varieties of Cornish granite on Dartmoor.

Since this paper was read the writer has found pinite in
granite from the China Clay Corporation's quarry on the
southern slope of Western Beacon (Devon, CXXV, N.E. 8,
Ion. 3° 53' 45£", lat. 50° 23' 53J"). The mineral is present in
considerable quantity. In addition, there are also crystals
of pale grey iolite, the alteration of which is confined to

680 , PETROGRAPHY OF DARTMOOR AND ITS BORDERS.

a mere outer film, with some slight invasions along cleavage
planes. The cleavage parallel to the base is well marked.
In the same quarry patches of almandine garnet associated
with dark mica occur in the granite. (Wherever garnet of
any size has been found in Dartmoor granite it has always,
so far, been mingled with dark mica.)

On the banks of the Butter Brook above Addicombe,
in trial pits for the new Ivybridge reservoir, boulders
containing pinite and garnet have also been found.

Further search shows that the pinite occurs over an area
the length of which from north to south is at least two
miles, while its width has not been ascertained.

The China Clay Corporation's quarry has yielded two
crystals measuring 22 mm. by 11 mm. and 22 mm. by
12 mm. respectively, besides very many of smaller size.

SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OF DEVON.

BY J. STEVENS, F.R.M.S.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

The Rotifera is a class of aquatic animals inhabiting our
ponds, ditches, bog-pools, lakes, reservoirs, and slowly-
running streams.

A few species are marine, but the great majority belong
to fresh water.

With the exception of a paper — written by myself — in
the Proceedings of the Royal Albert Memorial Field Club
and Natural History Society, Exeter (1907), nothing has
been written on the subject for the county of Devon.

I therefore propose to give a list of the species occurring,
so far as my personal observations have gone, during the
last seventeen years.

I have no thought of attempting a history of the group
(which is a very big subject), but will indicate the principal
literature for the information of the student.

In the year 1889 a great work was published by Dr.
C. T. Hudson, ll.d. Cantab., f.r.s., and P. H. Gosse, f.r.s.,
entitled The Rotifera ; or Wheel- Animalcules. In this mag-
nificent work is gathered together the knowledge of all
previous workers, both British and foreign. This, with
their own work, formed all that was known up to that date.

The pages of the journals of the Royal Microscopical
Society and of the Quekett Microscopical Club must be
consulted for nearly all that has been written since 1889.
Therein will be found monographs on the genera Synchceta,
by Mr. C. F. Rousselet, f.r.m.s. (London), and Diaschiza,
by Mr. F. R. Dixon-Nuttall, f.r.m.s., and Rev. R.
Freeman, m.a. (Lancashire). Also a great deal on the
Bdelloida, by Mr. D. Bryce (London) and Mr. James
Murray (late of Edinburgh). The same gentlemen, together
with other authors, have added greatly to our knowledge
of the subject.

My list numbers 217 species, and when I say that, ac-

682

SOME OF THE ROTTFERA OF DEVON.

cording to a recent computation by Mr. Rousselet, the
rotiferous population of the world amounts to 850 species,
it will be seen that there is plenty of work still left for
Devon naturalists to do.

Not that any amount of work will result in the discovery
of all the known species, for many are peculiar to certain
parts of the world, and have been found nowhere else.

The measurements of these little creatures vary from
i to -gijj of an inch in length. It will be seen, then, that
the identification of the species is no easy matter. I have,
however, had the ready help of the gentlemen named.

Devon, being so hilly, with streams hurrying down the
valleys, is not ideal for the pond-hunter. Much minute
life must be rushed away to sea. However, the Fauna of
the county should be recorded as completely as possible,
and it is the duty of every naturalist to supply a list
of any group on which he may be engaged.

No picture of our beautiful scenery would be perfect
without every degree of light and shade. Equally, no
account of the Fauna of Devon would be satisfactory
without as full a catalogue as possible of its Rotifera.

In the list are a few which are exceedingly rare. I
will name four only.

This wonderful little creature I have found in one place
only in Devon, viz. Burrator Reservoir. It had been pre-
viously recorded from three or four stations only. It was
first discovered by Bolton in Sutton Park, Birmingham, May,
1884. Later it was recorded by the Scottish Lake Survey
from Loch Morar (Murray), and last year from Achill Island,
Ireland. I also found it in Lake Windermere, June, 1910.

This is a very rare species, discovered by Miss Glascott
( 1 89 1 ) in a pond in County Wexford, Ireland, and until June
of last year had not been observed by any other worker
until I met with it in the Exeter Canal. I had specimens
under general observation for nearly four months, and dur-
ing thirteen days I isolated a group of seven, carefully watch-
ing their life-history, taking notes many times during each
twenty-four horn's. They are parasitic in the ova of the
water-snail. The snail ova are found embedded in a jelly-like
substance adhering to the underside of the leaves of water-
weeds. The Rotifer is a true parasite, spending the whole of

Floscularia mutabilis, Bolton.

Proales gigantea, Glascott.

SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OF DEVON.

683

its life inside the host, with the exception of the time taken
in journeying from ovum to ovum. She enters by boring
into the rather tough envelope, taking two hours to do so,
in the case of one I timed. She then floats about in the
fluid contents, along with the embryo snail. The latter
soon shows signs of distress, and is ultimately partially
devoured by the Rotifer. Meanwhile, she has deposited
her eggs, varying from three to thirteen in number. She
then leaves the ovum and scrambles to an adjoining one,
entering as before. The eggs when about twenty-four horn's
old begin to show signs of life, and one by one in the order
in which they were deposited come to life, and are soon
full-grown Rotifers, having by now eaten the remains of
the snail, together with the albuminous supply of food
intended for the snail's use. This little creature is about
^ of an inch in length.

Plcesoma lenticular e, Herrick.

This is another rare organism. It occurred on Lee Moor,
Dartmoor. Distyla Stokesii, Pell.

I have found this Rotifer in the Exeter Canal many
times this year from June to September. It is an ex-
tremely rare species, and until now found only in America.
It is, therefore, new to Britain.

Dinops longipes, Western.
This was first discovered in July, 1890, at Guildford, by
members of the Quekett Microscopical Club. They have,
however, not met with the species since, neither, so far
as I am aware, has it been found elsewhere. I have found
it many times in the Exeter Canal, and several other places
in the Exe Valley, ranging from Countess Weir up to
Silverton. 1

Rotifers are very uncertain in their occurrence. There
is a pond near Clyst St. Mary which I had worked
several years without much result until August, 1908,
when I found it simply crowded with Pedalion mirum, a
rare Rotifer, generally, but a reference to the table will show

1 Since the above was written I find Dr. de Beauchamp, of Paris,
has been giving this species considerable attention, having had some
mounted specimens sent him by Mr. Rousselet, which came from the
Exeter Canal. He has decided that this is the same animal as that de-
scribed by Gosse (1889), under the name of Asplanchnopus eupoda, and
has given it a new generic name, calling it " Harringia eupoda," which
will be its name in future, the name Dinops being already preoccupied
in Zoology, and therefore cannot be used.

Digitized by

Google

684

SOME OP THE ROTIPERA OP DEVON.

that I have made its acquaintance in several localities.
I have never found it in this pond since.

In the following table each group of localities represent
many other bodies of water — big and small — coming within
their radius.

LOCALITIES.

No. 1. Exeter Canal. Ponds at Countess Weir. Exminster
Marshes. Turf. Cockwood. Starcross.

„ 2. Exwick pond. Ornamental waters at Streatham
Hall. Shobrooke Park. Creedy Park. Cowley
ponds. Stoke Marshes. The Exe Valley to
Tiverton, and Burlescombe Canal. Dulverton.

„ 3. Woodbury Common. Squabmoor fish-pond and
neighbouring bog- waters of the Exmouth Reser-
voir. Waters near Exmouth.

„ 4. Clyst St. Mary and near Digbys.

„ 5. Dartmoor — Bridestowe. By the Lyd. Tiger's
Marsh. Doe Tor Bottom.

„ 6. Dartmoor — Belstone. Brinnimore Common. Taw
Marsh and the East Okement bogs. Bradford
Pool. Mardon Down.

„ 7. Dartmoor — Yelverton. Burrator Reservoir. Class-
enwell Pool. Princetown. Sheepstor. Wig-
ford Down. Shaugh Moor. Lee Moor. Legis
Mire. Horrabridge.

„ 8. Kingsteignton and Chudleigh Knighton, old china-
clay pits. Heathfield. Stover Lake.
9. Cockington Court pond. Slapton Ley.

„ 10. North Devon — Venn Quarry. Goodleigh.

„ 11. Marsh at Seaton.

LIST OF SPECIES

Order — Rhizota.
Family — Flosculariadjs.
Genus — Floscularia.
Fl08cularia ambigua, Hudson
F. coronetta, Cubitt .
F. cornuta, Dobie
F. ornata, Ehrbg.
F. regalis, Hudson .
F. campanvlata, Dobie
F. trilobate, Collins .
F. algicola, Hudson .
F. longicavdata, Hudson
jP. mutabilis, Bolton

l 2 3

XXX
XXX
XXX
XX —

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

X X X

X X

XX X — X —

XX — XX

X X X

X X — X X

X — X X — X

— X

X X X

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SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OF DEVON.

685

Genus — Stephanoceros.
Stephanoceros Eichhornii,
Ehrbg.

l 2

X X

3 4 5
— X —

XX —
X

Family — Melicertad.se.
Genus — Melicerta.
Mdicerta ringens, Schrank . X X
M . tubicolaria, Ehrbg, . . X —
M. coni f era, Hudson . .XX

Grenus — Limnias.

Limnias ceratophylliy Schrank X X — X —
L. myriophilli, Tatem . . X

Grenus — Cephalosiphon.
Cephalosiphon limnias,
Ehrbg

8 9
X —

X —
X —
X —

10 11

X X — X X

Genus — (Ecistes.

(E. umbella, Hudson .

(E. stygis, Gosse

(E. Iongicorni8, Davis

(E. pilula, Wills . . .

CE. velatus, Gosse

(E. mucicola, Kellicott .

CE. brachiatus, Hudson .

(E. crystallinus, Ehrbg. .

Genus — Lacinularia.
Lacinularia socialis, Ehrbg.

Grenus — Conochilus.
Conochilus volvox, Ehrbg.

Order — Bdelloida.
Family — Philodinadjs.
Genus — Phelodina.
Philodina citrina, Ehrbg.
P. megalotrocha, Ehrbg. .
P. roseola, Ehrbg.
P. vorax (Janson)
P. plena (Bryce) .
P. nemoralis, Bryce .

Genus — Rotifer.
Rotifer macroceros, Gosse
R. vulgaris, Schrank
R. tardigradus, Ehrbg.
R. macrurus, Schrank
R. elongatus, Weber .
R. actinurus, Ehrbg.
R. longirostris, Janson
R. citrinus, Ehrbg. .

X X

X —

X X

— X —

X — X

X —
X —

X
X

XXX X

X
X
X

X X
X X

X
X
X

X — X
XXX

X X

X X
X X
X —

X —

X X

X —

X X

X —

XX —
— XX
XXX
X

X —

X X

X —
X —

X —

X X — X

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686

SOME OF THE ROTIFER A OF DEVON.

Genus — Habrotrocha.

Habrotrocha bidens, Gosse .

—

H. constricta, Dujardin .

H. muuda (Bryce in manu-

scripts .

OvliUV J ••••••

Genus — Callidina.

Callidina quadricornifera,

C, crudcornis, Murray

Genus — Dissotrocha.

Dis8otrocha spinosa, Bryce .

—

D. macrostyla, Ehrbg. . .

D. acuteata, JiiiirDg. .

Family — Adinetidjs.

Genus — Adineta.

Adineta vaga, Davis .

A. vaga, var. major .
A. barbata, Janson

Order — Ploima.

Sub-order — Illoricata.

Family — Microcodid^:.

Genus — Microcodon.

HfiwnMfJsm, clfLiYiui Ehrbc?.

Genus — Microcodides.

Microcodides doliaris,

ILL . LlLlVGllU, • • •

1? amily — asplanchnad^e.

Cr An 1 1 Q A«tPT.A "NTflTTN' A

Asplanchna priodonta, Gosse

A. amphora, Hudson

—

Genus — Dinops .

Din/i / nA lonntDPJt Western

Genus — Ascomorpha.

A8comorpha ecavdis, Perty .

—

A. saltans, Bartsch .

—

Family — Synch jstad^.

Genus — Synch^jta.

Synchceta pectinata, Ehrbg. .

S. tremvla, Ehrbg. .

S. gyrina, Hood ....

S. oblonga, Ehrbg.

S. grandis, Zacharias

8. triopMhalma, Lauterborn

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SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OF DEVON.

687

Family — Triarthbad^b.

Genus — Polyarthra.

Polyarthra platyptera, Ehrbg.

P. platyptera, var. minor,

Voigt ....

Genus — Triarthra.

Triarthra longiseta, Ehrbg. .

T vnAiRfncivm Ehrhcr

. # / vll O %/\A/\J ll / InjL , ■ ■Jill KJait . .

T. breviseta, Gosse

"RWlTl ll V— TTvTI A T'TAT A Tl

Genus — Hydatina.

Hydatina senta, Ehrbg. .

—

Genus — Pl.<"esoma

Plo&soma lenticuLavp TTerriek

Genus — Rhinops.

Rhinops vitrea, Hudson .

Genus — Notops.

Notops brachionus, Ehrbg. .

—

N. hyptopus, Ehrbg.

—

N. minor, Rousselet .

—

Family — Notommatad^ej.

Genus — Taphrooampa.

Taphrocampa annulosa,

uoov ....

T. selenura, Gosse . .

T. Saundersice, Gosse

Genus — Pleurotrocha.

Pleurotrocha leptura, Ehrbg.

—

("tPTI 11 S^— N OTOMM A T A

XT vJtAJ IILIIliiA/fAAi \AvUiv\AJL, llilLl ' »M T .

N. cyrtopus, Gosse .

N. saccigera, Ehrbg. .

—

N. tripus, Ehrbg.

—

N. pilarius, Gosse

—

N. forcipata, Ehrbg.

—

N. brachyota, Ehrbg.

—

Genus — Copeus.

Copeus spicatus, Hudson

C. copeus, Ehrbg. ...

C. cerberus, Gosse

C. pachyurus, Gosse .

C. caudatus, Collins .

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688

SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OP DEVON.

Genus — Pro ales.
Proales petromyzon, Ehrbg.
P. decipiens, Ehrbg.
P. parasita, Ehrbg. .
P. Werneckii, Ehrbg.
P. gigantea, Glascott

Genus — Furcularia.
Furcularia ensifera, Gosse
P. sterea, Gosse .
P. longiseta, Ehrbg. .
P. forficula, Ehrbg. . .

Genus — Eosphora.
Eosphora aurita, Ehrbg.
E. elongate, Ehrbg. .

Genus — Diglena.
Diglena forcipata, Ehrbg
D. ferox, Western
D. permollis, Gosse
D. grandis, Ehrbg.
D. catellina, Ehrbg.
D. caudata, Ehrbg.
D. clastopus, Gosse
D. uncinata, Milne
D. circinator, Gosse

Genus — Distemma.
Distemma raptor, Gosse .

Sub-order — Loricata.
Family — Rattulid^e.
Genus — Rattulus.
Rattulu8 carinatus, Ehrbg.
P. dongatus, Gosse
P. longiseta, Schrank
P. rattus, Ehrbg.
P. bicristatus, Gosse
P. styhtus, Gosse
P. gracilis, Tessin
P. scipio, Gosse .
P. pusillus, Lauterborn
P. multicrinus, Kellicott

Genus — Diurella.

Diurella sulcata, Jennings .

Z). tigris, Miiller .

D. marina, Daday

D. Dixon- Nuttalli, Jennings .

D. brachyura, Gosse .

D. collaris, Rousselet

D. tenuior, Gosse

123456789 10 11

XXXX XX

X — XXX XX

X X X — X X X

X X X

xxxxxxxx

X — X

X — X X

XXX X

X X — X

X X

X X — X

XX XXXXX

XXXX — X— X —

XXX — XX — X —

X X — X X

X — X X X X —

X X
X —

X — X

X X — X —

— X

X — X — X

X X

— X X — X

X X
X

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SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OF DEVON.

689

X X X — X X

X X X — X —

— X X

XXX X

X X X X X X

X — X X

X X
X —

X X

X X X

Genus — Diurella (continued). 1 2 3 4 5 67 8 91011
D. instgnis, Herrick .
D. sejunctipes . Gosse
D. porcellus, Gosse .
D. cavia, Gosse ....

Family — Dinocharid^ej.
Genus — Dinocharis.
Dinocharis pocillum, Ehrbg.
D. tetractis, Ehrbg. .
Genus — Polych^jtus.
Polychcetus Collinsii, Gosse
Genus — Scaridium.
Scaridium longicaudum,

Ehrbg

Genus — Stephanops.
Stephanops lamellaris, Ehrbg.
S. armatus, Hood
S. unisetatus, Collins
S. muticus, Ehrbg. .
8. stylatus, Milne

Family — Salpinad^:.
Genus — Diaschiza.
Diaschiza gibba, Gosse
D. exigua, Gosse .
D. ramphigera, Gosse
D. cceca, Gosse
D. globata, Gosse
D. eva, Gosse

D. lacinulata, Miiller
Genus — Diplax.
Diplaz compressa, Gosse
Genus — Salpina.
Salpina mucronata, Ehrbg.
S. macracaniha, Gosse .
S. eustala, Gosse
8. spinigera, Ehrbg. .
8. brevispina, Ehrbg.

Family — Euchlanid^:.
Genus — Euchlanis.
Euchlanis dilatata, Ehrbg.

E. lyra, Hudson .
E. deflexa, Gosse .
E. triquetra, Ehrbg.
E. oropha, Gosse .
E. hyalina, Leydig
E. propattUa, Gosse
E. pyriformis, Gosse

VOL. XLIV.

X X X X

X X X — X

X X X

X — XX — X

X XX X

XXXXXXXX X

XXXXX X

— X X

X X

XXX

X X X X —

— X —

— X X

XXXXXX — XX

XXX — XXX

XXXXXXXX —
XXXXX — XXX

X X X —

X — XX — X —

X X X X

X —

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690 SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OP DEVON.

X X

Family — Cathypnad^e.
Genus — Cathypna.
Cathypna luna, Ehrbg. .
C. Ugona, Dunlop
C. rusticula, Gosse .

C. sulcata, Gosse .

Genus — Distyla.
Distyla gissensis, Eckstein

D. flextlis, Gosse .
D. plcenensis, Voigt
D. muscicola, Bryce .
D. inermis, Bryce
D. Stokesii, Pell . .

Genus — Monostyla.
Monostyla cornuta, Ehrbg. .
M . bulla, Gosse ....
M . lunaris, Ehrbg. .

Family — Colubid^:.
Genus — Colurus.
Colurus bicuspidatus, Ehrbg.
C. leptus, Gosse ....
(7. dicentrus, Gosse .

Genus — Metopidia.
Metopidia lepadella, Ehrbg.
M . oxysternon, Gosse
M . salpina, Ehrbg. .
M . solidus, Gosse
M. triptera, Ehrbg. .

Genus — Montjea.

Monura dulcis, Ehrbg. . .

M . bartonia, Gosse . . . — X

1 2 3 4 5 6

X X X — X X
X

8 9 10 11

— X X X X X

— XX — XX

X — X X —

X
X

X -

X X X X —

— X X

X X
X —

M. colurus, Ehrbg.

Genus — Mytilia.
Mytilia producta, Gosse .

Family — Pterodin ad.se.
Genus — Pterodina.
Pterodina patina, Ehrbg.
P. trilobata, Shephard .
P. clypeata, Ehrbg. .
P. reflexa, Gosse .
P. bidentata, Ternetz

xxxx — xxxx

X X

X — X X —

xxxxxx

Genus — Pompholyx.
Pompholyx complanata, Gosse x X
P. sulcata, Hudson . . . x —

X X

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SOME OF THE ROTIFERA OF DEVON.

691

Family — Brachionid^ej.

• Genus — BRACHIONUS. 1234567891011

Brachionus pala, Ehrbg. . XXX X — X X

B. Bakeri, Ehrbg. . . .XXXX — X — X

B. rubens, Ehrbg. . . .XXXX — XX XX

B. serious, Rousselet . . XX

B. angularis, Gosse . . .XXX X XX

B. quadratics, Rousselet . . X

Genus — Notetjs.

Noteus quadricornis, Ehrbg. X X X

Family — Anur^ad^.
Genus — Anuria.

A. aculeata, Ehrbg. . . .XXX XXX — X —

A. coMearis, Gosse . . .— XX — XX XX —

A. brevispina, Gosse . . X — XXXXXX

A. tecta, Gosse . . . .XXXX X

A. hypelasma, Gosse . . X

Genus — Notholca.
Notholca acuminata, Ehrbg.

N. spinifera, Gosse . . . XXX X —

N. thalassia, Gosse . . . XXX

N. scapha, Gosse . . .XX — X XX

N. heptodon, Perty . . . X

N. labis, Gosse . . . . X

Order — Scirtopoda.
Family — Pedalionid^ej.
Genus — Pedalion.

Pedalion mirum, Hudson . — XXX XX

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SAND FORMATION AGAINST THE SAUNTON
DOWN CLIFFS, NORTH DEVON.

BY H. MONTAGU EVANS.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

As long ago as 1836 Prof. Sedgwick and Sir R. I. Murchison
first drew attention to what they considered to be raised
beaches on the north shore of Barnstaple Bay, describing
them as the finest specimens of their kind (vide Proc. Geol.
Soc, Vol. 2, pp. 441-3).

This was followed (idem, p. 535) by Rev. D. Williams
defining their situation and mentioning the existence of a
large red granite boulder lying against the same cliff at
its foot. Sir H. de la Beche, in report of 1839, emphasized
the above conclusions re change of level.

In 1866 Mr. C. Spence Bate, of Plymouth, in a paper to
the Devonshire Association on the Flint Flakes of Devon
and Cornwall, announces the finding of some flakes in the
accumulated surface soil capping " the so-called raised
beach " ; and with a view to determining the age of their
deposit, he enters into a detailed description of the sand for-
mations between Downend Point and Braunton Burrows,
remarking that, re the granite boulder, it is certain it was
lodged in its present position before the so-called raised
beach was first deposited ; and further, that the so-called
raised beach is in reality the undestroyed remnant of an
extensive district of wind-borne sand formerly extending
from Braunton Burrows to Baggy Point, and which, from
a study of the various modes of stratification exhibited
there, can only be attributed to the varying direction of
the wind, that " builds, destroys, and restores again " ;
and further, that as the flints are in the soil surmounting
the ancient sand-bed, and as that bed has been deposited
since the present beach has been at its present level, the

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SAND FORMATION AGAINST SAUNTON DOWN CLIFFS. 693

flints are more recent than the latest elevation of land on
that portion of the coast.

Mr. Bate supported his argument by strong facts, among
them that barnacles remain attached to the rocks on which
the so-called raised beach rests, and therefore before the
sand was deposited ; that their normal habitat is a belt of
rock between half -tide and high water, disproving any
elevation of the coast-line since the raised beach was
formed ; also, that the stratification exhibited corresponds
with no sedimentary deposit, but shows false and contorted
bedding.

In 1867 Mr. William Pengelly, the well-known geologist
of Torquay, contributed to the same Society a rejoinder
to Mr. Bate's arguments, admitting that accumulations
of sand, even when stratified and well above the existing
strand, do not necessarily prove the elevation implied by
the term " raised beaches," but urging that terraces of
denudation and an accumulation of pebbles and boulders,
or of sand replete with large shells above reach of waves
at existing levels, can be interpreted in no other way. In
that part of his paper dealing with the Saunton cliffs
(Downend Point to Braunton Burrows), Mr. Pengelly
describes one particular terrace 10 feet above existing
strand, and projecting 10 feet seaward from the cliff, as
follows : —

First or lowest, sand 9 feet thick in firmly cemented,
horizontal layers, containing pebbles in lower part ; next
above, similar sand strata without pebbles, 12 feet thick,
with curved layers, some inclined at 30°. Still higher,
horizontal layers 6 feet " lying unconformably on second
series.' ' Capping the whole, 20 feet of " Stony head." Mr.
Pengelly describes, also, another instance where the cliff
joins the north end of the Burrows, viz. massive beds of
sand cemented into very hard sandstone, but with no
rocky strand beneath. Above and behind, a yellowish
drab clay cliff 114 feet high with 40 to 50% angular stones,
103 being " Head " alone. This cliff extends back as a
somewhat broad plain, behind which rises the lofty higher
slope of Saunton Down. In the stratified sand there is
nothing incompatible, he says, with upheaval, but, on the
other hand, the well-defined bedding alone prompts the
suggestion of any change of level. Mr. Pengelly reads the
clay as overlying the sand (!), and therefore concludes
the sand as of great antiquity, the stratification as a

694

SAND FORMATION AGAINST THE

result of sedimentation from water in motion, and the
contorted or diagonal layers to concretion. Re the
barnacles, Mr. Pengelly quotes Mr. Darwin (Monogr.
Cirrepedia, Pub. Ray Soc, p. 272, 1854) as saying that
this species lives on rocks at both the uppermost and
lowest limits of the tides, but never below the lowest.
Mr. Pengelly found that the lowest edge of the balanus
zone was 10 feet vertically above the reach of heavy
waves at equinoctial spring tides high water ; and by
digging away the sand he exposed balani higher up, and
failed to find the upper verge of the zone. Finally, he
concludes there has been an elevation of 24 to 30 feet.
He also remarks on the granite boulder as confirming
this, as the present depth of water at highest tides could
not have floated an iceberg carrying it to its present site,
and no waves could move such a mass, viz. of at least
10 tons and probably more. Mr. Pengelly, in conclusion,
describes a phenomenon in this raised beach which he
has not met with on any other in Devonshire, viz. cylin-
drical or slightly conical shafts (locally chimneys) varying
from 1 foot to 3 feet across, beginning at the top of the
sand beds and penetrating vertically downward, some a
few inches, some several feet, others quite through them.
Though doubtfully, Mr. Pengelly suggests as a possible
explanation that carbonic acid in rain lodges in chance
surface depressions, dissolves a little of the cemented sand,
and on evaporation the wind gives a rotary motion to this,
and by repetition gradually deepens the shaft. Finally he,
though glad to have reconsidered his former conclusion
that upheaval has occurred, declares himself unable to
concur in Mr. Bate's view.

In 1873 Mr. Pengelly contributed a further paper dealing
almost entirely with the granite block I have referred to,
describing it still as under and therefore previous to the
so-called raised beach, but probably deposited at a time
when the Devonshire climate was much colder, and when
the land was 90 feet below the present level, thus render-
ing it possible that the boulder was brought on floating
ice.

In 1874 Mr. Pengelly, in a paper on the geology and
palaeontology of Devonshire, refers further to this boulder
as undoubtedly ice-borne, and mentions the beds at
Braunton and Croyde Bay as " Upper Devonian."

Unless I have overlooked it, nothing further has been

SATJNTON DOWN CLIFFS, NORTH DEVON.

695

contributed by the Devonshire Association to the alleged
raised beach of Saunton Down in Barnstaple Bay.

In September last year, 1911, I was kindly taken by a
friend to see this red granite erratic boulder ; and though
I was naturally interested in the points raised by its
presence there, it was not sufficiently in the light to make
sure it was of red granite ; and the extraordinary sand
formations concealing it, built out as they are from the
ordinary line of shore, impressed me so much more than
the boulder, not only in point of interest, but as of greater
scientific importance ; and though I am not a geologist,
I venture to describe what I saw sketched and noted on
that occasion, as well as on a subsequent visit specially
made in May, 1912, to enable me to examine more par-
ticularly the whole line of cliff a mile long, from Downend
Point to Braunton Burrows, in order to understand the
whole phenomenon in the light of more recent science.

The hill runs E. and W., and the recent cutting of
a horizontal road round it, well above the cliff fronting
the sea, displays at the Point the structure of the hill
above, viz. an argillaceous soil in and over closely packed
blue slate alternating with brownish grit, in lateral bands.
At perhaps 20 feet below is the grassy plain, sloping down
to the rocks, which there reappear in the same bands as
above on the road, running E. and W. in ridges with
their edges at a high inclination ; these rocks form a
wide fringe seaward the whole length of the hill, but
excepting at the Point at a low level throughout. The
so-called plain and its face may, I suggest, very well be a
landslip from the hill, consisting, as the cliff shows, of
pale yellow and drab soil, classed as a clay, but certainly
not a tenacious one. On the sea-face of this cliff, in front
of it, but mainly beginning at a low level, are built up
the curious sand formations. In places the cliff soil has
slid forward and covered the consolidated sand as faith an
envelope, in others great masses of the latter have slipped
on the clay backing and broken on the beach, which is
thickly strewn with debris of this kind in great variety of
form.

Beginning at the Point, all above the slate is of the lights
clayey deposit, excepting small, isolated patches of sand,
compressed, but not cemented. Just S. of this begins
the stratified sand on a long, high ridge of slate projecting
from the clayey cliff. Against the clay a deep depression

696

SAND FORMATION AGAINST THE

of the ridge is filled with stratified sand almost down to
the beach -level. Further along the tongue only the
cemented platform remains of sand erections destroyed
by waves, their broken blocks strewing the beach
below.

Passing on eastward occurs an ordinary beach inlet
about 40 by 50 yards in area. Here extraordinary destruc-
tion is displayed, and, as I am informed by a resident,
within the last two years. All one side consists of cement
platform, from which sand formations have been hurled ;
while the innermost side shows a landslip of the clayey
cliff partly enveloping, but where broken away sub-
sequently exposing 1 1 feet high of cemented and stratified
sand rock. The clay envelope at about 10 feet up was
nearly a foot thick, but not in contact with the sand rock
by a space of an inch or more, and only temporarily pre-
vented by its own cohesive paste from falling heavily
away.

Proceeding eastward appears at a high inclination a
cliff of some 50 to 60 feet, composed of fight, dry, sandy
earth, held together by tufts of grass, etc., forming here
and there foothold to climb by, and showing about half-
way up a small patch of sand in partially stratified con-
dition.

Eastward again, an overhanging cliff of stratified sand
rock (see rough sketch), supported by stratified tree-shaped
columns resting on and filling the irregular edges of the
beach slate ridges, and forming the built-out, porch-like
structure within which, embedded in soft, dry sand,
above high-water mark, lies the red granite boulder, which
last September was almost in the dark, but now, in a
much altered position (turned and pushed inward), is in
good daylight, from great masses of the sand structure
on its further side having since fallen. The west side
of the porch, with its columns as sketched, is so far intact.
I will revert to this further.

Eastward of the boulder the stratified formations reach
almost, or quite, to the beach. In one place a former beach
18 inches thick rests on stratified sand 3 feet high among
the blue slate ridges. It is exposed by the falling away
of large masses of sand rock which faced it. Here or near
it is one of the cylindrical chimneys, or blow-holes, referred
to by Mr. Pengelly ; and by almost lying down I looked
up from its open basal termination and clearly saw the

Sand Formation, etc. — To face p. 696.

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Sand Formation, etc.— To foe p. 697.

Digitized by

SAUNT0N DOWN CLIFFS, NORTH DEVON.

697

grass, etc., growing at the top 20 to 30 feet up. It might
be about a foot across, its size bored as by a rose bit,
quite regular, but not smooth.

Further on I found cemented sand spread out on the
slate ridges, and edged all round by a cellular, honeycomb-
like structure, each cell lined with calcareous deposit ; of
this I submit a photograph and exhibit specimens. Still
further I found a landslip of the clay backing has reached
and spread out, evidently in a pasty condition, on the
beach. Also a large surface of the clay exposed at a high
angle by stratified masses of sandstone having slipped
and fallen from in front of it on the beach intact. A
little further an area some 20 by 60 feet of stratified sand
rock platform 4 to 5 feet high, dotted about on the top
surface of which, front to back, are the basal remains of
many round sand cylinders. The high loose cliff at back
of it all gone. Finally, about under the hotel on the road
above, the light buff clayey paste of the cliff has flowed
over the surface of stratified sand cliff, but is now dry.
Here, too, the shingle beach and broken slate are now
piled, and filled caves which I am assured were empty a
few years ago. Where the large sand-tunnelled cavern is,
occurs a light, hard vein 2 to 3 inches thick at 3 to 4 feet
up ; and only 8 to 9 inches up is a flat cement vein, brown
internally, of 1 inch even all over, and about a quarter-mile
west of it, and 9 feet above the present beach, is a line of
pebbles cemented in sand stratum.

The recent destruction along this line of cliff exposes
in one or two places vertical sections of cylindrical chimneys
which do not reach the base of the formation. In these the
bottom of the hole is basin-shaped, which led me above to
use the word " rose bit." Mr. Pengelly has drawn atten-
tion to the internal want of smoothness from the harder
laminae resisting the excavating agent more than the inter-
vening sand did.

I must ad(J that just west of the granite boulder the
cement laminae are 8 inches or more apart, and the sand
between them soft or very slightly affected by the in-
durating material.

Having armed myself with the best specimens of each
form I was able to find, I submitted three pieces of cement
layer, very different from each other, to Dr. G. T. Prior,
of the British Museum, who had kindly consented to test
them, in order to clearly ascertain what is the material

698

SAND FORMATION AGAINST THE

composing them. His finding is as follows, viz. : " The
three specimens you have sent to the Museum are very
calcareous sandstones or grits consisting of sub-angular
grains of quartz, calcareous matter, etc., in a calcareous
cement. They contain so much calcareous matter that
they might almost be described as siliceous limestone."

I should describe the line of phenomena further by saying
that the Saunton sandstone formations generally consist of
cement layers of various thicknesses inch to 3 inches),
alternating with sand layers in very varied stages of con-
solidation, the sand layers themselves varying in thickness
from $ inch upwards (see illustration). It is remarkable
that within only about 50 yards of the boulder and its
consolidated shelter, nearly the whole height of the cliff
is composed of entirely incoherent light, dry, sandy dust ;
even the small patch of stratified sand already referred to
among it, being feebly consolidated.

As a basis for explanation of all the foregoing : —

I. There is no limestone anywhere near, I believe.

II. There is no local percolating water.

III. With the exception of the shingle beach next the
Burrows, there are practically no shells at all along the
base of the whole line of cliff , excepting in the sand thrown
in the spray from the waves direct on the formations now
in question.

IV. S.W. and W. winds blow direct on to Saunton cliffs
over the wide expanse of Barnstaple Bay, Hartland Point
lying about W.S.W., 14 miles off, of which only 6 miles
are outside the 10-fathom line.

V. The only sources of moisture on these cliffs are rain-
water and spray from the waves, which in strong winds
is dashed against and over them in great volume.

VI. In the " data of geochemistry," U.S. Geol. Survey,
1908, it is shown, after elaborate experiments : —

(a) That in sea-water concentrated to ofie-fifth of its
volume, one-ninth of a gram of CaCO s is deposited ; i.e.
that one part in nine thousand of sea- water is carbonate
of lime. That in tons means very large quantities.

(ft) That 86% 1 of the mechanical deposits on the ocean
floor at depths under 500 fathoms is calcium carbonate,

1 This is a wide range for an average. In an area off Devon shores
in 30 fathoms the highest was 72J%.

SAUNTON DOWN CLIFFS, NORTH DEVON. 699

but it rapidly diminishes at greater depths, and at over
3500 fathoms there is none.

(c) That the ocean contains from 18 to 27 times as much
carbon dioxide as the atmosphere, and that it is therefore
the " great regulative reservoir of that omnipresent gas."
The average amount of free carbonic acid in sea-water
at various depths is 44 milligrams per litre, i.e. -0044%, and
is much greater in cold latitudes than in warm ones.

(d) That calcium and carbonic acid are of inestimable
importance, " that they are the chief additions made by
rivers to the ocean, and the substances most largely with-
drawn from it by living organisms," both plant and animal ;
that carbonate of lime is much more soluble in sea-water
than in fresh ; that the amorphous carbonate is five times
more soluble than the crystalline form ; that the living
organisms secrete part of the amorphous carbonate, but
after death the decay of their organic matter not only
generates abundant carbonic acid, but the carbonate
absorbed in shell, etc., formation partially or wholly
redissolves. That normal carbonate and bicarbonate are
both present in the ocean, and a large quantity is main-
tained there in a fluid state.

Sir A. Geikie (Text-book of Geology, p. 39) remarks that
for some 230 miles west of the British Isles the slope of the
Atlantic bottom is very gentle, being only 6 feet in the mile.
Also that in specimens of surface water taken from various
oceans the amount of mechanically suspended silicates
(clay) was 1604 tons per cubic mile of water in 51° 20' lat.
and 31° W. long, in the Atlantic (id., p. 576). Also that, by
their decay, plants supply organic acids which will dissolve
silica and redeposit it in a colloid or jelly-like form in
rivers and in the ocean. They are grouped as humus or
humic acids, which by assimilation of nitrogen assume
the name of azohumic (id., pp. 598 and 612 ; also U.S.
Geochemistry, pp. 84, 92, and 409).

With partially dissolved silica and carbonate of lime,
clay in suspension and finely shelly sand without limit,
there seem to be close at hand the ingredients for not only
the sand formations at Saunton Down, but for replace^
ment of the surface wearing away of its clayey cliffs ; and
all that is wanting is the force for placing them in position.
This I suggest is the wind-driven action of the waves.
"The height and force of waves," says Sir A. Geikie (p. 561),

700

SAND FORMATION AGAINST THE

" depend upon the strength and continuance of the wind,
the breadth and depth of sea and height of the tides, and
on the form and direction of the coast-line." " In ground
swell," he continues, " where the water shallows, the
superficial part of the swell, travelling faster than the
lower, which encounters the friction of the bottom, begins
to curl and crest as a huge billow or wall of water, that
finally bursts against the shore. Such billows, even
when no wind is blowing, often cover the cliffs of the North
of Scotland with sheets of water and foam up to the
heights of 100 feet, or even nearly 200 feet. During N.W.
gales the windows of the Dunnet Head lighthouse, at
a height of upwards of 300 feet above high-water mark,
are said to be sometimes broken by stones swept up the
cliffs by the sheets of sea-water which then deluge the
building."

At Saunton cliffs such waves would churn up everything
on the bottom, not only between low and high tide, a
longish distance, but practically all along the wide space
between that shore and Hartland Point, about 14 miles.
That, as already stated, is almost all within the 10-fathom
line, of which Sir G. Airy says, "It is common to find
boulders and shingle disturbed at a depth of 10 fathoms,
and even driven from that depth to the shore, and waves
may be noticed to become muddy from the working up of
the silt at the bottom, when they have reached water of
7 or 8 fathoms in depth."

Reverting to the porch over the granite boulder, a
strong light is thrown on the condition of the sand when
first deposited and previous to stratification or con-
solidation, by the bottom edges of the sand columns, as
well as those of a deposit near it.

These edges are exactly similar in form to the edges of
mortar protruding between laths in a ceiling expanding
after being squeezed through. It is palpable that each
layer of sand is deposited in a wet and plastic condition ;
and by gravitation has worked forward on the cliff edge,
causing it to overhang more and more till portions drop
on the beach below. These have filled the interstices of
the beach ridges and spread out on them, the deposit
accumulating upwards as with stalagmites. When these
met the overhanging mass, a porch in front of the cliff
resting on either columns, or on a solid wall, would be
and has been formed.

SAUNTON DOWN CLIFFS, NORTH DEVON. 701

It is clear, too, that the formative force causing the
hardened strata in all these formations is in the sand when
it is carried by the wind in rain and in the spray from the
waves. I am assured by residents that in a gale the wet
sand is so carried, almost as readily as when dry ; but, as
shown in sand dunes elsewhere, no stratification of dry-
blown sand occurs on the surface, but only lower down at
or below the point of saturation. Of course, the carbonic
acid in rain added to that in the spray dissolves more
fully the carbonate of lime, and on evaporation the hard
crusts forming the horizontal strata would result ; the
excess of sand remaining only partially coagulated in
alternate layers, exactly what is found.

The vertical chimneys still await elucidation ; and I
think they may be explained as follows : So far as I can
judge, the sand cliff wherever they are found is capped
by earth and vegetation ; and plants in several ways pro-
mote the disintegration of rocks ; among them, by supply-
ing the organic acids already referred to, at page 699, and
to which are believed to be due the initial attacks on many
common minerals usually attributed to carbonic acid
alone. Prof. Sollas (Brit. Assoc., 1880, Sects., p. 586)
has noticed minute hemispherical pits on limestone formed
by the solvent action of a lichen ; and Sir A. Geikie states
that it has recently been proposed to ascribe mainly to
humus acids the decomposition of certain masses of rock
to the depth of 100 feet ; this in addition to the solvent
action of rain-water containing carbonic acid. To produce
the chimneys now in question, the softening of the cemented
layers in the stratified sand one after another, carrying
down further and further the intervening sand, would
bring about with certainty the phenomenon which at
first sight appears so inexplicable, and the occasional
exposure of the chimneys to view, some perfect, others in
sections, is caused by the mechanical destruction of the
formations by waves.

As regards alleged change in the relative levels of beach
and sea, I can only say that the Saunton cliffs show at
least half a dozen beaches at different heights ; that at any
one point on the strand an elevation of 3 to 4 feet can
occur in a day ; and that each of the cemented sand
beaches has, I venture to believe, only been raised in
the sense that a new house has, viz. by building it up layer
after layer. This conclusion is confirmed by Prof. M'Kenny

702 SAND FORMATION AGAINST SAUNTON DOWN CLIFFS.

Hughes, who in the quarterly journal of the Geological
Society, 1887 or 1888, said : " The ancient beach of
Saunton Down and Croyde is not a raised beach." Also
in March, 1910, the Geological Association visited the cliffs
in question, and the director of the party, Mr. J. G.
Hamling, f.g.s., submitted as a theory that in all proba-
bility only the lower portion of the sand deposit was
beach material, the upper being blown sand, as shown by
the presence in that upper portion of land shells, including
Helix virgata.

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A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

WITH NOTES ON THE EXCAVATIONS CONDUCTED
THERE IN 1911.

Exmoob, unlike Dartmoor, has not been the scene of much
activity in the way of archaeological excavations, but
considerable attention has been paid to the description
of its rude stone monuments by the Rev. J. F. Chanter
and Mr. R. Hansford Worth, 1 and its earthworks have
briefly been put upon record by Mr. J. Charles Wall 2 and
Mr. A. Hadrian Allcroft. 3 On the Somerset side of the
moor the stone circle on Withypool Hill has been surveyed
and described by the writer. 4

Mr. W. M. Tapp, ll.d., f.s.a., a member of the Earth-
works Committee of the Congress of Archaeological Socie-
ties, and the writer, having carried out a successful explora-
tion at the earthwork at Butley, in Suffolk, 1910, 5 joined
hands again in 1911 in the examination of the earthwork
known as Old Burrow (or Barrow) Camp on Exmoor. It
was decided that the writer should make a complete
survey of the earthwork (Plates I and II), and that a partial
excavation should be undertaken with a view to ascertain
the date of its construction if possible.

Miss C. C. Halliday, of Glenthorne, who owns the pro-

1 Trans. Devon. Assoc., 1905, XXXVII, 375-97 ; 1906, XXXVIII,
538-52.

2 " Ancient Earthworks," Vict. Co. Hist., Devon, I, 573-630.

3 Earthwork of England, 1908.

4 Proc. Som. Arch. Soc, 1906, LII, pt. ii, 42-50.

5 " The Earthwork near Butley," by H. St. George Gray, Suffolk
Inst, of Archaeology and Nat. Hist., XIV, 69-90.

BY H. ST. GEORGE GRAY.

Communicated by Maxwell Adams.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

I. Introductory Remarks.

704 A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

perty, very readily consented to the investigations being
carried out ; and the tenant, Mr. Ettery, of Ashton Farm,
offered us every facility. The surveying 1 and digging were
begun on 31 August, the work being completed on 9 Sep-
tember. Throughout this period the weather was brilli-
antly fine, but the ground was very hard and dusty owing
to the lengthened drought. 2

" Old Burrow Camp " is situated at an elevation of just
over 1100 feet above sea-level, on the eastern side of the
large parish of Countisbury. Countisbury village is 2£
miles west of the earthwork, Lynton miles to the west,
and Brendon 2| miles to the S.W., whilst Oare is 1 J miles
in a bee-line to the S.E. Further eastward is Porlock at a
distance of 6 J miles, Minehead 11 J miles distant, and
Dulverton 15 miles to the S.E.

Coming to closer quarters, it is seen by the Ordnance
Survey map that Glenthorne House, reached by a tortuous
road from the coach-road, is 1200 yards to the E.N.E. of
the earthwork in a bee-line. The nearest spring is 530
yards to the E.S.E.

The earthwork is in Devon, but its centre is only 800
yards to the west of the nearest point of the Somerset
border at Coscombe Linhay. Cosgate Feet, or County
Gate, is at a slightly greater distance to the S.E. In the
space of 430 yards intervening between the sea-cliffs and
the north and the middle of the earthwork there is a rise
of 500 feet in the level of the ground. The fall on the east
is, of course, very much greater towards the combe of
Glenthorne ; on the west the fall is slight, while on the
south the " camp " is little raised above the run of the
surrounding country, and there is a fall of only 100 feet
in the distance of 800 yards to the nearest farm (Ashton
Farm). The nearest group of tumuli is that on Cosgate
Hill just within the Devon boundary.

1 The Director-General of Ordnance Surveys informed me that the
magnetic declination of the compass at Brendon on 1 September, 1911,
was 17° 20' west of true north.

2 Mr. Tapp and the writer stayed at " The Stag Hunters," Brendon,
and one, or more often both, watched the whole of the operations. The
men employed for the digging were : T. Paul, Glastonbury (foreman of
the Lake Village excavations), Wm. Slaymaker (Carshalton, Surrey), and
two local men, Frank Ash and Wm. Parkins.

II. Situation of the Earthwork.

A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 705

From the " camp " a charming view is obtained ; to
the north the wide expanse of the Bristol Channel with
the mountains of South Wales in the distance ; on the
south the bare undulating hills of the heart of Exmoor ;
on the west the Great Hangman, and at closer quarters
Countisbury Foreland ; and on the east the slopes of
Yenworthy, and Porlock Bay with Hurtstone Point
beyond (see Plate III).

A brief account of " Old Burrow Camp " with sketch
plan was given by Mr. J. C. Wall in the Victoria County
History, Devon, I, 594, where he speaks of it as being one
of the most perfect camps in Devon. The Rev. J, F.
Chanter also gives a short description of this complex
earthwork, with a section, in The History of the Parishes of
Lynton and Countisbury, 1907, p. 18. 1 Again, the site is
mentioned by Mr. J. L. Warden Page in An Exploration of
Exmoor, 1890, p. 133.

Mr. Allcroft devotes a paragraph or two to this earth-
work in his Earthwork of England, 1908, and gives a small
hill-shaded plan of it on page 117. The following is his
description : —

" The camp — if it really be a camp — crests a gently
rounded hill overlooking the Riviera-like combe of Glen-
thorne and the Channel Sea. Entering from the seaward
side (north), by the original entrance, one passes an outer
fosse 4 feet wide and 4 feet deep and a 9-foot vallum, to an
interspace some 16 yards in width, in the centre of which
lies another enclosure. This, in shape approximately square
with boldly rounded angles, and having an area only some
30 yards across, is defended by two valla and two ditches
immediately contiguous. The inmost vallum rises in places
10 feet to 12 feet 2 above the area, with a fosse 15 feet wide 3
from lip to lip. The second fosse has a width of 9 feet 3 only
from lip to lip, and the intervening vallum is nothing but a
narrow bank of soil left in situ, its crest only 4 feet 8 above
the bottom of the fosse on either side. The whole work has
a diameter of no more than 100 yards, and the measure
of the defences over all is only about 100 feet. There is a
gap in the outer ceinture at the south which is, perhaps, not

1 See also Trans. Devon. Assoc., XXXVTII, 119.

8 This will be seen by what follows to be an exaggerated estimate.

8 All these measurements appear to be excessive.

VOL. XLIV. 2 Y

III. Description of the Earthwork.

706 A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

an original entrance. . . . Very possibly Old Burrow is
rather sepulchral than military in character, as the alleged
central mound would suggest. 1 That it is of considerable
age is shown by the manner in which it has been used as
the central point of a whole series of enclosures, with the
remains of which the hill is seamed. When the writer saw
it, a large area of ground immediately adjoining it to the
south-east had been recently stripped by peat-diggers, but
the soil showed not the slightest trace of human handiwork,
whether in stone or in pottery."

My plan (Plate I), plotted to a scale of 24 feet to an inch,
and covering over 3| acres of ground, has margins measur-
ing 409 feet from S.W. to N.E., and 401 feet from N.W.
to S.E. The area surveyed is represented by contours of
1 foot vertical height, entailing the taking of some 1200
levels, which show a fall of 29 feet from the crest of the
vallum on the S.W. to the northern corner of the plan.

The outer earthwork has the general appearance of being
circular, but after making a careful survey it is seen (Plate
I) that there is a decided flattening on the north, south,
east, and west, the minimum diameter from crest to crest
being about 258 feet, the maximum diameters, each about
285 feet, being from N.W. to S.E. and from N.E. to S.W.
The circumference of the outer vallum measured along
the crest (see dotted line on plan) is 860 feet. The height
of the vallum above the space between it and the inner
earthworks varies from 1 to 5 feet. Outside the bank is
a well-defined fosse, which, before excavation, varied in
depth from 3 to 6-8 feet below the crest of the vallum
(Plate V, fig. 1). The maximum external diameter of the
encircling fosse is 322 feet.

The line of the vallum is broken in two places, viz.
on the north and on the S.W. ; the latter opening is the
more pronounced. In the same positions are evidences of
entrances across the fosse, that on the. S.W. being very
clearly defined. In spite of this, it is somewhat surprising
that Mr. Allcroft should have regarded the northern
gap as the original one. Mr. Chanter speaks of the " present
entrance " being on the north, and Mr. Page speaks only
of an " insignificant modern breach " in the rampart on
the south. Mr. Wall, however, says (Vict Co. Hist., Devon,
I, 595), "The entrance to the outer court is on the south-

1 Mentioned by J. C. Wall (Vict. Co. Hist., Devon, I, 595).

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A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 707

west, but that leading into the inner camp is at the north,"
As will be seen later, it was proved that there was no
ancient entrance through the outer earthwork on the north,
whilst on the S.W. a solid causeway, 9-5 feet wide, was
discovered across the fosse (Plate III, and Plate IV,

A large part of the area enclosed by the outer vallum
was occupied by a square enclosure having double defences
and rounded corners (Plate V, fig. 2). Between the foot
of the interior slope of the vallum of the outer ring and the
outer ditch of the square enclosure about 47 feet of ground
intervened. It had a fairly even surface and there were no
indications of the existence of pits. The " square " was*
found to be of slighter relief than the enclosing outer earth-
work. In the centre there is a little mound only 10 feet
in diameter and 15 inches high (shown by a dotted line on
the plan, and seen in the section on line NP, Plate II).
Surrounding this is an almost square and level area,
gradually rising at its margins and forming a small rampart,
the crest of which was nowhere higher than 3 feet above
the level area, and in most parts far less. The measure-
ments from corner to corner of this " square " taken along
the inner rampart are about 78 feet from north to south
and 80 feet from east to west (shown by a dotted line on
the plan, Plate I).

The outer rampart is decidedly more feeble than the
inner one (Plate V, fig. 2), the crest being represented by
the natural level of the surrounding ground, a fosse having
been excavated on either side of it — the wider between the
two ramparts, the narrower on the outer side. The maxi-
mum height of the crest of the inner vallum above the
surface of the silting of its ditch is 5 feet, and that of the
outer vallum above the outer ditch only 2-3 feet. The sides
of the " square " practically correspond with the lines
of flattening of the outside earthwork. The total average
width covered by the " square " and the double earthwork
is 144 feet.

The entrance into the " square " is clearly marked on
the north, and excavation proved the existence of a solid
causeway here. The inner rampart of the " square," like
the outside earthwork (Plate V, fig. 1), is higher on the
south and west than on the north and east, where the
natural fall of the surrounding ground is more consider-
able.

fig. 1).

708 A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

IV. The Excavations.

Eleven cuttings were made ; their position is clearly-
indicated on the plan, and they are numbered by large
Roman numerals. The letters on the plan give the lines
of the sections (Plate II). The small upright figures show
the position of the few objects discovered, and the small
sloping figures number the 1-foot contours, from 0' to

All the cuttings made into the ditches and through the
ramparts produced a large amount of fine-grained stone,
and the writer sent a typical piece to Mr. W. A. E. Ussher,
f.g.s., for examination. He reports as follows : " The rocks
of Countisbury are the Foreland grits, apparently the oldest
group of Devonshire rocks in North Devon. 1 The rock
specimen you send me from Old Burrow Camp is fine grit
or greywacke, composed of quartz and apparently felspar
with particles of white mica, and is more or less ferru-
ginous, weathering brown."

(a) Cuttings I and II, Fosse of Outer Earthwork, on
S.W. (Plan, Plate I ; Sectional Diagrams on lines AB,
CD, and EF, Plate II ; and Photographs, Plate III,
and Plate IV, fig. 1.)

These cuttings, measuring 13 feet by 8 feet and 12 feet
by 11 feet respectively, were made across the outer fosse
to ascertain whether the supposed causeway across the
ditch and the gap in the vallum marked the position of an
ancient entrance. A glance at the three sectional dia-
grams (Plate II) clearly shows the peculiar profile of the
fosse revealed by the removal of the silting which had
gradually accumulated ; also the undisturbed solid rock
causeway which here broke the continuation of the ancient
fosse. The vertical shading in these diagrams represents
rock untouched by the constructors of the " camp," and
in all the cuttings made the natural Lower Devonian grit
was laid bare. In both these cuttings, as in Cutting III,
the lower part of the counterscarp of the fosse was much
steeper than any part of the escarp, the angle of inclination
varying from 74 to 87 degrees ; the angle of the escarp,
on the other hand, averaged 37 degrees in Cuttings I and
II. The causeway proved to be 9-5 feet wide at the level
of the turf — at the floor of the cuttings, 14 feet. The cause-

1 See Geological Map of North Devon, by J. G. Hamling, f.g.s.

29'.

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A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 709

way is well seen in Plate III and in Plate IV, fig. 1. The
latter plate shows the profile and bottom of the fosse and
its solid rock termination against the causeway. The fosse
on the line AB was 4-2 feet deep ; on the line CD 5 feet
deep, the difference being accounted for from the fact that
one part of the fosse had for some reason silted up to a
greater extent than the other. The first foot of silting
consisted of mould with small stones ; below that the
silting was much coarser with stones sometimes 6 inches
long ; seams of dark peaty mould were sometimes met
with.

(b) Cutting III, Fosse of Outer Earthwork, on North.
(Plan, Plate I ; Sectional Diagram on line LM, Plate II ;
and Photograph, Plate IV, fig. 2.)

This cutting, measuring 16 feet by 12 feet, was made to
ascertain whether an ancient entrance existed here (as
supposed in one or two former accounts given of the earth-
work), especially as outward appearances did not, in the
writer's opinion, favour the assumption that the con-
structors left a solid causeway here. The cutting was
begun on the west and continued far enough eastward
to make sure that no solid causeway existed. As will be
seen by the photograph, Plate IV, fig. 2, there was no
indication of the walls of the fosse coming to a termination.
The silting, consisting, as in Cuttings I and II, of stone
with a small proportion of mould, was found to reach to
a maximum depth of 5-5 feet below the surface of the turf.
Large stones were observed in the middle and at the
bottom of the silting.

This area, measuring 48 feet by 6 feet, was trenched over
to a depth of 1 foot, i.e. to the undisturbed ground. In
the overlying mould two small pieces of flint were found
at " 4 " on plan, depth 0-6 foot, one bearing a conchoidal
fracture. At "5," a little charcoal was noticed at a depth
of 0-5 foot.

(d) Cutting V in the " Square," West side. (Plan,
Plate I.)

This cutting corresponded to Cutting IV and was of the
same dimensions, the undisturbed ground being reached
at the same depth. The following " finds " were made : —

At " 3 " on plan, depth 0-7 foot, a small piece of black

710 A SUBVEY OF OLD BUBROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

pottery, weathered, containing small grains of quartz
in its composition, and perhaps of Romano-British type.

At " 6 " on plan, depth 0-4 foot, a flat disc of fine grit
or greywacke, weathered, nearly circular ; maximum
diameter 1| inches ; thickness f inch.

At " 7 " on plan, depth 0-8 foot, a small piece of buff-
coloured pottery, much weathered, and apparently of
Romano-British type*

(c) Cutting VI, across the S.W. corner of the Earth-
works of the " Square." (Plan, Plate I ; Sectional Dia-
gram on the line JK, Plate II ; and Photograph, Plate V,

This cutting, 46 feet long and 6 feet wide, extended
from the outer enclosure across both the ditches and ram-
parts of the " square," and was subsequently joined to
the southern end of Cutting V. The section on the line
JK (Plate II) clearly shows that the crest of the outer
vallum was on the same general level as the run of the
natural surface of the moor, and that the material obtained
in forming the two V-shaped ditches had been used for the
raising and formation of the inner vallum, the crest of
which was at a height of 3-5 feet above the undisturbed
ground. The top of the inner vallum consisted of about
3 inches of turf and turf mould, whilst the body of the bank
was made up of pieces of stone and occasional patches of
ochreous earth. Below this, in most places, was a streaked
blackish-grey deposit of a sandy nature, generally in
horizontal layers. The inner fosse proved to be 3*25 feet
deep, and the outer one 2-9 feet deep below the surface of
the silting.

An old turf line under the vallum could not be clearly-
traced either here or in Cutting VII, but on the level at
which it would be expected two " finds " were made, viz.,
Nos. 1 and 2, marked on the plan and in the section.
At " 2," two flakes of black flint, bearing evidence of slight
secondary chipping, were found at a depth of 2-4 feet
below the surface.

At " 1," at a depth of 2-2 feet below the surface, the iron
axe-adze, figured in the accompanying illustration, was
discovered. The implement is much corroded and broken
across the oval socket, to which the remains of a wooden
handle still adhere. In the middle is what is known as a
" slip eye," with side clips. Its total length is 17 J inches,
the axe end being much longer than the adze. In the

fig. 2.)

Plate IV.

Fig. i. — Cutting I. across the Fosse of the Outer Earthwork on the S.S.W.,
showing the bottom of the Fosse and its termination against the W. side of
the solid Causeway. View looking S.S.E.

Fig. 2. — Cutting III. across the Fosse of the Outer Earthwork on the N.,
showing the solid bottom and sides of the Fosse. The silting continued
towards the E. , and it was proved that no Entrance existed here.

Old Burrow Camp, Exmoor, Devon, 1911.

From Photographs by Mr. H. St. George Gray.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

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A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 711

perfect implement the cutting-edge of the axe had a length
of 6| inches, and the adze 3£ inches. Its present weight
is 3 lbs. 9 ozs. avoirdupois.

Judging from the position in which it was found it is
quite probable that it was used in connection with the
construction of the earthworks forming the "square,"
and it may have been discarded in the very place where it
was broken and covered over in throwing up the inner
vallum. There is no reason to suppose that the implement
was at one time nearer the surface and had reached^the
depth at which it was found from the burrowing of animals

Iron Axe-adze found on the level of the old turf line under the inner vallum
of the " Square," Cutting VI, Old Burrow Camp, Exmoor, 1911.

From a Drawing by Mr. E. Sprarikling.

or other causes. Mr. Tapp, Mrs. Gray, and myself were all
on the spot when the implement was discovered.

Large implements having an axe at one end and a pick
at the other have been frequently found with Roman
remains (the axe-hammer also), but the axe-adze was a
much more uncommon tool ; it is, however, still in use in
the South and West of England, where it is known as. a
" cross-axe," and is distinctively a ditcher's tool, the axe
end being used for cutting roots met with. There is little
difference between the present and ancient forms. A
Dorset specimen now in use measures 14 J inches in length,
the axe blade, now much ground down, being 4 inches and

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712 A SURVEY OP OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

the adze blade 7 J inches in length respectively. Another
example has the blades of about equal length, and in both
these cases the width of the blade at the cutting-edge is
'3 inches. The tool is so perfectly adapted to trenching
work in rough soil that it would be more surprising not to
find very early examples of the sort than that it should not
have persisted till the present day.

(/) Cutting VII, across the Earthworks of the " Square 99
on the North. (Plan, Plate I ; and Sectional Diagram on
the line GH, Plate II.)

. This excavation was similar to Cutting VI, 62 feet long
and 6 feet wide, and extended from the interior of the
" square " at the northern end of Cutting V across both
ramparts and ditches of the inner work. Here, again,
it was found that the outer vallum had not been thrown
up, but was represented merely by the natural surface
of the ground, a V-shaped fosse having been cut out of
the rock on either side of it. The outer fosse was 2-1
feet deep and the inner 3-5 feet deep below the surface of
the silting. The former was 1-6 feet wide at the bottom.
The crest of the vallum proved to be at a height of 3-4
feet above the undisturbed ground. This rampart was
composed of the same sort of material as that of the inner
vallum at Cutting VT.

No relics were obtained from the inner bank or in the
ditches, the only " finds " from the cutting coming from
within the limits of the " square," where the rock was
reached at the same level as elsewhere.

At " 8 " on plan and section, two pieces of the rim of
a brown pottery vessel were found at a depth of 1-1 feet.
Like the other fragments of pottery these were also much
weathered, but the quality, form, and surface have all
the appearance of Romano-British ware, apparently lathe-
turned, or, at any rate, thrown on a wheel.

The two fragments of pottery found at " 9 " at a depth
of 1-1 feet are of the same quality as No. 7 from Cutting V.

At " 10 " a flint flake was found, depth 1 foot.

(g) Cutting VIII, Outer Fosse on the North side of the
" Square." (Plan, Plate I.)

This cutting was extended from Cutting VII to the
termination of the fosse against the western side of the
northern entrance into the " square " from the outer
enclosure. In the 20 feet of fosse dug no relics were
found. The average depth of the silting was 2 feet.

Plate V.

Fig. i. — The western half of the " Camp" ; from the exterior, looking- N.E.
The view includes the N. W. corner of the " Square." The Outer Earthwork
is well preserved here, the crest of the vallum being about 5^ feet above the
surface of the silting of the fosse.

Fig. 2. — View, looking N.N.E., of the S.W. corner of the " Square," show-
ing its two valla and fosses. Cutting VI. across the inner Earthworks in
the foreground ; the men working at Cutting V. in the central enclosure.

Old Burrow Camp, Exmoor, Devon, 1911.

From Photographs by ^^-^-Q^^f^f^

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A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 713

(h) Cutting IX, Outer Fosse of the " Square " on the
N., N.E., and E. (Plan, Plate I.)

In the first place a cutting 13 feet by 8 feet was dug on
the east side of the ancient entrance into the "square,"
to find the termination of the fosse and to ascertain the
original width of the entrance-way, which proved to be
13 feet. The position of the bottom of the fosse is shown by
dotted lines on the plan. At a depth of 2-5 feet, at the
bottom of the ditch, part of a flint pebble was found at
" 11," one face showing conchoidal fractures, the other
side being the outer erust of the pebble.

In continuation of Cutting IX, the outer fosse of the
" square " on the north and east was re-excavated, its
course and width being shown on the plan. A length of
124 feet was dug. In one place traces of charcoal were
observed ; but no relics were found.

(j) Cutting X, small mound in the centre of the "Square,"
indicated by a dotted circle on the Plan (Plate I), and
shown in the Section on the line NP (Plate II).

As previously stated, this slight mound had a diameter
of only 10 feet and a height of 1-25 feet. It had the ap-
pearance of having been dug into previously in one part. 1
An excavation, measuring 16 feet by 13 feet, was made in
this position, including the whole of the mound. All the
material was cleared out down to the usual level of the
undisturbed ground, average depth 1 foot below the sur-
face of the " square," but nothing of structural interest
was found, nor any archaeological remains.

(k) Cutting XI, Outer Enclosure on the North. (Plan,
Plate I.)

This cutting, measuring 25 feet by 6 feet, was dug in
continuation of Cuttings V and VII, and revealed nothing
of interest ; the undisturbed ground was reached at an
average depth of 1 foot.

1 Miss Halliday, of Glenthorne, wrote to me as follows (22 Feb., 1912) :
— " My aunt, Miss Cosway, niece of Walter Stevenson Halliday, is now 82,
and she told me that in her uncle's time, Mr. Arthur Tupper, cousin of
the poet, dug in the camp for old keys ; he was a collector of old keys ;
he did not find any ; this occurred about sixty or seventy years ago,
and there has been no tradition that the camp has ever been touched since
then. My aunt thinks no one but Mr. Tupper dug in the camp ; no notes
were made on the subject."

714 A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR.

V. Concluding Remarks.

The scarcity of archaeological remains at Old Burrow was
very disappointing, and leaves us in some doubt as to
the precise date of this ancient site. The chief value
of the exploration is undoubtedly the exact record of
the form and structure of the earthwork by the elaborate
contoured plan and the sheet of sectional diagrams.
The form of the various ditches has been ascertained, and
it is clearly seen that the outer fosse is of quite a different
type from the V-shaped ditches which encompass the
" square." These features, it might be argued, suggest a
different date for the inner and the outer earthworks.
It is therefore most unfortunate that no relics were found
in the three cuttings made in the outer fosse, while the time
at our disposal did not permit of further cuttings being
made.

Structurally, one of the most interesting results of the
work was the determination that the gap in the outer
earthwork on the north was modern, and that the larger
opening on the S.W. was the ancient entrance into the
outer enclosure. The solid causeway, previously described,
afforded conclusive evidence on this point.

It is just possible that the " square " may be of a later
period than the outer earthwork, but even the relics dis-
covered there do not satisfactorily solve the question of
date. All the pottery was found at a sufficient depth
to afford reliable evidence, but it is so much weathered
(owing, it is assumed, to exposure on the surface at some
time), so scarce, and so fragmentary, that no careful
antiquary would venture to commit himself to a definite
opinion as to its precise date, although the writer, who has
had no little experience in the identification of ancient
shards, is inclined to believe that those found at Old
Burrow are of Romano-British type. The two rim pieces,
No. 8, are particularly Roman in general fades.

It is to the iron axe-adze that we must turn in considering
the question of the date of the " square." The position
of the implement under the inner vallum has already
been described. On returning home the writer at once
made inquiries whether there was a similar implement
in the British Museum, or among the numerous iron tools
in the Guildhall Museum. Nothing was forthcoming.
The Silchester " finds " in Reading Museum include no

A SURVEY OF OLD BURROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 715

similar tool, and nothing quite like it was found at New-
stead. In the pits at the latter place, however, several
heavy pick-axes, or dolabrce, were found. One end of
these implements is fashioned like the blade of an axe,
the other like a curved pick. 1 A dolabra was found on Hod
Hill, Dorset, and may be seen in the British Museum
(Durden Coll.).

Mr. Reginald A. Smith has kindly assisted in the search
for parallels, and he tells me that an axe-adze of similar
form and 19 inches long was found with a number of
Roman iron tools on the site of the Roman bridge over
the Rhine between Mainz and Kastel, and has been figured. 2
Another iron axe-adze of the same type, about 14 inches
long, was found in excellent preservation at Novaesium
(Neuss), Germany. It is described as having a hole for
the handle and a broad vertical and a narrow transverse
cutting-edge, of a form known from other Roman sites.
It is there supposed to be a military entrenching tool,
a supposition supported by the occurrence of similar
implements on representations of Trajan's column. 3 In
the sculptures of the column there are representations of
the pioneers at work, levelling the ground and clearing the
forest growths.

The hafted double axe is a less scarce type, the larger
cutting-edge sometimes being found protected by a sheath.
Such an implement (length 17£ inches), with silver sheath,
was found in the Rhine at an island called Bleiaue above
Mainz, and may be seen in Mainz Museum. On the same
spot a complete Roman helmet of the early first century
was discovered. 4

No absolutely authentic "find" of Roman coins is
recorded from Exmoor. We read in the Victoria County
History, Somerset, I, 362 : " Exmoor. — Urns with coins
found in 1831 near the sources of the Exe ; perhaps a
misquotation of Reynolds." 5 Turning to Reynolds's
edition of Antoninus, p. 439, we find the following :
" Exmore. Devonsh. Where the River Ex rises is a moist

1 Curie's Roman Frontier Post, 1911, Plate LVTI, p. 278.

2 Zeitechrift des Vereins zur Erforschung der Rheinischen Oeschichte und
Altertiimer in Mainz, Vol. Ill, pt. 4, Plate XIIT.

8 Bonner Jahrbiicher, Heft 111-112, 1904, Taf. xxxi. B, fig. 49, p. 370.

4 Report of the Mainz Museum, 1902-3, published in the West-
detUsche Zeitechrift, Plate III, fig. 3, p. 11 (of the report). Also Linden-
schmit's Altertiimer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit, Vol. V Plate X, No. 166.

6 Proc. Som. Arch. Soc. (Scarth), XXIV, ii, 19.

716 A SURVEY OP OLD BURROW CAMP, BXMOOR.

barren ground near the Severn sea, part in Devon, but
more of it in Somersetshire. In this moor are several
monuments of antiquity, and several urns with Roman
coins have been found in the barrows."

Roman coins are said to have been picked up at Brendon. 1
In this connection Mr. Chanter writes thus : " Dr. Cooper
states in his Guide (p. 46) that a great number of Roman
coins have from time to time been dug up in the parish
of Countisbury, but I have been unable to verify this
statement or see or hear of any specimen. Mr. R. N.
Worth brings forward conclusive evidence to show that all
claims of any Roman occupation of any part of North
Devon are entirely valueless, and that if Roman coins
are found they would be only marks of the peaceful visit
of some Roman trader. And in connection with the sup-
posed Countisbury finds it might be as well to put on record
the statement I heard my father, the late John Roberts
Chanter, of Barnstaple, frequently make, that the Rev.
W. S. Halliday, a former owner of part of Countisbury,
scattered and buried coins, Roman and others, with a
view to puzzling the future antiquary." 2

Very few Roman coins have been found in West Somer-
set within easy reach of the Forest of Exmoor. The
Rev. F. Hancock wrote, in 1897: "The name (Brandy
Street) seems to mark the place where the Roman road
along the coast passed on to Porlock. And this suggestion
is corroborated by the fact that a little further on a few
Roman coins were recently found during some excava-
tions." 8

Roman coins were discovered on Haddon Hill, King's
Brompton parish. 4 Two small coins of Maximian and
Constantine were found about 1863 in Dunster Park,
Carhampton parish. 6 At Dulverton four " third brass "
coins, third and fourth centuries, were found in recent
breccia. 6 At Luxborough, an iron axe and wooden objects
(now in Taunton Museum) were discovered in the shaft
of an old iron mine, and they are supposed to be vestiges

1 A Book of Exmoor, by F. J. Snell, p. 5.

* Lynton and Countisbury, p. 19.

8 The Parish of Selworthy, p. 4.

4 Collinson's History of Somerset, III, 502.

6 Proc. Som. Arch. Soc., XXIV, i, 47 ; Maxwell Lyte's History of
Dunster, I, xii.

8 In Bristol Museum. Vict. Co. Hist. Som., I, 362.

A SUBVEY OF OLD BUBROW CAMP, EXMOOR. 717

of Roman iron-workings. Coins are alleged to have been
found there. 1

The occurrence of coins, apart from other evidences of
personal occupation, cannot be safely considered as indica-
tion of more than trade intercourse with the nearest
known Roman centres.

When the Exmoor axe-adze and the pottery are con-
sidered together, the evidence weighs strongly in favour
of the square enclosure being of Roman date and type,
though as the general opinion of reliable antiquaries is
that the Romans never penetrated Exmoor, or, even if
they did traverse it, that no settlement on any part of
the moor was made by them, it must rather be ascribed
to Romano-British work. There is no reason to suppose
that the Celtic inhabitants of West Somerset and North
Devon, if not so thoroughly Romanized as elsewhere, were
not used to, or unable to procure, tools of Roman manu-
facture and pottery of the Roman type universal in the
country. 2

So much for the supposed date. The purpose or inten-
tion of the earthwork is even a more difficult problem.
Naturally, the small mound in the centre has suggested
a sepulchral origin for this ancient site ; but as no human
remains, either by cremation or inhumation, have been
found, we feel bound to dismiss that hypothesis.

There can be little doubt that, whatever its original
object, the earthwork was used as a post of observation,
probably by Romanized Britons, among others, down to
the time when, in the late seventh and early eighth
centuries, the Danes and Norse were hovering about the
Channel and settling in South Wales.

1 Haverfield, Vict. Co. Hist. Som., I, 364.

2 It might be noted here that Mr. Chanter, in his book on Lynton
and Countisbury, p. 18, says : " This (Old Burrow) camp has been
spoken of by many antiquarians in the past as being Roman, and an
imaginary Roman road from it over the forest of Exmoor to Molland
has been laid down, but it has not the slightest claim to be considered
such."

THE MAKING OF TORBAY.

BY A. J. JUKES-BROWNE, F.R.S., F.G.S.

Communicated by R. Hansford Worth, m.inst.c.e., f.g.s.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

I. Introduction.

It is somewhat surprising that no one has yet attempted
to explain the existence of Torbay, or to write an account
of the stages through which it may have passed in the
course of its formation ; yet, so far as I can ascertain, no
such attempt has been made. Probably those who have
given any thought to the matter have regarded it as a
case of ordinary coast-erosion, and have supposed that
the site of the Bay was occupied by tracts of the less com-
pact rocks, such as sandstone and shale, which were cut
back by the sea more rapidly than the hard limestones
which form the promontories of Berry Head and Hope's
Nose.

It is true that sandstones and shales do form the greater
part of the existing coast-line along the western border of
the Bay, but it is rash to assume that these beds continued
eastward so far as to occupy the whole width and frontage
of the Bay between the two headlands. Whether they did
or did not is a question which can only be decided by a
careful consideration of the geological structure of the
district.

Again, the making of large bays is not always a simple
case of differential marine erosion. In many, if not in
most, cases the position of bays has been determined by the
pre-existent features of the land, and these have been
produced by the operation of sub-aerial agencies when
the land was at a higher level than it is now. In other
words, a bay often occupies the site of a valley or lowland.

THE MAKING OF TOBBAY.

719

It may be objected that Torbay with its square-cut outline
does not present the appearance of a drowned valley, and
that no wide valley opens into it. Truly it is not the
opening of an estuary like Salcombe Bay or Plymouth
Sound, but it certainly had its drainage system ; the
valleys of Inany small streams now open into it, and the
floors of these valleys lie at a considerable depth below
the present sea-level.

Before the Bay was formed and when the land stood
at a higher level these streams must have united to form
a small excurrent river which ran eastward or south-east-
ward through the opening of the Bay, and when subsidence
brought the sea into the adjoining area of the English
Channel it was certainly along the valley of this river that
the Torbay district would be first invaded.

It will be seen, therefore, that in order to form a concep-
tion of the manner in which Torbay has been formed, and
to explain how it came to have its present size and shape,
two lines of inquiry must be pursued — (1) the geology of
its shores and the manner in which the several formations
may be continued under the floor of the Bay ; (2) the
drainage-system of the district and the directions in which
the existing valleys may have been prolonged through the
area now occupied by the Bay.

For our present purpose the rocks which form the
shores of Torbay may be grouped under three heads — (1)
the Lower Devonian slates and grits ; (2) the complex
of Middle and Upper Devonian rocks, which are lime-
stones, shales, and volcanic tuffs ; (3) the Permian sand-
stones.

The largest area of Lower Devonian is that around
Paignton, and is brought up by what is known as the
Paignton anticline. The beds occupy a considerable area
inland, but are only exposed at certain places along the
coast, because they are covered by the Permian sand-
stones. They consist of hard dark red gritstones and
sandy slates, as may be seen in the quarry by Cockington
Lane and in the new road-cutting near Preston. There
can be little doubt that this tract of Lower Devonian is

II. .The Geology of Torbay.

720

THE MAKING OF TOBBAY.

part of a pericline, or dome-shaped elevation, and that
just as it dies out westward so also it nosed out eastward
within the area of Torbay. Paignton appears to be situated
about in the centre of the pericline, and the western
boundary is about three miles west of the railway station,
consequently its eastern termination may not have been
more than three miles from the same point, and it is quite
possible that it was less.

There is another small tract of Lower Devonian by
Meadfoot and Kilmorie, forming part of the broken Tor-
quay anticline, which is probably continued for some
distance under the sea to the south-east. The rocks here
consist of grey grits and slates (Meadfoot beds), overlain
by the red grits on the summits of the Lincombe and Kil-
morie Hills. As the Thatcher and Shag Rocks consist of
limestone, it might have been supposed that these were
remnants of a continuous band of such rock faulted down
on the south side of the Meadfoot beds ; but the rocks
are probably only small isolated bosses of limestone, for
Mr. A. R. Hunt, in the course of his dredging operations, 1
found a reef running from the Shag Rock in a south-
eastern direction for 450 yards, and consisting of slates
and grits like those of the Kilmorie shore. There* is also
rocky ground to the south and west of the Thatcher, and
this may be partly of limestone, but the only two frag-
ments detached by Mr. Hunt were of slate and grit, the
former coming from about 400 yards west of the Thatcher,
and the latter from 1000 yards south-east by south of that
rock.

If this southerly prolongation of the Torquay anticline
has the same geological structure as its more northern
portion, it will have a nearly continuous band of limestone
along its western side, running from Daddy Hole Plain
toward the south-east. The limestone, however, may have
been less continuous ; it may have occurred in smaller
tracts surrounded by Eifelian shales, and if such were the
case its ultimate destruction by the sea would be more
easily accomplished.

The southern part of the Bay must have been occupied
by a continuation of the broad band of shales, tuffs, and
limestones which runs from Stoke Gabriel to Broad Sands
and Saltern Cove. The high probability of this may be

1 Trans. Devon. Assoc., Vol. X, p. 194 (1878).

THE MAKING OP TORBAY.

721

inferred from the continuity of the limestone tract which
extends from Galmpton to Berry Head. The general dip
of these limestones is from south to north, the beds along
its southern border being the oldest and those along the
shore west of Brixham being the highest with inlying
troughs of Upper Devonian shale. Hence we may infer
that they were succeeded on the northern side by a broken
band of limestones, shales, and tuffs like that which
now borders the coast between Elbury Cove and Good-
rington.

To the north of Saltern Cove this tract is terminated
by a fault which brings up the Staddon grits, and I believe
this fault to be a more important one than would be
imagined from the Geological Survey map ; it probably
runs westward through Goodrington, cutting off the two
small north and south faults which are marked on the
map, and it probably also extends for some distance east-
ward beneath the floor of the Bay.

At the present time the rock-floor of the southern part
of Torbay is almost completely covered with mud and
sand ; but a reef marked on the chart and called " The
Ridge " is found in the south-west corner about a mile
east of the coast near Goodrington. Mr. Hunt states that
it consists of limestone, the surface of which is honey-
combed by boring mollusca. The existence of this reef
confirms the opinion that a complex of shales and lime-
stones lies below this part of the Bay.

We have next to consider the position of the Permian
sandstones and conglomerates which lie unconformably
on the older rocks, and are exposed in all the headlands
between Paignton and Torquay. These beds really
occupy two deep troughs or basins, the one having Paign-
ton in its centre and the other lying farther north, extending
through Compton, Cockington, and the Torre Valley. Up
to the present time there was no evidence as to the depth
to which these sandstones reached below Paignton, but
I have been fortunate enough to obtain particulars of a
deep boring which was made at the works of the Paignton
District Steam Laundry Company. These works are situ-
ated by the Totnes road, south-west of the railway station,
at a level of about 100 feet above the sea, and the boring
was made by Mr. J. Thorn, of Patricroft, near Manchester.
The following is a condensed copy of the particulars of
the strata which were traversed : —

vol. xliv. 2 z

722

THE MAKING OP TORBAY.

Strata. Thickness.

Surface clay with small pebbles (? at base) . 16 feet

Hard conglomerated red rock . . 40 „

Soft plies and boulders . . . 6 .,
Conglomerated red rock, some beds hard and

some softer . . . . . 119

Fakes, blaes, and balls (= sandy shales) . 26 „

Hard red sandstone and small pebbles . 35 „

Softer red sandstone and pebbles . . 14 ,,
Harder red sandstone and pebbles (with water) 8 ,.

264 feet

All these beds, below the " surface clay," appear to
belong to the Permian Series, for the " red sandstone and
pebbles " can hardly be the Devonian red grits, which
do not contain pebbles. Hence we may infer that these
pebbly sandstones descend to over 164 feet below sea-
level at and near Paignton. This evidence and the fact
that they also descend considerably below sea-level at
the opening of the Torre Valley, make it highly probable
that the two areas merge eastwards into a continuous tract
beneath the floor of the Bay.

The southern boundary of this submarine tract is
probably a faulted one, being partly a prolongation of the
fault by which the Permian is faulted against the Staddon
grits south of Paignton, and partly an extension of the
fault north of Saltern Gove. The course of the more
northern fault is uncertain ; the Geological Survey map
makes it run west-south-west under the alluvium below
Clennon Hill, but it seems to me more likely that it runs
west to the north side of that hill and meets a cross-fault
which shifts its continuation northward, this being the
boundary-line south of Primley and north of Clayland.
Anyway, I regard the Roundham Bay fault as an important
one, and as having a considerable displacement, so that
it is likely to be continued for some distance eastward
beneath the Bay.

We may now consider where the eastern boundary
of this submarine tract of Permian is likely to be, and
judging from the position and direction of the inland
boundary through Torre we may fairly assume that this
continues for some distance under the waters of the Bay
to the south-east. The junction of the Permian sandstone

Digitized by

Google

Map of the
Torbay Area, in early
Pleistocene time.

Roclts of the Torquay anticline ...... : ': • /.:*•;•'• j •> :

Lower Devonian of Paignton, district \j M M M I

Permian Sandstones '/lyV//,
Limestones A Shales of the Southern Plateau V

The Making of Torbay.

Digitized by

THE MAKING OF TORBAY.

723

and the Devonian limestone is intersected in the cliff at
the east end of Abbey Terrace on the Torbay Road, and
it appears to be a fault. The course of this fault, however,
is not shown on the Geological Survey map, and the inland
boundary for about three-quarters of a mile has the appear-
ance of an undisturbed outcrop. Mr. Ussher's memoir
gives no explanation of this apparent inconsistency, but
I believe his mapping to be correct, and that the fault
is continued inland through the Permian itself to the
boundary-line on the west of Chapel Hill, which is probably
a faulted line.

We must remember, however, that the Torre Valley
and what may be called the Torquay ridge are, to some
extent, Permian features. Waldon Hill in Permian time
was united to Braddon's Hill, and was part of a ridge of
Devonian rocks which had a steep western slope into
and under the present surface of the Torre Valley. The
Permian beds were banked up against this slope, and at
some subsequent time were displaced by a fault which
dropped them to a still lower level. Consequently I regard
the boundary exposed in the Torbay Road as a fault which
traverses a steep sloping junction of limestone and sand-
stone.

It is only reasonable to suppose that this faulted
boundary-line was continued for some distance to the
south-east, and, in fact, that this well-marked feature ex-
tended just as far in that direction as the Torquay anticline
did, which may have been for two miles or more. I am
now referring to the conditions which must have prevailed
in Pliocene times, when the main physical features of the
country had been developed, and when the area now
occupied by the waters of Torbay was still a terrestrial
surface.

It will be seen, therefore, that a consideration of the
geological facts leads us to the conclusion that there is
a large triangular area of Permian sandstone and con-
glomerate beneath the floor of Torbay, but that this
does not extend through the opening of the Bay, being
bounded both on the south and on the east by more or
less continuous lines of fault.

The map is an attempt to restore the general geological
structure of the Torbay area, and to indicate not only this
faulted triangular area, but also the probable prolongation
of the Torquay anticline and that of the southern plateau,

724

THE MAKING OF TORBAY.

which must have met one another at the south-east corner
of the area. In all probability the anticline died out and
merged southward into the east and west syncline of the
lower plateau. The map shows the coast-line at the
epoch when the Pliocene land was first invaded by the
Pleistocene sea, and it will be evident that such a dispo-
sition of rock-masses would exercise a great influence on
the subsequent development of the Bay, especially when
the sea reached the area occupied by the Permian sand-
stones.

The only other deposits which enter into the structure
of the country surrounding Torbay are those of Pleistocene
age, and to these fuller reference will be made in the sequel.

III. Physical Features of Pliocene Time.

Let us now endeavour to realize what were the principal
physical features of the Torbay area during the later part
of the Pliocene period before it was invaded by the Pleisto-
cene sea.

The highest ground must have been that formed by
the prolongation of the Torquay anticline, and this may
have included hills as high as those of Oxlea and Kilmorie
now are. Through this tract ran a continuation of the
Ilsham Valley, but, of course, at a much higher relative
level, for the modern valley between Kent's Cavern and
Meadf oot Beach has been deepened by 60 or 70 feet during
Pleistocene time. This valley probably curved to the
south-east, passing between what we may call " Shag-reef
Hill " and the limestone mass of which Thatcher Rock is
a remnant.

West of this hilly ground the land fell away into a pro-
longation of the Torre Valley, and through this ran a
stream which received a number of tributaries from the
west : first the Cockington brook passing over Livermead
Sands ; next the Hollacombe brook ; thirdly, the Barcombe
brook which passed over part of Preston ; fourthly, brooks
which flowed off the ground where Paignton now stands ;
and lastly, the stream which discharges into the Bay
through Goodrington Sands. This last has a longer course
than any of the others, for it rises at Westerland, north-
west of Paignton, and runs for about 3£ miles before
reaching the present coast. In Pliocene time it must have

THE MAKING OF TOBBAY.

725

continued its easterly course till it joined the Torre Valley
stream, and the two united to form a single river.

From the above description it will be gathered that the
north-west portion of the Torbay area was an undulating
tract of ground, consisting of a series of ridges and valleys
which had a general west -to -east direction, the ridges
decreasing both in height and width toward the east, while
the valleys became wider till they opened into a main
valley which ran from north-west to south-east.

The southern part of the Torbay area was occupied by
a continuation of the country which lies between Goodring-
ton and Galmpton, and we may assume that this plateau
did not rise to so great a relative elevation above sea-level
as did the ridges in the more northern parts of the area.
At the present time little of the country south of Paignton
rises to more than 200 feet, while the ridges between Paign-
ton and Cockington rise to 300 and more.

Thus the Torbay area of late Pliocene time consisted
of a tract of hilly ground on the north-east side, a plateau
of lower elevation on the south, and a tract of undulating
ground on the north-west, the last being traversed by the
valleys of several streams, of which the chief were pro-
longations of the Torre and Goodrington valleys, and these
must have met one another somewhere in the middle of
the Bay. This point of union was probably about 2£ miles
east of Goodrington Sands, and about three miles south-east
of Torre Abbey Sands.

Can we now form an idea of the direction taken by the
resulting river ? In the first place it can only have run to
the east or the south-east, and in the second place there
are two considerations which make a south-east course the
more likely. One of these is the fact that the Dart has
a south-east course from Totnes to Dartmouth, making it
probable that when the channels of the main rivers were
first established the prevailing slope of the surface in this
part of Devon was from north-west to south-east. The
other fact is that the submarine contours indicate the
existence of a submerged valley to the north of Berry
Head ; the lines of 100 and 75 feet, as marked on the one-
inch Ordnance map, both showing embayments at this
place. This submarine inlet is, of course, the deeply ex-
cavated channel of a much more recent river, but it is
probably not far from the site of the earlier high-level
valley, and a prolongation of the Torre Valley would carry

726

THE MAKING OF TOBBAY.

it exactly to the place where this submarine channel exists.
Hence I think we may fairly infer that the Torre Valley
was the main valley, and that in Pliocene time it ran
obliquely across the Torbay area, passing out of it a little
to the north of Berry Head, and being itself the tributary
of a larger river which we may regard as a prolongation
of the Exe.

During the greater part of Pliocene time the land stood
at a higher elevation than it does now, and the whole of
the English Channel is supposed to have been dry land
traversed by the valley of a great river, to the volume of
which all the rivers of southern England contributed their
quota. Consequently we must picture South Devon as a
small portion of a great stretch of country which then
united England to France. The Dart, the Teign, and the
Torbay river were merely tributaries of a much longer
and larger Exe, which passed southward outside the present
coast of Devon and emptied itself into the Seine or its
estuary.

At the close of Pliocene time a movement of subsidence
began, and was, I believe, continued without interruption
into Pleistocene time ; of this subsidence we have proof
in the remnants of raised sea-beaches which occur all
round the coasts of Devon and Cornwall.

The age of these beaches has been fairly well settled
by the determination of the date of similar beaches in
South Wales. There the beach-material is in places over-
lain by deposits of Glacial Age, and, as I have elsewhere
pointed out, the Gower beaches probably belong to an
early date in the Ice Age, because they occur so far south
that conditions favouring the production of glaciers in
that area are only likely to have prevailed at the time of
greatest ice-extension. Consequently the beaches testify
to a subsidence which culminated either just before or
during the epoch of maximum glaciation.

Remains of this elevated coast-line occur on the northern
and southern sides of Torbay, and furnish us with the
evidence of the earliest phase in the formation of this em-
bayment. It is evident that the whole country had been
gradually sinking, that the waters of the Atlantic had
invaded the great lowland of the English Channel and had

IV. Pleistocene History of Torbay.

THE MAKING OF TOBBAY.

727

encroached farther and farther on the land, till they had
cut off the Dart from the ancient Exe and had destroyed
the valley of the latter for some distance farther north,
possibly as far as the debouchure of the Teign. By this
time the land had sunk to a lower level than that at which
it now stands, but this does not imply the contemporary
existence of Torbay, as I shall proceed to show.

Remains of the raised beach-line are only found on the
northern and southern sides of Torbay. They occur at
Hope's Nose, where the base of the beach is 20 feet above
ordinary high-water mark, and on the Thatcher Rock,
where the platform is about 15 feet above that level. A
similar platform is found on the south side of the Bay
east of Berry House, and again near Churston Cove, where
it is also about 15 feet above high- water mark, and seems
to be overlain by " head," i.e. a clay full of angular stones.
No trace of such a beach, however, has been found along the
western side of the Bay, from which we may infer that
the Bay, as we now know it, did not then exist, the coast-
line of the time being much more nearly in line with that
north of Hope's Nose and south of Berry Head.

It is also particularly noteworthy that no trace of a
raised beach has been found north of Hope's Nose, nor
anywhere along the coast from Exmouth to Portland Bill ;
whence we may infer that in spite of the subsidence the
land of southern England had not then been cut so far
back, and that this portion of the coast-line approximated
to the present submarine contour of 10 fathoms, though
the sea-level was 13 fathoms above it.

It is probable, therefore, that only small parts of the
Torbay area had been invaded by the sea when the Pleisto-
cene beaches were formed, these parts being a small area
south of Hope's Nose and a rather larger bay north of
Brixham. The sea had naturally made its way up the
valley of the Torbay river and had eaten into the land as
far west as Churston Cove, which is now the mouth of a dry
valley running nearly parallel to the coast-line. How far
it extended up the main valley to the north-west we cannot
say, but we must remember that the floor of the old valley
cannot have been cut lower than the mean sea-level of the
period, and that this level was about 20 feet above that
of the present time. We may assume that it occupied the
existing submarine trough near Brixham, but it may not
have extended to a much greater distance on the north side

728

THE MAKING OF TOBBAY.

of this than on the south side, and as the present coast-
line near Berry House is about half a mile south of the
trough, the opposite coast may have been about half a
mile on the other side of it, that is about a mile north of
Berry House.

This opposite coast, if formed by a prolongation of the
Torquay anticline, would naturally have the shape of
a promontory, and from the end of this promontory the
shore-line would run northward to the outlet of the Ilsham
Valley and the small bay in which the Thatcher and Hope's
Nose beaches were formed. Beyond this bay would be
another promontory formed by an eastward continuation
of Hope's Nose, and probably including the Oar Stone, for
all the intervening sea-floor is marked " rock " on the
Admiralty Chart, and this rocky ground extends eastward
to " Tucker Rock," which rises from 10 fathoms to within
20 feet of the surface, and also to Bream Rock south-east
of the Oar Stone. From these rocks the bottom drops
rapidly to 70 and 80 feet. My idea of the geography of
the Torbay area at the epoch of the raised beaches is
indicated on the map.

From this subsidence and period of marine erosion there
was a recovery resulting in elevation and renewed fluviatile
erosion, so that the sea receded and all the valleys were
deepened to a considerable extent. At the same time
the climate became gradually less cold and the land became
covered with dense forests, remains of which have been
found in valley-bottoms at various depths below the
present sea-level and below alluvial deposits.

We do not yet know the actual extent to which this
re-elevation of the land was carried, but near Falmouth
(according to Pengelly) there is a forest-bed at a depth
of 67 feet below high-^ater mark, and such beds may be
continued much farther seaward than they have yet been
traced. It is noteworthy that the channels of many of
our rivers are continued beneath the sea to depths of more
than 15 fathoms. This is the case with the submarine
channel near Brixham, so that we may safely assume that
the whole of the Torbay area was again converted into
land, and that the coast-line of later Pleistocene time lay
near the submarine contour of 100 feet, which is engraved
on the new series of one-inch Ordnance maps.

It was during this elevation of the country that all the
streams now draining into Torbay deepened their valleys

THE MAKING OP TORBAY.

729

from the level at which they ran in Pliocene and early
Pleistocene times to that of the present valley-floors below
the alluvial deposits. It is in consequence of this period
of erosion that the caverns in the limestone masses of
Torquay and Brixham are no longer waterways, but have
been left high and dry above the neighbouring valleys.
It was at this time also that the numerous small gorges
through the limestone tracts were formed, such as the
Brixham valley, the Fleet valley in Torquay, and the
Combe valley between Daison and Windmill Hills.

There can be no doubt that the valley of the river
which crossed the Torbay area from north-west to south-
east was proportionately deepened and widened, and that
if we could remove the mud which now forms the floor of
the Bay we should find the old valley still clearly marked
and falling gradually from perhaps 20 feet below Abbey
Sands to 100 feet below sea-level near Berry Head. In
fact, I have no doubt that we see a portion of its valley-
floor in the deflection of the submarine contours north of
Berry Head.

Finally, we come to the time when Torbay was really
made, when subsidence again supervened, enabling the
sea to advance up the valleys and to eat its way into the
intervening plateaus and watersheds. This time, more-
over, the valleys were deeper, and the subsidence gradually
converted them into inlets and estuaries, so that the sea
penetrated farther into the land than it had done on the
previous occasion. Entering the Torbay area at its south-
east corner the sea would invade and gradually submerge
the valley of the Torbay river, converting it into an estuary
with many branches or inlets on the western side. The
sea would be thus admitted into the very heart of the
area which is now Torbay, and would begin to erode the
low ridges of red Permian sandstone which separated the
drowned valleys.

In the same way the sea must have invaded the old
valley of the Exe outside the Torbay area, and would
begin to erode the platform of older marine planation
which intervened between that valley and the remaining
portion of the Torquay promontory. This outer platform
must have ended inland in the line of cliffs which were

V. The Actual Making of Torbay.

730

THE MAKING OP TORBAY.

carved out in early Pleistocene time, and against which the
raised beaches had been banked.

As this tract of land consisted of hard Devonian rocks,
it would resist the attacks of the sea more effectually than
the loose Permian sandstones of the Torre Valley. Much
of it, therefore, would remain in the form of a promontory
during the time that the sea was making its way inland up
to the sites of Paignton and Torquay.

Hence for a long time Torbay must have been a more
or less bottle-shaped inlet, its broadest part occupying the
centre and north-west part of the area and its neck opening
to the south-east, while to the east and north-east it was
protected by a long promontory of land. Consequently it
must haye been much more land-locked than it is at present,
and must have been an excellent fishing-ground for the
ancestors of the early Britons, whose boats were probably
small and crank.

As subsidence continued the promontory would gradually
be reduced in length and breadth, while the area of the bay
inside would grow larger and larger. With easterly winds
the sea would attack the outer side of the promontory, and
with south-west gales the waves of the bay would eat into
its western side. Again, in the southern part of the area the
low plateau of shale and limestone would be invaded and
destroyed, so that by degrees the Bay would come to
acquire its present size and shape.

One of the latest changes would be the formation of
Meadfoot Bay by the advance of the sea up the southerly
continuation of the Ilsham Valley, and by the destruction
of the barrier of hard rocks which lay to the south of it,
as described in my Hills and Valleys of Torquay. The
existing promontory of Daddy Hole Plain is the curtailed
base of the ridge which lay between the drowned end of
the Ilsham Valley and what we may call the older part
of the Bay (see Postscript).

Thus we see that the making of Torbay has been accom-
plished partly by the action of running water and partly
by the last invasion of the sea. When it was a terrestrial
surface it was the meeting-place of a number of small
streams, each deepening its own valley and opening into
the larger valley which ran obliquely across the area from
north-west to south-east. In Pliocene and early Pleisto-
cene time all these streams were running at much higher
levels ; the mouth of the main river must have been 15

THE MAKING OF T0RBAY.

731

or 20 feet above present sea-level, and the tributaries,
where they now open into the Bay, must have been
running at levels of 50 or 60 feet above this datum. The
sea, therefore, did not then extend far up the main valley,
and the coast-line ran southward from Thatcher Rock to
Berry Head, with only a small inlet or bay north of Brix-
ham Harbour.

It was not till the later subsidence, in Neolithic time,
that the Bay began to be formed, and then at first it was
more of an estuary than a bay, being enclosed and
protected on the north-east side by an extension of the
Torquay promontory. As subsidence continued this
promontory was cut off from the mainland, converted
into an island and gradually worn away by the waves ;
the Bay became more and more open to the east, until
it finally attained its present shape and its floor was
graded to its present contour. The bottom-deposits of the
modern bay do not seem to have any relation to its ancient
topography ; they consist chiefly of sand with a large
irregular area of mud in the south-central part of the
Bay, lying to the north of Brixham and to the east of
Paignton.

Postscript. — It is almost certain that the limestone of
Daddy Hole and Rockend was bounded on the south side
by Eifelian shales, upturned vertically, beyond which
there may have been a tract of Meadfoot shales, just as
there is on the northern side. This would mean that a
valley existed on the south side of the limestone tract,
like that now existing on the northern side. Along such
a line of weakness the sea would undoubtedly make its
way, till eventually it broke through the dividing ridge
into, the estuary of the Torre Valley. The central part of
the old promontory would thus be converted into an
island, and its destruction would consequently proceed
with greater rapidity ; the openings at each end of it
would be gradually widened, and the island be reduced
in size by degrees, till eventually it disappeared entirely,
and the existing open Bay was the final result.

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

BY CHARLES LANE.

Communicated by R. Pearse Chope, b.a.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

The books usually known as Joanna SouthcotVs Prophecies
consist of sixty-five pamphlets octavo, and contain about
4500 pages. It is said that Joanna left sufficient manu-
scripts to print a further 9500 pages. 1 Her own remarks
concerning events then current, her history and character,
occupy about one-fourth of her printed works. Of the
remainder a small part was contributed by friends, and
there are many copies of letters addressed to the clergy, but
the major and prophetical portion will be found under
the heading of The Answer of the Spirit, having been
written, Joanna tells us, by the direction of "a small still
voice speaking within." 2 The passages thus written
are called " communications," but the term is also used
by her followers to describe unpublished letters, written
or dictated by Joanna. Some of the latter were copied
by the believers, and the copies formed into "books
of correspondence," 3 which were circulated among the
members of the church. These copies are chiefly in private
collections. The British Museum Library contains a small
number presented by Mr. Hows, a believer. There are
in the possession of the writer over one hundred copies,
together with an index to a set of " books of correspon-
dence," describing the contents of nearly one thousand com-
munications. In the middle of last century a Mrs. L. E. C.
Jones obtained a large quantityof copies, together with some
original MSS., from which she selected nearly one hundred
and published them in pamphlet form, subsequently issuing

1 Harrison's Letter, p. 46.

* 41. 158. (The books are numbered for reference in accordance
with Pullen's Index. Thus, 41. 158 refers to Book 41, p. 158.)

3 So described in Copy letter signed J. P. Wardle, 9th April, 1843.

LIFE OP JOANNA SOTJTHCOTT.

733

them in two volumes, 1 containing approximately 490
pages octavo (the pagination is not continuous, and the
books vary as to contents). It is evident from several
sources of information that there exist a large number of
MSS. which have neither been published nor copied ; 2 these
are called the " sealed writings." They were placed in
the hands of Mr. Sharp in 1803 for safe custody, but appear
to have been in the care of Miss Townley at the death of
Joanna. In 1825 they were sent to the Rev. T. P. Foley,
who left them in the care of his son, the Rev. Richard
Foley. 3 It is said that some of them have not been read
even by believers, but are kept in a large wooden box,
which is nailed up and bound with cords. 4

The details of Joanna's history and character as revealed
by contemporary writers are meagre and not always
reliable, but from her own works there can be extracted
particulars regarding both her thoughts and daily life,
related with such obvious sincerity as to leave no doubt of
their genuineness, and the following information is gleaned
principally from this source. She was born in April, 1750,
the fourth daughter of William and Hannah Southcott, 5
at Tarford, 6 probably Taleford, near Ottery St. Mary,
where she was baptized. Her father was a farmer, whose
family, for several generations, appear to have been landed
proprietors at Wotton, Hertfordshire, although he was
born in Devonshire. 7 He moved to Gittisham shortly
after the birth of Joanna. Her early character and youth-
ful impressions 8 are recorded with simplicity, and glimpses
of her history may be found in most of her books, 9 but they
are difficult to connect. Speaking of her early character,
she says : " The fear of the Lord was placed in me from a
child, and I was fearfully made ; my heart was tender
within me, and my conscience also. I not only feared
sin, but hate it, and found no pleasure in anything but
the service of the Lord ; my character will bear the
strictest scrutiny, and so bright did it appear in my early
age that many that I lived with said, ' I had not my fellow

1 Small Still Voice in London.
8 25. 103 ; 58. 4.

8 Deep and Important Letters, Hudson. Copy letter from Foley,
1825.

4 Express, A. Seymour, Vol. I, p. 25 (showing photograph of box).
6 61. 62. " • 58. 96. 7 58.. 91-102.

8 5. 193, 203 ; 12. 74^79 ; 52. 8 ; 58. 101, 109.

9 22. 10 ; 23. 102 ; 24. 26 ; 32. 63 ; 34. 14 ; 43. 59, etc.

Digitized by

734 LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

or like amongst women ' ; as my temper was mild and
heavenly, my principles honest and upright in all things ;
such was my character in my earlier days ; but I found
myself as a sheep amongst wolves." 1 With regard to her
history, she says, " It is placed here and there, but not in
a regular manner to go on together." 2 Her love affairs
commenced when she was eighteen, 3 and were fairly
numerous. The first of her lovers was Noah Bishop^
when " I kept house for my brother at Sidmouth " ; 4 she
appears to have entertained great affection for him, but
preferred to remain single. The second one was John
Thomas, when she was in the service of Mr. Brown, who
kept a shop at Honiton. 6 About this time her mother
died — " before I was twenty " 6 — and then Joanna " began
to have a lively and strong faith in the Lord." 7 She states,
however, that the visiting Spirit had been her guide since
1772, 8 when she was twenty-two years of age. After this
she went " to the West Country," in the neighbourhood
of Black Torrington, 9 ten miles north-west of Okehampton,
where Mr. Rigsby fell in love with her. She rejected his
advances and returned to her father's house for a short
time, afterwards revisiting her brother at Sidmouth, where
Peter West paid his addresses to her. 10 She refused him,
"in answer to what was said to me in prayer." 11 Joanna,
however, continued to have admirers. " Having a desire
to go abroad," she obtained a situation in a gentleman's
family, where her life was rendered miserable by a footman,
" who, finding his base arts ineffectual, studied nothing
but revenge," 12 and eventually she had to leave without
notice. After staying for two days at the house of a friend
at Fairmile, she proceeded to Exeter, 13 where she entered
the service of Wills, an upholsterer,being then about twenty-
seven. Wills, although a married man, made love to her ;
Joanna reproved his amorous speeches, but pitied him on
account of his wife's immoral conduct with a man named
Saunders. 14 She endeavoured to heal the breach between
Wills and his wife and incurred the displeasure of both. She
had been with this family for five years, 15 leaving amidst
great turmoil, and obtained a situation in the house of a
minister named Marshall, at Musbury, twenty-five miles

* 12. 74, 75. 8 34. 20. 8 58. 16. « 24. 27.
5 22. 15 ; 52. 8. 6 5. 204 ; 44. 2. ' 5. 205. 8 54. 4.

• 22. 16; 24. 55. 10 22. 17. " 22. 18. 18 5. 206.
18 5. 208. 14 22. 18, 19; 23. 70, 79. " 5. 209.

Digitized by

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

735

distant. Wills visited Marshall and gave false information
concerning Joanna, who brought an action against him for
defamation of character, at the Guildhall, Exeter, in

In the following year Joanna appears to have been living
with her friend Mrs. Woolland, and returning to Exeter
entered the service of Mrs. Taylor as domestic, where she
remained about a year, and after being " upper servant "
to Mrs. Burrows for two years, she rejoined Mrs. Taylor,
leaving her again at the beginning of 1792. 2 Then com-
menced the important part of Joanna's life ; she went
on a visit to her sister Susannah Carter at Plymtree, 3
and here began to write by the dictates of the Spirit.
She states that the Spirit visited her in great power at
this time, informing her as to the things which were coming
on the earth. Her sister told her that she was losing her
senses, and that none of her prophecies would come true. 4
On her return to Mrs. Taylor towards the end of the year
she divulged to her the events which had been made known
by the Spirit, and according to Mrs. Taylor's evidence
" scarcely anything happened to the nation or to particular
families or individuals that she did not inform me before
it happened." 5 At Christmas (1792) 6 she joined the Metho-
dists at Exeter, and spoke of her religious experience at
the meetings, but was ill-received, and after some un-
pleasantness with the chief members, left the society.
The circumstance seems to have affected her health,
and she went again to her sister at Plymtree. 7 Here, she
says, she was assaulted by the powers of darkness for ten
days. 8 On her return to Exeter in 1793 she stayed with
the Minifies, shopkeepers in the city, and old friends of
hers, and approached the Rev. Mr. Tanner in reference to
her visitation ; 9 he gave her encouragement, saying he
believed "it to be from the Lord." She then asked the
opinion of the Rev. Mr. Leach, 10 dissenting minister ; he
said that the visitation was from the devil. His judgment
however, although decisive, was not final. Soon after this
Joanna heard the Rev. Mr. Pomeroy 11 preach at St. Peter's,
Exeter, 12 and determined to write to him concerning her

1 23. 73, 79. * 25. 57, 59. 3 1. 6.

4 20. 19. 5 9. 2. 6 8. 85.

7 1. 5, 6. 8 8. 88. 9 50. 7. 10 1. 6.

11 Afterwards Rector of St. Kew, Bodmin, erroneously described in
Devonshire Characters as a Methodist.

12 9. 3 ; 1. 7.

1783. 1

736

LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

prophecies, but was ordered by the Spirit not to do so
until Leach had given them up. 1 In 1794, being still
at Exeter and residing with Mrs. Symonds, she again
appealed to Mr. Leach for his opinion ; he was not so
confident on this occasion, but did not give the matter
up entirely. 1 At this time Joanna tells us she had no one
to assist her, she paid her own expenses for copying, 2
and had not a friend in the world, except Mrs. Woolland
and Mrs. Minifie. 3 Her father was a constant expense to
her, 4 and she had lent her sister money to start in business. 6
She was working for her living and writing in her spare
time. Her writings were sealed up year by year and placed
in a box in the custody of one of her friends. 6 At the
close of the summer of 1795 Joanna wrote for the third time
to Mr. Leach, who then gave up the inquiry. 7 At the end
of the year some of her sealed writings were submitted
to the judgment of "six men of the dissenting class," 7
upon the condition that the seals on the writings were not
to be broken unless those who sealed them were present ;
but they disregarded the condition, broke the seals and
declared their opinion that the visitation was from the
devil. Joanna then called upon Mr. Pomeroy and told
him of the decision of Mr. Leach, with whom he expressed
entire disagreement and said the writings were certainly
not from the devil. 8 In the following year, 1796, she com-
menced writing letters to Pomeroy 9 on the subject of her
prophecies. He frequently called at Mrs. Taylor's shop, 10
where Joanna was employed in the upholstery business ;
she lodged with a Mrs. Bird. 11 In May, Joanna gave into
Pomeroy's hands the prediction that Bishop Buller would
die at the end of the year ; 12 his death took place as antici-
pated, and Pomeroy asked for predictions relative to
events in England and Italy for the following year, which
were handed to him and fulfilled in due course. In J anuary,
1797, further prophecies regarding two foreign nations were
placed in Pomeroy's hands, 13 but Joanna did not keep a
copy, an omission which she afterwards regretted. During
the early part of this year she lived at Heavitree with the
Woollands, also upholsterers, making cushions for them,
but would receive no wages. 14 She tells us that she fasted

1 1. 7. » 58. 29. 3 60. 26.

4 22. 25. 5 9. 18. • 25. 55. 7 1. 9, 10.

8 58. 32. 9 9. 3. 10 25. 50, 60. 11 25. 61, 70.

" 1. 13. 18 23. 29 ; 58. 33. 14 36. 86.

LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHOOTT.

737

all through Lent for six days in the week, taking nothing
but a basin of broth with bread in it. 1

In the following year, 1798, Joanna visited her brother 2
at Musbury, returning to Exeter at Christmas. 3 Her
brother in the meantime married and went to live at
Bristol, about a mile from the town. He was employed
in the Customs office, and did not at this time believe in
his sister's visitation. Joanna followed soon afterwards
to make known her prophecies there, as they had been
rejected at Exeter ; 4 not knowing her brother lived near
the town, she took lodgings. 5 Here she wrote to Mrs.
Taylor concerning the harvest, and in March, 1799, sent
copies of the letter to Pomeroy and Archdeacon Moore. 6
Copies of the same letter made by Mr. Jones, of Exeter,
were forwarded to five other clergymen in May. 7 The
harvest had every appearance of being a good one. The
Rev. Basil Woodd, of Lisson Grove, 8 is reported to have
made a long prayer thanking the Almighty for the blessings
of a good harvest ; the rain, however, fell on the following
day and continued until the harvest was spoiled, as Joanna
had predicted. Upon leaving Bristol she went to Plypatree,
where she met her father, whom both she and her sister
judged to be in a dying condition, but he recovered. 9
Joanna was in Exeter again in 1800. In July this year she
again saw her father, and was persuaded, she tells us, to
predict that he would die on St. Swithin's Day. 10 The
prediction failed; Joanna was candid about the matter,
acknowledged her mistake several times, but her enemies
did not forget it. Reference has been made to this failure in
nearly every work written against her, and it appears to
be the only clear case of unfulfilled prophecy.

Towards the end of 1800 Joanna prepared her first book
for publication. She had during the past eight or nine
years accumulated a large stock of manuscripts, consisting
of copies of letters addressed to ministers, her own dreams,
and their interpretations revealed to her by a " spirit
invisible." And this material was largely drawn upon for
all her publications. Before placing her manuscripts in
the printer's hands she addressed letters to the Rev. Mr.
Tucker, of Heavitree, Archdeacon Moore, of Exeter Cathe-

1 3. 121. * 25. 46. 8 20. 32.

4 20. 31. 5 10. 53. 6 20. 32.

7 25. 50. 8 20. 32—3. • 9. 29.

10 9. 30 25. 65 ; 54. 6-8. Her father died on 21 Jan., 1802 (10. 68).

VOL. XLIV. 3 A

738

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

dral, and the Rev. Mr. Denny, of Exeter, 1 requesting them
to meet Mr. Pomeroy, with whom she had entrusted some
of her sealed writings, and undertaking that, if they could
prove upon examination the writings were not from God,
she would refrain from publishing. She was ordered by
the Spirit to give them seven days to consider the matter,
but to wait no longer than New Year's Day, " Old Stile," 2
and if she received no reply, to publish her first book. No
replies were forthcoming, and on 1 January (Old Style),
1801, the first part of Strange Effects of Faith was issued.

The publication of Joanna's writings introduced her
into a new circle of acquaintances. The following is a
short description of the principal characters, to whom
reference will be made from time to time, by surname
only :—

Rev, Thomas P. Foley, Church of England clergyman,
Rector of Old Swinford, near Stourbridge, Worcestershire.
He outlived Joanna many years, maintaining his belief in
her mission to the end. He is said to have been a relative
of Lord Foley*

Rev, Stanhope Bruce, Inglesham, Gloucestershire, also
of the Church of England. His son Basil embraced the
cause at the same time as his father, and died in 1802.

Rev. Thomas Webster, Falcon Court, High Street,
Borough. Church of England clergyman.

William Sharp, the celebrated engraver, a friend of
Thomas Paine, at one time a believer in Swedenborg,
afterwards in Richard Brothers, whose likeness he engraved,
as well as that of Joanna. 3 His place of business appears
to have been 50 Titchfield Street. During the latter part
of his life he resided at Chiswick. He died of dropsy in
1824 and was buried in Chiswick Churchyard.

George Turner, merchant, of Leeds. He wrote several
works as Communications from the Spirit, some of them
during Joanna's lifetime. He died in 1821 of dropsy.

John Wilson, of Kentish Town, and 113 Long Acre.

All the above were believers in Richard Brothers.

Peter Morrison, No. 12 Old Street, Liverpool.

These seven men are referred to as the seven stars
by Joanna ; they visited Exeter in 1801 and examined her
writings.

1 1. 19-24. « 1. 20.

8 Joanna's likeness was engraved in 1811. The original drawing is
in the National Portrait Gallery, London.

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

739

Jane Towrdey, a lady of means who became acquainted
with Joanna in 1803 and provided a home for her for nearly
ten years. She served, together with Ann Underwood, as
amanuensis to Joanna. Both died in 1825.

Nathaniel Brassey Halhed, Orientalist, M.P. for Lyming-
ton, espoused the cause of Richard Brothers, which he
brought before the House of Commons ; he afterwards
expressed his firm belief in the writings of Joanna. Died

Elias Carpenter, paper manufacturer, Neckinger Mill,
Bermondsey. One of the first preachers in the cause of
Joanna. He quarrelled with her and left the society in
1805. Afterwards established a church on similar lines,
calling himself "Elias Paul Gabriel," and continued
" sealing " the people on his own account.

Henry Prescott, a lad who had visions which were inter-
preted by Joanna. He lived with Carpenter.

William Tozer, a prominent preacher in the cause. He
allied himself with Carpenter before joining the South-
cottian Church, but took the side of Joanna at the dispute.
He was a native of Devonshire.

In May, 1801, shortly after the third part of Strange
Effects of Faith was published, Joanna received letters
from three clergymen, Foley, Bruce, and Webster ;*
these, with Sharp, Turner, Wilson, and Morrison, met at
Exeter in December, for the purpose of examining Joanna's
writings. They invited five of the local clergy, including
the Bishop of Exeter, 2 to meet them in order to form twelve,
the number required by Joanna to prove her visitation.
The invitation was not accepted. Pomeroy, who had for
many years signified his belief in Joanna's writings, now
denied them ; 3 he was greatly offended because his name
was mentioned with reference to her mission in her books 4
and in the newspapers ; he complained of being " plagued
in the Coffee House " by his fellow-ministers. 6 This was
Moll's coffee-house in the Cathedral Close. 6 Pomeroy,
thinking to clear his reputation, obtained the signature
of Joanna to a document, which stated, in effect, that he
said the writings were from the devil. This he sent to the
local paper for insertion as an advertisement ; 7 Joanna

1 37. 4 ; 64. 3 ; Harrison's Letter, p. 25.
* Foley's Letter, pp. 3-7. 8 25. 43.

1830.

4 1. 18 ; 10. 61 ; 23. 8.
• Pullen's Index.

5 10. 76 ; 23. 10.
7 10. 76.

740

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

replied by having a "thousand handbills printed and
dispersed in the city," 1 stating, apparently, that she signed
the document under a misapprehension, for Pomeroy
had said only that " putting his name in print was from
the devil." She also wrote to the gentlemen of the coffee-
house explaining the matter. 2 Pomeroy's troubles had
only begun. Joanna demanded her writings which she
had placed in his hands concerning future events, but he
had burnt them. 3 His conduct annoyed Joanna, and she
makes constant reference to it throughout her books. Her
friends wrote to him frequently, and it was not until 1813
that instructions were given by Joanna to send him no
more letters. 4 There are upwards of three hundred
references under the name of Pomeroy in Pullen's Index.
The handbills referred to contained also some particulars
of Joanna's mission, to which the civic authorities objected
on the grounds of blasphemy, 5 and she was ordered to
attend the council chamber at the Guildhall. The mayor
(Flood) asked her to produce her writings and place in his
hands the events of another year. This was refused, but
Joanna's explanation as to the charge of blasphemy ap-
pears to have satisfied the council. She also issued a hand-
bill at this time offering a reward to anyone who would
reveal the author of a report that she had prophesied the
destruction of the city of Exeter by fire. 6

On 22 May, 1802, Joanna came to London 7 for the first
time, and stayed with Mrs. Bruce in Jermyn Street. 8
The seven men who visited Exeter at the close of the
previous year met with her in London, and she wrote a
letter of which they made copies, about 1000 in all, sending
a copy to each member of the "Lords and Commons." 9
In the early part of July, Joanna visited the Rev. Stanhope
Bruce at Market Deeping, staying there until the 20th,
when she returned to London. On the following morning
she breakfasted with Foley, who accompanied her to
Kentish Town to see Mr. Wilson, who was very ill ; Dr.
Wetherell, a believer, was in attendance. His recovery
was attributed to the good offices of Joanna. 10 On 2 August
she was commanded "to go to a house alone and dispute

1 10. 74^5. 1 10. 79. 8 23. 13.

* 64. 11. * 10. 74. 6 56. 51.

7 Foley's Letter, p. .10 ; Harrison's Letter, p. 26.

8 Copy of letter from Foley, 25.5.Q2.

• Foley's Letter, pp. 10, 11 ; Harrison's Letter, p. 27.
10 Foley's Letter, p. 12.

XIPE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

741

with the powers of darkness for seven days." 1 The par-
ticulars of the "dispute" are contained in Book 11,
which she is said to have written during the seven days. 2
She then fasted forty days, abstaining from "meat and
anything that had life," and was seriously ill for seven days
afterwards, recovering rapidly and contrary to the expecta-
tion of all, says Foley, " save my worthy friend Mr. Sharp." 3
Her illness and recovery had been predicted. She then
occupied herself with writing letters to ministers, urging
them to attend the trial of her writings, until the end of
November, when Foley took High House, Paddington (said

to be in Dudley Grove and owned by Lord F ), 4 in

anticipation of the Trial, the second Trial, which took place
in the following year. The public was invited, and upwards
of £20 was spent upon advertisements. 6 Although the
house was open to all, none but the friends of Joanna
attended. The writings were closely examined by twenty-
three persons, and the result published in the form of a
handbill, entitled Examination of Prophecies . 6 This bill
may be frequently found bound with Book 1. It bears
the names of those who signed the original document of
testimony of the truth of Joanna's writings. It is said
that Rowland Hill, the celebrated preacher, held one of
the bills over his pulpit, and exclaimed, " Here are three-
and-twenty mad fools." 7 The examination occupied
seven days, from 12 January (1st Old Style) to the 18th ;
particulars are related in Book 14, pages 1 and 2. Many
of the sealed writings were broken open on this occasion ;
they were resealed on 2 May 8 and committed to the care
of Sharp, until the third Trial, which took place at the end
of the following year. Foley prepared Books 14 and 15
at High House, Paddington, which he gave up on 6 June, 8
when Joanna left London for Exeter. Here she stayed
nearly a month, " sealing " the people, for which she was
falsely accused of receiving money (Book 16, p. 63).
On her way to Exeter she appears to have called at Bristol,
accompanied by Mrs. Foley, and visited her brother. 10
Their account of the recent trial caused him to look more

1 Foley's Letter, p. 12. * Harrison's Letter, p. 33.

8 Foley's Letter, p. 13.

4 Grant's History of the English Churchy p. 449.

5 Harrison's Letter, p. 36 ; Nocturnal Alarm, p. 76.

6 Foley's Letter, p. 21. .

7 25. 25 ; Nocturnal Alarm, p. 44.

8 Foley's Letter, p. 15.

9 Ibid., p. 16.

" 25. 48.

742

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

closely into the writings of his sister, in whose prophecies
he had not previously believed, with the result that he
became interested and wrote an " Appeal on her behalf.
In the middle of July, Joanna visited Foley at the Rectory,
Old Swinford, 2 where she wrote Book 17, and remained
there until 11 October, when she proceeded to Yorkshire.
On the 29th of this month an article appeared in the
Halifax Journal, entitled "The Prophetess — A Lecture
on Prophecy." It contained a great deal of erroneous
matter relative to Joanna, and was answered by W.
Jowett, 8 a believer, but the editor of the Journal refused
to insert the reply unless paid for as an advertisement.
From Halifax Joanna went to Stockton-on-Tees, 4 where
the Methodists accused her of publishing her prophecies
after the events had transpired. 4 She replied that all the
books were entered at Stationers' Hall 5 on the dates
named on them. From thence, in November, she went
on a visit to George Turner, of Leeds, 6 and was again in
Stockton in December, 7 returning to Leeds at the latter
end of the month, where she remained until April, 1804.
It was reported there that she had a child by a married
man, being then 53 years of age. 8 On leaving Leeds she
came to London, 9 accepting the invitation of Miss Townley,
made in the previous October, to make her home with
her. 10 After three weeks' stay in town they visited the
Rev. Stanhope Bruce at Inglesham, Gloucestershire, and
from thence in May they went to Bristol ; 11 here they were
joined by Mrs. Underwood, their address was 9 Trinity
Street. All expenses were paid by Miss Townley. On
22 May, Miss Townley wrote to the Bishop of London, en-
closing a copy of one from Joanna addressed to her. Three
thousand copies were afterwards printed and sent to the
same number of the clergy. Until the above date Joanna
had written all her " communications with her own hand,
free from erasures and alterations, but illegible to every-
one but herself," 12 but after this she dictated them to either
Townley or Underwood. On 7 June a letter written by
Joanna was inserted in the Leeds Mercury and other papers
requesting any twenty-four ministers to meet with twenty-

I Appeal to all Liberal-minded Christians, 1806.

* Foley's Letter, p. 16. 8 Jowett's Vindication, p. 37.

4 18. 38. 5 56. 40. 6 Copy letter unpublished.

7 56. 39. 8 56. 51. • 56. 52.

10 Com. on Joanna's death, Small Still Voice.

II Townley's Letter, p. 6. 11 Ibid., p. 29.

Digitized by

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

743

four of her friends, and if they could agree that her writings
were from the devil, she would give up her prophecies. 1
Joanna appears to have dictated a large number of letters
and " communications " whilst at Bristol. She states,
" My visitation there was stronger than I ever experienced
before or since," 2 Books 25 to 31 inclusive, probably the
most doctrinal of all her works, were written here. 3 Several
letters were addressed to Pomeroy by Joanna and her
friends, some replies being received ; the correspondence
will be found in Book 28. 44-75, and Book 58. 31-63. She
also wrote to the Bishop of London respecting Pomeroy's
conduct, 4 while at Bristol, leaving there on 22 November.
Copies exist, it is said, of ninety-eight unpublished com-
munications written during 1804. 6

Towards the end of this year preparations were made
for the "Trial " at Neckinger House, Bermondsey, where
Elias Carpenter lived. This was the third Trial. The clergy
were invited by a circular letter, and many of them
were visited by Joanna's friends. 6 Joanna said the Trial
" cannot be deferred longer than the last seven days of
November by old stile." 7 It was accordingly advertised
to take place from 5 December to the 11th (an attorney
had been appointed to take the evidence of the witnesses).
The whole seven days' proceedings are recorded in Book 25,
pp. 41-79. The assembly on the seventh day was so large
that they adjourned to a field close by ; some opposition
was experienced from the public ; nothing, however,
very exciting happened. 8 The early part of 1805 was
occupied in the preparation of the " Trial " Book.

Joanna, although not generally persecuted, had to con-
tend with considerable opposition. The Rev. J. L. Garrett
made himself very objectionable to her and her friends
by his writings. 9 Mrs. Carpenter 10 replied to one of his
pamphlets, and Joanna answered his assertions in Books
26 and 31. Elias Carpenter also gave trouble this year
by writing to Joanna, 11 proclaiming his own righteousness
and complaining about other members of the Church,
among whom he sought pre-eminence. Much of Joanna's

1 Harrison's Letter, p. 43. « 34. 1. 8 31. 376.

4 Copy letter, 12 November, 1804.

5 Index of Mrs. Inwood.

6 25. 12. 7 25. 9. 8 25. 120.
• Demonocracy Detected (Garrett).

10 Are these things so ?

11 Copy letters, 8.9.1805, and 22.10.1805.

744

JJFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

time was taken up with this correspondence and in pre-
paring Books 38 to 42 inclusive, which deal with the matter.
The accusation of selling seals was again revived. Mr.
Tield, Joanna's agent, received this year an impertinent
letter from R. Currier of Salisbury, 1 asking for a " quarter
of a hundred seals and the price." Joanna framed a letter
for Mr. Field to send, saying the seals were given without
money and without price, as had been already stated in
Book 16, p. 63 (1803). A pamphlet was issued at Halifax
this year by an anonymous writer, entitled The Writings
and Seals of Joanna Southcott and George Turner refuted
by the Word of God. John Crossley replied by pamphlet, 2
in which a letter from Joanna appears, dated 22 May.

In 1806 Mr. Pitt and Lord Rosslyn died, and under the
altered administration Brothers was set at liberty. 3
Joanna wrote a letter of thanks to Lord Erskine and to
Sir Richard Ford. She also wrote to Brothers telling him
that if he repented and acknowledged his error, he would
be forgiven. Her letter was returned without reply.
He published a book in September, and Joanna gives her
opinion concerning it in Book 47. 4 Sharp announced his
intention of destroying his prints of Richard Brothers
because he had engraved the words " Prince of the
Hebrews " under the likeness ; 6 but Joanna dissuaded him,
and on one of the prints placed across the title three daubs
of red paint. It is said that she " defaced " 1000 copies. 6
There are in existence a number of the engravings with
paint marks across the title. 7

At the beginning of this year, Miss Townley informs us,
Mrs. Underwood became enabled to read Joanna's manu-
script with perfect f acility, and she was the only one capable
of doing so. This doubtless saved Joanna some trouble.
She was, however, by no means idle. There is evidence
of at least forty-four lengthy unpublished letters having
been dictated by her during the year, in addition to her
published works. She was also engaged in controversy
with Lewis Mayers, who laid claim to the spirit of prophecy ;
he predicted that Christ's kingdom was near and would

1 Copy letter 3/4/1805.

2 Crossley's Vindication,

3 Townley's Letter, p. 31.

4 This is the second book she had written against Brothers.

5 Copy letter 8/7/1806.

• Dictionary of National Biography, 1909.
7 The writer has three such engravings.

Digitized by

.LIFE OF JOANNA SOTJTHCOTT,

745

be established by the destruction of Bonaparte. His work,
The Woman in the Wilderness, was written against Joanna,
and she replied to him in her Book 46. There is indication,
too, that she was at this time interested in other books
than the Bible. In one of the unpublished letters referred
to there is a long extract from the writings of Josephus, 1
whom she also quotes in Book 47.

Joanna's following had now become very numerous ;
she informs us that at the beginning of 1807 the number
of the sealed was " near 14,000." 2 Among these were all
sorts and conditions of people, and it became necessary
to stop the influx of those who did not understand the
object of the sealing or the mission of Joanna. Book 48
was accordingly written with a view to enlightening the
public, so that none should sign in ignorance of her prin-
ciples. Instructions were given that no more were to be
sealed who had not made themselves acquainted with
her writings. 3 Joanna and her friends were greatly
agitated in the early part of the year by the conduct of
a money-lender, 4 who had accommodated Messrs. Wilson,
Sharp and Eyre. Some of the correspondence and an
account of the trial which ensued will be found in Book 49.
The Calvinists and Unitarians then occupied her attention,
and she deals with their respective tenets in Book 50.
Only five of her books were published during the years
1807-8, and there appears no evidence that more than
fifty unpublished " communications " were written. 5 This
might be considered an indication of slackening energy,
but there are records in manuscript of attendance at large
meetings which show occupation in that direction. Tozer
and the Rev. Mr. Turpin seem to have been her chief
speakers in London. 6

In the following year, 1809, the trial of Mary Bateman
took place. This caused some annoyance to Joanna in
consequence of the unwarrantable manner in which her
name was associated with the case. Mary Bateman was
indicted on 18 March for the murder of Mrs. Perigo, of
Bramley, in May, 1807, and wrongly reported to be a
follower of Joanna's principles. In Kirby's Wonderful and

1 "Life of Agrippa," Small Still Voice.

2 Lewis Mayers, in his Woman in the Wilderness, p. 31, says he is
informed that in and around London there were 11,000 of Joanna's
adherents ; 48. 22.

3 48. 7, 10, 19. 4 John King, 76 Norton Street.

6 Mrs. Inwood's Index. 6 Grant's History, Vol. Ill, Preface.

746

.LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Eccentric Museum 1 a detailed account of this woman's
life is published; her whole career from the age of five
appears to have been one of theft and imposture, cul-
minating in murder in her forty-first year. Her first and
only intercourse with the members of Joanna's Church
was when she lodged for a short time with one of them,
whom she robbed ; this occurred in the year before her
execution. There is no evidence adduced of her having
been " sealed " ; but after relating her misdeeds in forty
pages octavo, the writer adds, " She was a follower of
Joanna Southcott." She was also said to be an enthusiastic
supporter of Swedenborg and Brothers. Joanna emphati-
cally denies all connection with her in Book 52, pp. 7-10.
In April a report appeared in Trewman's (Exeter) paper
that Joanna had prophesied the destruction of Bath on
Good Friday, and that the town was in consequence robbed
of hundreds of its best visitors. 2 This same paper, Joanna
says, accused her of drunkenness, a crime which she always
detested. 3 In the same year a man named Anderson is
said to have written to the Halifax Journal,* pirating the
ideas of Hann, who wrote against Joanna ; she replied
to him in Books 53, 54, and 55. J. Crossley wrote Master
and Scholar in answer to Anderson, dealing with the com-
mon objection as to the reported unfulfilled prophecies of
Joanna. In the following year (1811) Hewson Clarke,
editor of the Scourge, grossly abused Joanna's private
character, she tells us. He is reported to have said that
she attended Carpenter's chapel dressed in diamonds and
fell in love with a candle-snuffer. According to Townley,
this editor acknowledged there was no foundation for
his remarks, but, being a prophetess, she was fair game for
anyone to shoot at. 6 The famous comet of this year
forms the subject of a " communication " written by
Joanna and published by Jones in 1859. 8 The comet
was visible for seventeen months ; it is described as of
great magnitude. The number of volcanic disturbances,
floods, storms, and fires at this time was also very remark-
able. A detailed account of them appears in a pamphlet
written by "A Lover of Truth," 7 one of the believers.

1 Vol. IV, pp. 260-300. * 56. 61. s 62. 11.

4 Master arid Scholar, p. 1 ; The Old Religion, by Crossley ; The Cheat
Detected, by Turner. * 5 66. 52.

6 Communication on the Comet, Small Still Voice.

7 Scriptures which shew for what Christ died, 1811. Not mentioned in
Bibliography, as Joanna is not referred to.

LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

747

On 17 November, 1812, James Cosins died, having on the
previous day made his will in favour of Joanna, Townley,
and Underwood ; proved at Doctors' Commons 5 January,
1813. Joanna made her will on 26 June, 1813, 1 at No. 17
Weston Place, St. Pancras, the residence of Miss Townley.
The contents of the will are recited in Kirby's Wonderful
and Eccentric Museum, Vol. V, p. 356. Joanna's manner
of life at this time is described in Book 58. 1. According
to her own account she was particularly abstemious,
contrary to the opinion of Dr. Mathias, sometimes quoted,
that she was indolent, " ate much and often." 2 Her writings
alone will perhaps clear her of the charge of indolence.

Joanna said she felt a powerful visitation working upon
her, which began on 11 October. 3 Her writings from this
date show a decided change in tone. She is accused of
courting persecution, and there appears some reason for
the charge. 4 She was evidently very anxious that the
bishops should examine her writings and pronounce their
opinion about them, one way or the other ; and although
the spiritual birth is mentioned many times throughout
her former books, the plain, and perhaps, to modern minds,
indelicate manner in which she announced, first a temporal
marriage 5 and then her confinement, 6 after which she was
to appear with the child in her arms, has the nature of a
final endeavour to force public attention to her cause.
She doubtless felt she had nothing to fear from a scrutiny
of her life 7 and writings and was confident that some time
or other her writings would be demanded by the great and
learned. The trend of her visitation and the logical ter-
mination of her mission, which she announced in 1801, 8
would appear to be the birth of a child, temporally or
spiritually, and it is possible that she may have mistaken
the manner in which the " child " would be brought
forth and the nature it would assume. That she viewed
the prospect of a son, visible to all, with some degree of
uncertainty is evident from the terms of the codicil to her
will, in which provision is made should the birth take place, 9
as well as the instruction to return all presents " if there
is a possibility of my being deceived." 10 Her confinement

1 63. 5. 2 Case of Joanna Souihcott, p. 21.

8 Conception, Small Still Voice. 4 Grant's History.

5 58. 10. • 61. 6. 7 12. 74.

8 1. 42. 9 Wonderful Museum, pp. 356-63.

10 66. 40.

Digitized by

748

LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

was ordered on 11 October, 1813, 1 the same date as her
" powerful visitation " commenced.

On 28 October Joanna wrote a Letter to the Nation,
"which was inserted in The Times, threatening calamities
if men remained careless as to her calling. A Warning to
the Bishops was inserted in the Morning Herald, 9 Novem-
ber, 1813, with threatenings, because they had not searched
to prove whether her visitation was from God or not.
And a third letter, To the Public at Large, was inserted in
the same paper on 19 November, 1813. 2

In the following March it was declared by her ministering
Spirit, " In this year, the 65th year of thy age, thou shalt
have a Son by the power of the Most High." On 16 May
she felt the " quickening." This is notified in Book 63,
dated 11 June, 1814, as the "event" promised in the
previous book.

The newspapers in many parts of the country, in London
particularly, had now taken up the subject of Joanna's
approaching confinement, and, as she says, were filled
with the most virulent and malicious abuse. 3 Several
coloured prints by Tegg and Jones, 4 placing Joanna in a
ridiculous light, appear to have been in circulation. At
Horbury her effigy was carried through the village, shot
at, and burnt head downwards ; this was repeated on the
two following days. 5 Much the same kind of thing occurred
at Oewkerne.

With the idea, it would seem, of avoiding unnecessary
persecution, the friends were ordered to wear no par-
ticular dress or to have any mark by which they could
be distinguished. 6 The sealing was stopped and the
chapels were closed. The instructions read, " No more
preaching or meetings of the friends after Sunday next,
August 28th, are to be holden until after the birth of
Shiloh. . . , Nothing now is to be published or printed
in the papers by the friends, without orders and permission
from the friends at Weston Place " 7 — the residence of Miss
Townley. Joanna was at this time living at No. 38 Man-
chester Street, W.

1 61. 6.

* These letters are quoted in extenao ; Memoirs, by Aikin, p. 105. etc. ;
also in Fairburn's Life.

3 65. 38. 4 Exeter Public Library. 5 63. 16.

• Communication, On not wearing any mark, Small Still Voice.

7 Communication, In Answer to the people at Birmingham, Small Still
Voice.

Digitized by

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

749

Several letters passed between Joanna and Dr. Reece
on the subject of her confinement. The doctor wrote to
the Sunday Monitor, on 25 August, saying that he was
satisfied as to the pregnancy of Joanna. Letters addressed
to the Morning Advertiser of 26 August and to The Times
of 30 August, criticising Dr. Reece's opinion, were answered
by him on 2 September in a letter to the Sunday Monitor,
in which he again expressed his conviction that Joanna
was pregnant. Dr. Sims wrote to the Morning Chronicle
of 3 September ascribing the symptoms of Joanna's
illness to uterine disease " j 1 Reece replied to him on the
10th in the Sunday Monitor. In the meantime, Joanna
had communicated to him full particulars of her case
and the opinions of the doctors who had visited her.
Nine medical men appear to have examined her, and
six of them admitted that in a younger woman her
symptoms would indicate approaching maternity. 2 On
6 December Dr. Reece visited her, and states that he
found that these symptoms had disappeared ; and on
the following day gave his opinion that Joanna was not
pregnant. 3

The case against the doctor is summed up in the
Edinburgh Review (Vol. XXIV, p. 466) thus: "Mrs.
Southcott, in the 65th year of her age, affirming herself
to be a virgin and at the same time announcing that
she was miraculously pregnant, consulted Dr. Reece
for the express purpose of satisfying her disciples and
the world with regard to the reality of her pregnancy,
and Dr. Reece declared to herself, to her disciples
and to the world, that no doubt of her pregnancy existed
in his mind, and he made this declaration repeatedly
and positively and in the most unqualified manner, after
being fully indulged with the trials, which he deemed
necessary to fix his judgment, but yet without having made
that particular trial which he himself considered to be the
only certain and unequivocal means of detecting preg-
nancy." 4

Dr. Reece seems to imply that Joanna, at the last,

1 .Memoirs of Religious Impostors, p. 111.

2 Dictionary of National Biography, 1909.

3 The whole correspondence will be found in Reece's Correct State-
ment, p. 17 and onwards ; and Alice Seymour's Express,Vo\. II, p. 361, etc.
See also Pullen's Refutation, and cuttings from newspapers, B.M., and G.

4 An examination which Joanna would not permit.

Digitized by

750

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

thought all appeared to be delusion, 1 but her remarks
at such a time, when life was ebbing and the mind weakened
by a long illness, can hardly be taken as the expression of
a matured opinion. He states, however, that " to the last
this unfortunate woman made no confession of her error " ; 2
and the report that she exclaimed, " England ! England !
how have I deceived thee ! " 3 he considers to be without
foundation.

Joanna died at four o'clock on Tuesday morning, 27 De-
cember, 1814. There was some disagreement among the
doctors as to whether she was actually dead. 4 Every
effort was made to preserve warmth in the body by her
friends in the expectation of her return to life on the fourth
day, when it was quite evident that dissolution had taken
place. An autopsy was held on Saturday, 30 December,
and attended by fifteen medical men, who certified that
"no unnatural appearances were visible and no part
exhibiting any visible appearance of disease sufficient
to have occasioned her death." 6 Her friends were dis-
appointed at the non-appearance of the child, but with one
exception by no means dismayed. Col. Harwood, who had
been in constant attendance for some time before her death,
who arranged for the funeral and followed the corpse to the
grave, is said to have gone away in disgust. 6 The condition
of mind of Mrs. Underwood found expression in a letter 7
addressed to Mr. Hows, who did not retain his faith in
Joanna very long after her death. She writes, " The friends,
I am glad to see, appear to derive comfort, thinking all is
right, but I cannot see anything to warrant it." Miss
Townley admitted that she expected a temporal child ; 8
neither of these ladies, however, in any way gave up their
belief in J oanna. The letter which appeared in the Observer,
purporting to have been written by Tozer, renouncing on
behalf of Joanna " all the wicked incantations of her former
distempered brain," was a forgery. It was published on
30 October, and Joanna wrote to the Sunday Monitor
of 6 November contradicting the statements made. Tozer
also wrote declaring his firm belief in Joanna to the same

1 Correct Statement, p. 63.

2 Ibid,, p. 82. " What error ? " queries Pullen in Complete Refutation.

5 Bell's Weekly Messenger, 1/1/1815.

6 Correct Statement. See also Communications and Directions, p. 26.

7 Original letter, B.M. MS. Library.

8 Townley's Letter, p. 8.

8 Ibid., p. 106.

* Ibid., p. 86.

LIFE OF JOANNA SOTJTHCOTT. 751

journal on 17 December, 1 and he appears to have been in
no way disconcerted by her death.

A detailed account of the burial, which took place on
Monday afternoon, 1 January, 1815, was published in
the Morning Post of the 9th, together with extracts from
Dr. Reece's pamphlet. The greatest secrecy was observed
as to the time when the funeral cortege left the under-
takers' in Rathbone Place. The grave was taken in the
name of Goddard and the body interred in the common
ground at St. John's Wood Cemetery. 2 A stone was after-
wards placed on the grave, the cost being defrayed by a
collection made by the Rev. T. P. Foley. 3 A tablet was
also erected by friends in 1828, twenty-six yards distant
from the grave. 4

The curiosity and ridicule of the public were greatly
excited by the circumstances attending the last illness and
death of Joanna, and a number of pamphlets were written
on the subject, purporting to give a history of her life. The
Edinburgh Review remarks : " We think it right to state
our strong suspicions that several falsehoods are related
in the common histories of her life, and even that some
writings have been published falsely in her name, with
the view of exposing both herself and her followers to the
hatred, as well as the ridicule, of the public." 5

The most popular of these histories was Fairburn's
Life of Joanna Southcott, of which there were eleven
editions. A full description is furnished therein of the
Crib, 6 now in the Peel Park Museum, Salford. The cost
of the Crib and its superb fittings is said to have been up-
wards of £200 ; it was made by Mr. Seddons, of Aldersgate
Street. Several of the other presents intended for Shiloh
are also described. Johnson Grant, in his History of the
English Church, 7 gives particulars of the Crib from infor-
mation supplied by Mr. Seddons, whom he interviewed
on the subject. He also mentions the silver cup and salver.
The Crib or Cot is said to have been made at the order of
Mr. Hows, a butcher of 10 Pollard's Lane, Bethnal Green,
and the cost defrayed by subscription. 8 In a letter to the

1 Newspaper cuttings, B.M.

2 Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. 84, p. 678.

3 Copy letter, Bradley to Bishop.

4 This tablet is still in the churchyard, attached to the railings.

5 February, 1815, Vol. 24, p. 470.

6 pp. 15, 16. 7 Vol. 2, p. 456.
8 Memoirs of Religious Impostors , p. 113.

752

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Sunday Monitor, 15 September, 1814, there was a full
description of a Bible, printed in imperial quarto, bound
in red morocco, and elaborately decorated. 1 The majority
of the presents were returned to the donors in accordance
with the wish of Joanna. 2

Not only were popular accounts of Joanna's life placed
before the public, but some of the better-class periodicals 3
furnished their readers with more or less correct informa-
tion on the subject. The medical views as to her preg-
nancy and death were also represented in the respective
pamphlets of Dr. Reece 4 and Dr. Mathias. 5 The former
written in defence of his professional reputation, and the
latter strongly prejudiced against his patient. The cha-
racter and work of Joanna have suffered severely for close
upon a century for the want of an able and impartial
historian. The information furnished by encyclopaedias,
the usual source of reference not only for the public, but
the greater part of the Press, has been fragmentary and
unauthentic. As a work of reference, however, the Dic-
tionary of National Biography* is a notable exception and
one within easy reach of most people. The account there
given appears unbiassed and fairly accurate, but it does
not seem to have influenced the public mind as it deserves ;
the reason is, perhaps, that it is not sensational.

" It is by no means true," says the Edinburgh Review,
" as sometimes represented, that the sect has been confined
to the lowest and most ignorant persons. Hitherto,
however, it has not been very numerous, which may be
accounted for, not from the absurdity of its tenets, but
from the combination of two other circumstances. In
the first place, the Joannites were never persecuted. They
were completely neglected by the Government and little
preached against by the clergy. ... In the second place,
the sect has never produced any preacher with the inde-
fatigable activity and overpowering eloquence of Whitfield
or Wesley, but if such a preacher should soon arise, it is
not impossible that it might still revive and flourish more
than ever." 7

The mission of Joanna Southcott did not receive its
death-blow at her decease as many have conjectured.

* Memoirs of Religious Impostors, p. 115. * 65. 40.

s Edinburgh Review, QentlemarCs Magazine, Philanthropic Gazette,
etc. etc. 4 Correct Statement. 5 Case of Joanna Southcott.

6 1909 edition.

7 Edinburgh Review, Vol. 24, p, 470.i

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

753

The leaderless condition of the community, however,
seems to have induced a few of her adherents to claim
divine authority in order to reorganize the scattered forces.
Among them was one Samuel Sibley, 1 a watchman of
No. 3 Gooch Yard, Upper White Cross Street. He said
he had been commanded to proclaim the advent of Shiloh.
Accompanied by his wife, Catherine, and a number of his
disciples, he marched through Temple Bar on a January
morning in 1817, sounded a trumpet and declared the
advent of the Messiah. Whilst his wife cried aloud,
" Wo ! Wo ! to the inhabitants of the earth because
of the coming of Shiloh ! " They had reached Budge Row,
Cannon Street, when the mob became rather ill-disposed
towards them, and the police had some difficulty in pro-
tecting them. Sibley and his wife were brought before
the magistrates at the Guildhall and charged with disturbing
the peace, but were dismissed upon promising to make no
further demonstration. He wrote A Copy of the Articles
of Faith, etc., 1819. A reprint was issued about 1843
under the title of The Inditement of Satan. Another such
person was John Ward, who published several pamphlets ; 2
he considered himself to be the earthly representative of
the Man-Child, expected by the Southcottian Church,
or the " Shadow of Shiloh." As recently as twenty years
ago, one who styled himself " Elijah " distributed leaflets
in Hyde Park setting forth the pretensions of John Ward.
About ten years after Joanna's death Miss Jane Townley
asserted her claim to divine favour. She wrote her Com-
munications and Directions in 1824. Mrs. Underwood
appears to have admitted the pretensions of her friend
with some hesitation. They both died in 1825. 3

There seems to have been more reason and certainly
greater success in the efforts made by George Turner, of
Leeds, to re-establish the Church. A large number of the
believers joined with him. He had the advantage of
Joanna's acknowledgment that some of his writings were
communications from the Spirit of God. He wrote about
eighteen pamphlets 4 and had, just before his death in 1821,

1 Kirby's Wonderful Museum ; Wroe's Communications, Vol. 1, p.
114; Philanthropic Gazette, 1817, pp. 350-1 ; Newspaper cutting, Sheffield
Mercury, G.

2 Vision of Judgment, 1829 ; The Living Oracle, 1830 ; Complete
Refutation, 1830 ; Letters, etc., of Jesus Christ, 1831 ; The Judgment Seat,
1831, etc. etc. 3 Wroe's Communications, Vol. 1, p. 114.

4 Communications from the Spirit of - God ; Book of Wonders, etc.

VOL. XLIV. 3 B

734

LIFE OF JOANNA SOTJTHCOTT.

a very large following. Among the original Southcottian
members two parties eventually arose, one represented
by William Jowett and the other by Messrs. Hagger,
Parker, Pye, Malby, and Spencer. Much of the corre-
spondence which passed was printed in the form of leaflets,
between the years 1840 and 1850. The cause of the division
seems to have been, as to whether a spiritual child was born
in 1814, or whether Joanna will at some future date return,
complete the sixty-fifth year of her age, and bear the pro-
mised Shiloh.

To return to the Church left by George Turner. One
Wednesday night in September, 1820, John Wroe, who
was born at the village of Bowling, near Bradford, in 1782,
at one time a woolstapler, entered the meeting-place of
the friends at Bradford and joined the Church. Turner
died in the following year, and in September, 1822, after
some opposition on the part of the other members, John
Wroe was accepted as the successor of Turner. His Life
and Journal, which provides this information, is contained
in the first volume of his Divine Communications. 1 The
great feature of his teaching was the introduction of part
of the ceremonial law. He proclaimed in common with
Joanna 2 that the law and gospel should be observed,
and by this means the redemption of the body 3 would be
brought about. The Church under his administration
flourished and grew rich. There were many bodies of the
friends, Christian Israelites they were termed, in England,
America, and Australia. At their head-quarters, Ashton-
under-Lyne, they were known as " Joannas." Their
practice of wearing a particular form of dress and being
unshaven, at a time when beards were not worn, has been
erroneously attributed to Joanna's Church. The engraved
portraits of Sharp, Tozer, 4 Wright, Bryan, and Halhed, 6
members of the Church, are evidence that the statement is
incorrect. John Wroe died in 1863, leaving the affairs
of the Church in the hands of four trustees. Very little
was done in the way of evangelization after his death.
In 1875 a soldier joined the Society at Chatham, whose
name was said to be James White ; 8 there is, however,

1 pp. 1-38. * 20. 45, 46. Laws of God, J. Wroe ; P. W., Vol. 1, p. 19.
8 33. 561, 562. P. W. 9 Vol. 1, p. 21.
4 Memoirs of the Life of J. S.

* The World's Doom. Halhed.

• The Jezreelites, Phipps, p. 6.

LIFE OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

755

no more reason for supposing his name was White than
Jezreel, the name he afterwards assumed ; his parentage
is unknown, and no reliable information exists as to his
history. He obtained possession of John Wroe's works
and some of Joanna Southcott's, and with the aid of these
he compiled the Extracts from the Flying Roll. He served
with his regiment in India for three years, and upon his
return founded the New and Latter House of Israel at
Chatham. A few members of the Christian Israelite Society
accepted him as the Sixth Messenger in the Visitation,
but the trustees would not admit his claim. The Extracts
began to be published in 1879, and the three Sermons
were completed in 1881. A number of members soon
collected at Chatham, and by the aid of their subscriptions
a tract of land was purchased on Chatham Hill, the plans
being left by Jezreel for the large building erected there
after his death in 1885. The Church suffered loss of
members at his decease, when control was assumed by his
widow. During the three years which followed the founda-
tion of the building was laid, the brickwork, which was of
enormous thickness and cemented, was raised, and the
iron girders for the huge central Hall placed in posi-
tion. Accommodation was provided in the lower portion
of the building for printing works and a temporary meeting-
room, but the building itself was not roofed and remained
in an unfinished state. An attempt was made in recent
years to pull it down, but without success. Mrs. Jezreel,
who borrowed large sums of money from certain mem-
bers in order to carry on the building operations, had little
faculty for administration, was badly advised, and at her
death in 1888 left the Church in financial chaos. A division
then took place among the members, particulars of which
it is not within the scope of this work to relate, and the
main portion of the Church with the four officers, who had
been appointed by Jezreel, established their head-quarters
in London. They immediately instituted parties of can-
vassers, who visited nearly every town and village in the
kingdom, selling the Extracts. The financial condition of
the Church improved, and the members were repaid the
debts incurred by the late Mrs. Jezreel. Few canvassers
are at present at work in this country, but in Canada,
Australia, and the United States of America the literature
of the Church is rapidly spreading.
There have been many instances of assumption of

756

LIFE OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

divine authority by members who have left the Church
and have drawn others after them. One has of late years,
established himself at Chatham ; another, at Benton
Harbour, Michigan, has a large following, and a third had
many adherents in the south of London, now dispersed.

All the people referred to as members of the various
Churches mentioned in this paper may be truly said to be
believers in Joanna Southcott; the number would be difficult
to estimate, but sufficient has been said to. show that the
faith is by no means extinct.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

BY CHARLES LANE.

Communicated by R. Pearse Csope, B.A.

(Read at Exeter, 25th July, 1912.)

ABBREVIATIONS.

B.M.= British Museum Library. 1
Bod. = Bodleian Library.

C.= Chicago Public Library.

E.= University College Museum and Public Library, Exeter.

G. = Guildhall Library, London.

H. = Public Library, Halifax.

J.R.=The John Rylands Library, Manchester. 1

L.= Central Free Public Library, Leeds.

M.=Free Public Library, Manchester.

P. = Free Public Library, Plymouth. 2

S.=Peel Park Museum, Salford.
Pte. = Private Collection. 8

The Books are numbered for reference in accordance with Pullen's

Books 1-6. — The Strange Effects of Faith with Remarkable
Prophecies (made in 1792, etc.) of Things which are
to come. Also, some account of my Life. Exeter.
Published in six parts. Parts 1 to 5, 1801 ; Part 6,
1802.

The 1st edition of Part 1 was printed by T. Brice, the
remaining parts by G. Floyde. 4 They were sold for 9d.
each, with the exception of Part 2, which was 6d. to sub-
scribers and 8d. to non-subscribers. Subsequent editions

1 B.M. and J.R. Libraries both possess a complete set of Southcott
works, sixty-five in number, with many duplicates, various editions, and
several copies with MSS. notes.

2 There is also a collection of Southcott works at the Plymouth
Institution.

3 There are many complete sets in private collections. Copies of
Books 1 to 7, and 57 to 65, are more numerous than the others. There
is a larger number of pamphlets written in favour of Southcott in these
collections than in the Public Libraries.

Index.

4 63. 10.

758 BIBLIOGRAPHY OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

were printed in London, as under. The price of each part
varied from 9d. to Is. 3d.

Parts 1 2 3 4 6 6

2nd edition No date 1 1806 No date 1806 1807 1807
3rd edition 1810 1807 1812 1812 1808 1808

4thedition 1816 1814 1814 1814 1813 1813

(A reprint of Part 1 was issued by Alice Seymour,
Plymouth, in 1911, price Is.)

The pagination is continuous throughout the parts,
pp. 288. B.M., C. (Parts 5 and 6), E., J.R., P. (Part 1).

Pages 1 to 20 record some details of Joanna's life, com-
mencing with the year 1792, together with copies of letters
to various ministers of religion. The printer, it is explained
in a foot-note (p. 21), refused to print certain words con-
tained in the manuscript, and dotted lines show the
omission. Some of the old believers appear to have been
made acquainted with the original words, and inserted
them in their books. In the instance referred to, the printer
objected to insert the words " the heads of the nation, not
the king, but those around him, are bringing the judgments
of God on our land." In the second part, commencing
page 49, may be seen Joanna's reason for writing in verse.
Several dreams are related, and her doctrine of " full re-
demption of man " is alluded to (p. 62). There is a para-
phrase of the Athanasian Creed (page 88), and a reply to
a suggestion made that her writings were the work of a
minister (p. 93). Part 3 is doctrinal, with dreams and
explanations. In Part 4 there is a prediction that the
Romish powers will be shaken at "the end" (p. 180).
And in answer to those who said she wrote for money, she
replies, " I now stand £100 worse than I should had I
never took pen in hand." Part 5 contains some part of
her history : an account of her mother's death ; her first
situation ; her journey to Exeter, resulting in her second
situation, in which she remained five years (p. 208) ; and
concludes with a warning to England, " lest they disagree
and lay violent hands upon one another." In Part 6
there is an allusion to the imprisonment of her friend
Richard Brothers (p. 246). There are twenty-eight pages

1 This edition of Part 1 has a foot-note on the last page : " The first
edition was printed with many errors which remain in this because the
book was not to be altered." Page 2, which was blank in the 1st edition,
has now a Communication printed on it.

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 759

in verse with reference to the promise made to the woman
in the beginning, followed by a prediction as to Christ
coming, " in the woman's form " ; and the book ends
with a letter " sent in the year 1799 to a very dignified
clergyman."

Book 7. — A Continuation of Prophecies by Joanna Southcott,
from the year 1792 to the present time. 1st edition,
Exeter, 1 1802, price 9d. 2nd edition, London, 1807,
price Is. 3rd edition, London, 1813, price Is., pp. 56.
No title page. B.M., E., J.R., M., P.

Contains copies of letters from Basil Bruce, with remarks
by Joanna. Bruce's death is announced on page 31.
Joanna compares him to the "man-child caught up to
God and to His throne " (p. 32). The " Thoughts " of the
seven men who came to Exeter to examine her writings
commence on page 38 ; they are their opinions on the
sixth book. The " Eighth Thought " (pp. 45-9) is quoted
in extenso by Southey. 2

Book 8. — The Strange Effects of Faith ; being a Continuation
of Joanna SouthcoWs Prophecies of Things which are to
come. Printed by E. Spragg, of Co vent Garden, 1802.
Price 9d. No title page. 3

The 2nd edition bears the title, The Second Part of the
Continuation of Joanna SouthcoWs Prophecies of Things
which are to come. W. Marchant. London, 1813. Price
Is. pp. 57-108. The pagination is continued from
Book 7. B.M., J.R., E., C.

This book was prepared for the press by Rev. T. P.
Foley, from the words Joanna read to him from her own
manuscripts (25. 54).

On page 57 Joanna tells us the Bible must be read
backwards. Many quotations from Genesis, Revelation,
and the Song of Solomon are made. Parts of letters sent
to two of the clergy in 1801 are inserted in pages 79-84,
in both of which reference is made to the war in heaven,
and " plague, pestilence, or some other diseases " are
predicted. The sealing is first mentioned here (p. 83).

1 This was the last book printed at Exeter (G. Floyde).

2 Letters from England, 1807 (Letter LXX).

8 There are no title pages to the books unless- otherwise stated.

760 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

She describes how she was brought to her prophecies (p. 85).
A copy of an anonymous letter, from a believer in Richard
Brothers, in which it is said the prophecies of Brothers
came true, but those of Joanna have not, followed by a
lengthy reply (p. 93, etc.). ,

Book 9. — Divine and Spiritual Letters of Prophecies, sent
to Reverend Divines, etc., etc. The title appears on the
last page. Page 1 is headed Letters, etc. Printed by
E. Spragg, Covent Garden. No price is stated, and
there is no date, but Foley is said to have copied for
publication some of the letters of which the book con-
sists in 1801. 1 pp. 48. Commonly known as the First
Book of Letters, and referred to as such in Joanna's
other works. B.M., J.R., M.

Book 10. — Divine and Spiritual Letters of Prophecies, sent
to Reverend Divines, etc., etc. The title being the same
as Book 9, with which the pagination is continuous,
pp. 49-96. Printed by E. Spragg, Covent Garden.
No date. Price 9d. Commonly known as the Second
Book of Letters. B.M., J.R., M,

Both Foley and Sharp asserted that they copied for
publication some of the original letters 2 in 1802.

A continuation of this publication, under the same title
and called " Third Book," appears to have been printed
after the death of Joanna. No mention is made of it in
Pullen's Index, 1815. It contains similar letters, pp. 97-
112 (unfinished). No printer's name and no date.

These books of letters are very scarce even among
private collectors, and only three of the large public
libraries possess copies, as far as can be ascertained. They
consist mainly of correspondence which passed between
Joanna and her friends during the years 1801-2. She
speaks of the approaching death of her father (p. 17),
who said he hoped she would inherit the lands in Hert-
fordshire, to which he was heir (p. 21). The death of
Basil Bruce, for whom she had great admiration, is related
in a foot-note (p. 67), and the death of her father is men-
tioned in a letter to Foley (p. 68). Joanna's dispute with
the Rev. Mr. Pomeroy is referred to, and the advertisement

i 25. 54.

» 25. 53-4,

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT, 761

he inserted in the newspaper appears on page 76, followed
by a copy of Joanna's letter to him, together with a copy
of her letter to the " Gentlemen of the Coffee House," who
" plagued " the reverend gentleman because of his associa-
tion with Joanna. Reference is made to the " man-child,"
who must come on earth (p. 104).

Book 11. — A Dispute between the Woman and the Powers of
Darkness. London, 1802. 2nd edition, 1813. pp.
128. Price 2s. 6d. B.M., J.R., M., P.

Prepared for the press by Foley and Sharp, to whom
Joanna read from her manuscripts. 1 Lengthy quotations
of this book occur in Southey's Letters, 2 and Memoirs of
Religious Impostors. 3

The conditions of the Dispute with Satan are stated on
page 2. It lasted for seven days, commencing on August 3,
1802, and took place in her "private lodgings," engaged
for the purpose (p. 5). Joanna appears to have written
the dialogue as it proceeded. There is a further dispute,
commencing 26 August, recorded on pages 67-83. Joanna
claims that all her prophecies concerning the wars with
France, Spain, and other nations were fulfilled (p. 114).
" Every distress on the nation came to pass as I then wrote
(1792). Every harvest hath come as I said."

Book 12. — The Answer of the Lord to the Powers of Darkness.
London, 1802. pp. 128. Price 2s. 6d. 2nd edition,
1813. B.M., Bod., J.R., M., P.

This book was written by Sharp at the dictation of
Joanna, who read from her own manuscripts. 4

Pages 3-55 are mostly in verse, and have reference to
the creation of the world and Satanic influence. An
account of Joanna's seven days' illness on the termination
of the " Dispute " appears on pages 57-61. No copy of
this book was allowed to be circulated without an im-
pression of her famous seal, in red wax (p. 123) ; 5 this will
be found on page 92. The seal consisted of the initials I C
with two stars, one on the top of the letters and the

1 25. 53-4^

2 Letters from England (Letter LXX).

3 M. Aiken, 1823, p. 82.

4 25. 53.

6 This probably had reference to the 1st edition, as there are many
copies of the 2nd edition in existence without the seal*

762 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

other underneath, and the die was found, Joanna informs
us, when sweeping a shop after a sale. 1 Sixteen of the
books were sealed so that the impression appeared upside
down. 2 On page 126 the meaning of the Devonshire
words, Stroial, Moule, and Sull are explained. The last
two pages of the book contain an address to the public by
Sharp.

Book 13.^ — A Communication given to Joanna, in Answer to
Mr. Brothers' hist Book, published the End of this Year
1802. London, 1802. pp.22. Price 4|d. 2nd edition,
1815, price 6d. B.M., J.R., P.

Prepared for the press by Foley, " from the words which
Joanna read to him from her manuscripts." 3 The Book
written by Richard Brothers was dated 8 November, 1802,
from Fisher madhouse, Islington, 4 and entitled A Disser-
tation on the Fall of Eve. On page 11 he expressed the
opinion that " it was God Himself that ordained the trial
of obedience in our first parents." Joanna considered
this to be blasphemy, " as he makes God the author of the
temptation " (p. 1). She gives her version of the Fall, in
verse (pp. 3-5). Speaking of the " woman " mentioned
in Revelation xii, Brothers remarked that the applica-
tion of verse 17 "is only to those resembling in faith
that modest, identical woman, and not any wild, impudent,
misguided, seditious fanatic." Joanna makes no direct
reference to this, but says that " being in prison, the
powers of darkness worked hard upon him to load him
with pride and envy against her " (p. 11). She compares
him with the prophet Jonah, being angry at the non-
fulfilment of his prophecy in the manner he expected,
and concludes her verse on the subject by saying, " This
is the answer of the Lord to prove that the last Book
printed in the name of Richard Brothers was written

1 18. 20. The seal has been erroneously described as J.S. (see Devon-
shire Characters, p. 392 ; Devon Notes and Queries, II, p. 241, par. 196 ;
and Gentleman 's Magazine, Vol. 85, p. 601.

2 Copy letter, 17 February, 1804.
8 25. 54.

4 Brothers was charged with treason after the publication of his
second book, in which he said the King would involve himself and his
family in certain misery and death unless the war was discontinued.
He was apprehended by warrant on 4 March, 1795. The charge
was neither substantiated nor withdrawn, but after a brief examination
he was sent, on 4 May, to Islington madhouse, where he was confined
as a lunatic until 1806.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 763

under the influence of the Devil" (p. 16). She adds a
prediction that " in the end " all oaths will be abohshed
in conformity with the words of Jesus, " Swear not at
all." This was an allusion to the refusal of Brothers
to take the oath required by the Government, in order
to obtain his half-pay as a retired naval officer.

Book 14. — Prophecies. A Warning to the Whole World,
from the Sealed Prophecies of Joanna Southcott, and
other Communications, etc., etc. Also known as The
First Book of the Sealed Prophecies. 1 2 London,
1803. pp. 128. Price 2s. 6d. 2nd edition, 1812.
B.M., J.R., G., M.

Prepared by Foley from manuscripts which Joanna
read to him, 3 at High House, Paddington.

In a short preface (pp. i, ii) it is said that the book
contains some parts of the " sealed writings," and there
is an announcement that the truth of her writings was
proved by the " unanimous decision of twenty-three
persons appointed by Divine Command," thirty-five
others being present. This has reference to the Second
Trial, which is fully described in Book 25. She calls
upon the " learned and self-righteous " to show cause
for condemning her as an impostor, and states that " nearly
twenty pounds 4 were expended in advertising in the
public papers to invite the clergy to come and judge
for themselves and their flocks " (pp. 1, 2). Explanations
of dreams occupy pages 4-24, in verse. A prayer of
Joanna is on page 27, followed by a short communication.
Letters to Archdeacon Moore, Chancellor Nutcombe, and
Rev. Mr. Tucker commence on page 30. Various dreams and
passages of Scripture are explained in verse, until page 54,
in which she states that in 1792 she foretold the war,
fever in America, rebellion in Ireland, conquest of Italy,
and other events. Speaking of the coming of Christ on page
95, she says, " He is already come in the spirit, and will
not return until His kingdom is established on earth."

1 See page 1, sub-title.

2 In Pullen's Index this book is said to be commonly known as The
First Boole of Vision*. This is probably an error, as the description is
more appropriate to Book 15.

4 See also Foley's Letter (p. 14), Harrison's Letter (p. 25), and
Nocturnal Alarm (p. 76).

3 25. 54.

764 PIBUOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT,

Book 15. — The Continuation of the Prophecies of Joanna
Southcott. Sub-title, A Word in Season to A Sinking
Kingdom. 1 London, 1803. pp. 56. Price lOd. 2nd
edition, 1807, Is. 3rd edition, 1810, Is. B.M., Bod.,
C, J.R., M., P.

Prepared by Foley at High House, Paddington, from
manuscripts which Joanna read to him. Foley spoke
of the book as, The First Book of Visions. 2 This work
consists mostly of Prescott's 3 dreams and visions, with
explanation in verse by Joanna. The fall of Medina in
1805 is predicted on page 16.

Book 16. — The Second Book of Visions. London, 1803.
pp. 72. Price Is. 3d. 2nd edition, 1813. B.M., C,
J.R., M., P.

Prepared by Foley in the same manner as the previous
book, being a continuation of Prescott's visions. Joanna
reminds us in the words of Joel 4 that the end will come
by visions seen by young men and prophecies given by
handmaids (p. 1). She speaks of the union of law and
gospel (pp. 18-21), and of the redemption of the body
(pp. 57-9). She states that the first ten years of her
visitation were passed in dreams (p. 38). On page 63
an answer is given to the false reports concerning the
sale of the seals.

Book 17. — A Word to the Wise or A Call to the Nation,
That they may know the days of their Visitation, etc.
Stourbridge (J. Heming). 5 1803. pp. 59. Price
lOd. 2nd edition, London (Galabin and Marchant), 6
1810, Is. 3rd edition, 1813, Is. Each 55 pages.
B.M., J.R., M., P. Reprint by Alice Seymour. 1909.
Price Is. 6d.

On the first page of the 1st edition are the words, "I
now print this little Book to give the Poor, by the bounty
of the Rich." 7

1 This book is usually known by the sub-title, which is the more
prominent in the 3rd edition. 2 25. 54.

8 Prescott was a lad who had visions. He lived with Carpenter
at Neckinger House, where meetings were held at this time.

4 Joel ii. 28. 6 Foley's printer.

• Book 16 was the last one printed by Spragg, of Covent Garden.

7 These words are omitted in other editions; 500 copies were dis-
tributed gratis (see letter to Ingall, 29 August, 1803, in Small Still
Voice).

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOtJTHCOTT. 765

Joanna says in this work her prophecies are explained
in a small compass for the sake of the poor, that no
excuse may be found, showing from the Fall that the
promise made to the woman at first must be accomplished
at last, before man's redemption can take place (p. 2).
Jew and Gentile, she continues, have erred and strayed
from the truth, both having parted law and gospel
asunder (p. 9). Reference is made to predictions in her
former works (pp. 21-9), but .the subject-matter of this
book is mainly doctrinal.

Book 18. — Divine and Spiritual Communications written
by Joanna Southcott on the Prayers of the Church
of England, etc., etc. Printed by Rousseau, Wood
Street, Spa Fields, London, 1803. pp. 44. Price 8d.
Reprint of 1st edition, 1809, price lOd. 2nd edition,
1823, Is. B.M., G., J.R., M., P. This book has a
title page.

There is an introduction of ten pages written by William
Sharp, in which he states that the communication on the
Church Prayers, which occupies pages 1-27, was written
at the house of Rev. T. P. Foley, Old Swinford. Many
passages are quoted from the Book of Common Prayer,
with remarks by Joanna. In a foot-note on page 20 she
describes the manner in which she found her seal, of
which there is a representation. The book also contains
several copies of letters addressed to the clergy.

Book 19. — Sound an Alarm in My Holy Mountain. Printed
by E. Baines, Leeds, 1804. pp. 76. Price Is. 2nd
edition, 1805 (?). 3rd edition, 1806. 4th edition, 1808,
pp. 72, price Is. 3d. 6th edition, 181 1-12. 7th edition,
1813. 8th edition, 1813. 9th edition, 1816. B.M., C,
J.R., G., M., P.

Reprint by Alice Seymour, 1909. Price Is. 6d.

Prepared for the press by Foley, from manuscripts
which Joanna read to him. 1

A short summary of the contents of this book is printed
immediately under the title, showing that reference is
made to the meaning of the sealing, the principal
events of the nations, and the establishment of Christ's
kingdom on earth. Joanna states (p. 1), " I was ordered

1 25. 54.

766 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOTJTHCOTT.

by the Spirit to seal up the lists at the end of the year
(1803), old style." 1 (p. 13), "I should rejoice at the
summons of death to stop my hand and leave this world,
if I am deceived and deceiving mankind." (p. 26), " Now
there are 8144 (sealed) . . . besides those who are blotted
out, and some lists are not gathered in." (p. 52), " But
now let no man sign his name till he hath read this book
and judged for himself . . . the sealing will not stop till
the number be up ... it will be more fatal for them who
break their seals 2 than it was for Adam to eat of the
forbidden fruit." (p. 53), "Therefore I have ordered
the thing to go out gratis, ' without money and without
price.' " The origin of evil is the subject of pages 58-70.

Book 20. — A Warning to the World. Joanna Southcott's
Prophecies. Printed by Rousseau, London, 1804.
pp. 100. Price Is. 6d. 2nd edition, 1812. B.M., G.,
J.R., M., P. Reprint by Alice Seymour, 1909. Price
Is. 9d.

This book appears to have been prepared for the press
by Sharp, who stated that he wrote part of it from manu-
scripts which Joanna read to him. 8 It consists principally
of judgments on this and other nations, and signs, it is
said, will be shown in the weather. This land, says Joanna,
has three things to fear, viz., " The Sword, the Plague —
or some fatal disease like the plague to carry them off —
and the Famine " (p. 5). She refers to redemption from
the Fall, which is to take place at the fullness of the
Gentiles (p. 44), and maintains that law and gospel must
both be observed, as one will not do without the other
(p. 45). There is a communication on Marriage, of which
eight pages are written in verse (pp. 74-85).

Book 21. — On the Prayers for the Fast Day, May, 1804. 4
London, 1804. pp. 48. Price 9d. B.M., J.R., M.

The title and pages 1 to 8 of the first thousand copies
of this book were printed by a mistake, apparently due to

1 Also pp. 18 and 21.

* The seals given to those who signed their names for the destruction
of Satan's kingdom are described on page 50, Book 38. The words
recorded there were written on a small sheet of paper, which was folded
and sealed at the back with Joanna's seal impressed in wax.

8 25. 53.

4 Printed by Rousseau. Any change will be indicated.

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 767

a misunderstanding on the part of Sharp, 1 who arranged
the matter for the press. There is no continuity between
pages 2 and 3 or 8 and 9. In the remaining five thousand
the title was altered, and eight pages of other matter
substituted. The corrected title is, Letters on Various
Subjects from Mrs. Joanna Southcott to Miss Townley.
The book, however, is usually known by the former title.

The first letter in the corrected edition is from Miss
Townley, and addressed to the Bishop of London. She
encloses a communication from Joanna, which is a warning
to the nation, reference being made to the Prayers for
the Fast Day. 2 There are extracts from the prayers on
pp. 25, 26. The book consists of copies of letters, as the
title indicates.

Book 22. — Copies and Parts of Copies of Letters and Com-
munications, written from Joanna Southcott, and
transmitted by Miss Townley to Mr. W. Sharp, in
London. London, 1804. pp. 92. Price Is. 6d. B.M.,
G., J.R., M., P.

This book is usually known by its sub-title, The Parable
of the Little Flock of Sheep.

Joanna uses a " Fable " to exemplify the methods
of Satan in regard to believers (pp. 1-9). The following
twelve pages contain part of her history ; she refers to
her father's circumstances and disposition, her mother's
death, her lovers, and her experience with the Wills
family, in whose service she spent five years. On pages
24, 25 she relates her father's death, avows that she had
nothing to reproach herself with concerning him, for she
assisted him to the utmost, and supported him to her
last penny. A copy of Sharp's letter to the Bishop of
London, enclosing " prints of our Saviour and the Virgin
Mary," 8 is given on page 29, followed by the Bishop's
reply. He returns the engravings, and wishes Mr. Sharp
showed as much judgment in his religious opinions as
skill in his profession. There are several copies of letters
from Joanna to Townley, and the remainder of the book
contains parables applied to spiritual matters.

1 For explanation see Book 24, pp. 11-14.

* A Form of Prayer used on 25 May, 1804, the day appointed by
proclamation for a General Fast, etc. (see Special Liturgies, Church of
England, British Museum Library).

• 21. 33.

768 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Book 23. — Mr. Joseph Southcott, the Brother of Joanna
Southcott, will now come forward as Dinah's Brethren
did, etc., etc. London, 1804. pp. 112. Price 2s.
B.M., J.R., M.

This book, which has a title page, is usually known
as Joseph Southcotfs Vindication of his Sister's Character. 1
It appears to have been compiled by Miss Townley
when she and Joanna were on a visit to her brother at
Bristol ; the manuscript was forwarded to Sharp, who
arranged it for the press. 2 A detailed account of Pomeroy's
conduct is shown in pages 1-17, followed by a letter from
Joseph, in defence of his sister. Frequent reference is
made to Pomeroy until page 69, when Joanna's history
is continued, relating her troubles whilst in the service
of Wills. This is practically her theme to within seven
pages of the end of the book, where the explanation of a
vision is given in verse.

Book 24. Letters and Communications of Joanna Southcott,
the Prophetess of Exeter, lately written to Jane Townley.
Printed by J. Heming, Stourbridge, 1804. pp. 128.
Price 2s. 3d. B.M., J.R., M., P.

This pamphlet 'has a title page, on which there is a
quotation from Luke xxiv. 17, "What manner of com-
munications are these ? " forming a sub-title by which
the book is commonly known. 3 The contents were partly
copied from Joanna's manuscripts by Jane Townley,
who wrote the remainder from her dictation. 4 The
whole was then transmitted to Foley for publication
(p. 11). Joanna's history is continued, and will be found
interspersed with copies of letters (pp. 26-8, 32-5, 63-6).
Her dream that she was married by proxy is related on
page 73. This is thought to have reference to her private
marriage with Mr. Smith on 12 November, 1814. 5 The
story of Lord Burnet occurs on pages 89-92.

Book 25. — The Trial of Joanna Southcott, during seven
Days, which commenced on the fifth, and ended on the
eleventh of December, 1804, at the Neckinger House y
Bermondsey, near London. London, 1804. pp. 152.
Price 3s. B.M., E., J.R., M., P.

1 Pullen's Index. , * 25. 53 ; 55. 77.

8 Pullen's Index. 4 25. 77.

5 Copy letter, Mrs. Underwood to Rev. T. P. Foley, 14 Noveniber, 1814.

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 769

This book has a title page, and is important as showing
the opinions of the friends of Joanna with regard to her
character and prophecies.

There is an introduction of forty pages, without sig-
nature, calling attention to the fact that the Bishops
and clergy were invited to the Trial, and that Joanna
promised to give up her prophecies if twenty-four of
them would prove her calling to proceed from the devil.
Directions as to the conduct of the Trial, which took
place on the " last seven days of November, old style,"
are given. Witnesses came from Exeter, and an attorney
was appointed to record the evidence. The friends visited
many of the clergy, but met with much opposition, some
of them were very angry and rude. One said he had
" no opinion of a Holy Ghost that could not write grammar"
(p. xxix). Joanna's remarks on this are on the following
page. The examination of witnesses occupies thirty-six
pages, which throw light on Joanna's early history. A
Resolution was carried censuring the conduct of the
Clergy (p. 79). The sealed bundles of writings were cut
open, and Joanna selected such as were to be sealed up
till after her death (p. 92).

A comprehensive view of her mission is given on page
96. By the spirit of prophecy, she says, "Thousands
will become thy friends when thy life is gone, for know
I told thee in 93 thy death would convince more than
thy life" (p. 112). On the last day of the Trial the
assembly adjourned to a field close by, the crowd showed
some opposition, but did no damage (pp. 119-21). The
names of the judges, jurymen, and elders are recorded
on pages 126-8. Joanna's remarks on her Trial occupy
thirteen pages at the conclusion of the book.

Book 26. — Joanna Souihcotfs Answer to Garrett's Book,
entitled, " Demonocracy Detected" etc., etc. Printed
by Seale, London, 1805. pp. 22. Price 6d. B.M.,
J.R., M., P.

The title page supplies the information that the Rev.
Jeremiah Learnoult Garrett was also the author of Rays
of Everlasting Light, and that he published an engraved
print " of his own head with marvellous and wonderful
accompaniments." In some copies the engraving is

vol. xliv. 3 c

Digitized by

770

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

shown on the back of the title page. 1 Among the " ac-
companiments " is "a Beast with twelve heads, on which
is seated a woman and the devil behind her/' Under-
neath are the words, " Wonder of Neckinger," an allusion
to Neckinger House, at which the Trial took place. Garrett
referred to the Lamb's wife, and Joanna deals with the
subject on page 7. She says, " I never should have be-
lieved it alluded to any woman in the least as a shadow,
had it not been so clearly explained it was but a shadow,
and no more than a name that was given to one to claim
the promise made in the Fall. ... So the shadow to one is
the substance to all." On page 20 there is a copy of a
letter from Joanna to the printer of the Bolus, a pamphlet
signed J.T., in which charges are brought against Car-
penter, who replied in Modern Realities. Joanna describes
the Bolus as " the most shocking blasphemy that was
ever read."

Book 27. — Joanna SouthcoWs Answer to the Five Charges
in the Leeds Mercury, etc., etc. 2 London, 1805. pp. 24.
Price 6d. B.M., J.R., M., P.

The five charges are printed at the back of the title
page. They are briefly : (1) Joanna declared the sealing
would cease in 1803 ; (2) that England would be invaded
in March, 1804 ; (3) that the harvest of 1804 would be
a failure ; (4) that the unbelieving clergy would be com-
pelled to be present at her trial ; (5) that she would not
live to see the end of the year 1804. These charges cannot
be substantiated by her printed works, and Joanna
replies to them in their order on pages 3, 6, 10, 15 and
16 respectively.

Books 28-33 and 53 (inclusive). — The True Explanation of
the Bible, revealed by Divine Communications to Joanna
Southcott, etc. London (Rousseau), 1804. Parts 1-7.
pp. 624. B.M., E. (parts 2, 3, 4, and 7), J.R., P.

There is a title page with Part 1 only, stating that,
" Letters to and from the Rev. Mr. Pomeroy " are added.
This part consists of 96 pages, price Is. 6d. A reprint was

1 British Museum copy.

2 This book also was printed by A. Seale, of Tottenham Court Road.
Only three of Joanna's works came through his hands, Nos. 26, 27, and 35.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 771

issued by Elizabeth Fairlight Vaughan, London, 1849, and
another by Alice Seymour, Plymouth, 1912.

Part 2 includes page 192, published 1804
„ 3 „ ^ 288 „ 1804

„ 4 „ 384 „ 1805

and bears a sub-title, Disputes and Controversies with

Mankind.

Part 5 includes page 480, published 1805
„ 6 „ 576 ^ „ 1805

„ 7 „ 624 „ 1810

and is " Also an Answer to Hann's false Assertions in his
Handbills and Advertisements," etc. Each part is priced
Is. 6d., excepting Part 7, which is Is.

The greater part of the contents of this work appears
to have been dictated to Townley by Joanna, and the
remainder to Underwood. The manuscript was forwarded
to Sharp for publication. Pages 1-376 were written
at Bristol, from whence she returned to London on
22 November, 1804.

This book consists of communications given to Joanna
respecting various parts of the Bible, occurring in no
particular order. It is important as showing the scriptural
teaching of Joanna, being doctrinal almost throughout.
Speaking of her handwriting, in reply to Plain Remarks by
B. H., she says, "Though my handwriting no man can
read before me, yet when I show them my letters and
read the words to them, every man can then read them
after me," so that it was impossible for her to deceive
anyone with regard to her writing (p. 291). An account
of Ann Moore 1 of Tutbury, who pretended to have lived
without solid food for over two years (p. 608), appears
to have been sent to Joanna by Foley. Without question-
ing the evidence, Joanna used the story to illustrate her
prophecies. This has been brought against her as though
she vouched for the correctness of the false assertions of
Ann Moore. The eleven concluding pages are occupied
with Hann's charges. This man was at one time a believer ;
he published handbills which had the appearance of being
advertisements of Joanna's books, announcing dreadful
judgments on England in 1810, and the Millennium in
1811. 2 These statements were also shown to be false by

1 See Kirby's Wonderful Museum, Vol. IV, p. 330.

2 See Five Charges in Leeds Mercury, Book 27.

Digitized by

772 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

letters from John Crossley 1 and George Turner, 2 pub-
lished in the form of handbills.

Book 34. — An Explanation of the Parables published in
1804 by Joanna Southcott ; also an Answer to a Book
by L. Mayer, etc. London, 1806. pp. 64. Price Is.
2nd edition, 1811. 3rd edition, 1823, Is. 6d. B.M.,
C, J.R., P.

This book, 3 which bears the date 23 July, 1806, is
listed out of datal order in Pullen's Index. On page 55
there is a reference to Book 46, which also contained
an answer to Mayer. The title page is missing in a large
number of copies, part of the title being printed on page 1.

The parables to which the title has reference appear
to be those related in Books 22 and 24. Speaking of her
history, Joanna says, it is "placed here and there, but
not in a regular manner to go on together " ; she compares
it to the prophecies of Scripture, which must be brought
together to be fully understood (p. 20). The answer to
Mayer's book, The Woman in the Wilderness, or the Wonder-
ful Woman, etc., etc., commences on page 51. Mayer's work
was published after Joanna's 46th Book.

Book 35. — The Kingdom of Christ is at Hand. London,
1805. pp. 62. Price Is. B.M., J.R., M., P.

The title page states that the book is in answer to one
printed at Halifax, signed, A Lover of the Truth of God ;
also an examination of Baptism and the use of Church
Ordinances, and of the Sealing of the People. The contents
are stated on pages 3 and 4 ; the sealing is defended on
pp. 16, 17, and 47.

Book 36. — The Second Book of the Sealed Prophecies.
London, 1805. pp. 136. Price 2s. 6d. 2nd edition,
1812. B.M., C, J.R., M., P.

The book commences with an address to the public-
written in 1796, taken from the sealed writings.

These lines, says Joanna, "are spoken to me by an
invisible spirit, that told me in 1792 what was coming

1 The Old Religion, 4 August, 1810.
8 The Cheat Detected, 17 July, 1810.

3 This and the remaining books were dictated by Joanna to either
Underwood or Townley.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 773

on this nation and all others, and to seal it up ; and these
seals have not been broken since . . . every year I have
been told what would happen " (p. 2). The fulfilment of
many of her predictions is shown on pages 4-7. The
book consists mostly of dreams and explanations in verse.

Book 37. — The Answer of the Rev. Thomas P. Foley to the
World, who hath blamed his Faith, etc. Printed by
J. Heming, Stourbridge, 1805. pp. 96. Price Is. 6d.
2nd edition, London, 1824. pp. 100. B.M., Bod.,
J.R., P.

The title page explains that Foley had been blamed
for believing it was a command of the Lord to put in print
such parables as he printed in 1804, at Stourbridge, under
the title of What Manner of Communications are these?
(Book 24).

In an address to the public, consisting of sixteen pages,
Foley recounts his experience in the work of Joanna
since 1801, testifies his belief in her mission, and inserts
a communication given to her. He assures his readers
that after four years of mature and faithful investigation,
he finds in Joanna's writings the pure blaze of truth. This
is followed by communications which, he tells us, were
given by the Spirit to Joanna Southcott, taken from her
mouth, and copied off by Miss Townley and Mrs. Under-
wood. These communications, mostly in explanation of
the parables contained in Book 24, continue to the end.

Books 38-42. — The Controversy between Joanna Southcoit
and Elias Carpenter, one of her Judges, made public.
London, 1805. pp. 240. In five parts, 9d. each.
B.M., G., J.R., M., P.

Elias Carpenter owned paper mills in Bermondsey ;
he became acquainted with Joanna in 1803, and held
religious services in connection with her mission at
his place of abode, Neckinger House, where the Third
Trial took place. He appears to have been a man of
" warm and rash temper,' ' and frequently wrote malicious
letters to Joanna, decrying his fellow-workers in the
cause. He wrote three pamphlets, 1 and in all of them
spoke favourably of Joanna. Very zealous in the work,
his house was always open to interested friends, whom

1 Nocturnal Alarm, Modern Realities, and Who are the Deluded f

774

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

he appears to have entertained with more liberality than
discretion (p. 159). He made no money collection at his
services, as was the custom of other preachers (p. 17),
but was of the opinion that his finances should be
strengthened by the contributions of some of the friends
who had ample means (p. 16). He provided a home for
Prescott and Dowland, two youths who had visions,
which were usually submitted to Joanna for interpretation.
And this seems to have been a source of trouble. Car-
penter received the visions as direct communications from
the Spirit, and placed his own meaning upon them. Joanna
insisted on her authority as the sole medium for divine
guidance. Carpenter became obstinate, and rather
abusive. Joanna suggested a meeting under certain con-
ditions for the purpose of trying the case in dispute,
but her judge declined to submit to the conditions, acting
upon the communication received by Prescott in a vision.
His friends, among whom was Tozer, were at length
summoned to attend a conclave arranged on their behalf.
Tozer was the only one to obey (p. 55). This is the first
time her afterwards well-known preacher is mentioned
in Joanna's works. Several letters passed between the
disputants, and are printed in this book. Carpenter
pleaded his own merits and zeal, but evidently desired
independent action. He turned against Tozer, his afore-
time friend, blaming him for the breach (p. 76). Car-
penter was not permitted to seal any more people on
behalf of Joanna, but continued the practice on his own
account. Dr. Reece stated that he sold his seals, 1 but
apologized, 2 upon Carpenter threatening him with legal
proceedings. 3 Carpenter's conduct is said to have been
foretold by Joanna (p. 162). A quotation from a pamphlet,
entitled Signs and Duties on the Times, by Rev. Thomas
Scott, occurs on page 225, relative to the events of the
previous ten years. Joanna claims to have foretold all
of them, and refers her readers to Book 20, pages 29, 30.

Book 43. — An Answer to the World for putting in print a
book in 1804 called Copies and Parts of Copies, etc. By
William Sharp, London, 1806. pp. 96. Price Is. 6d.
B.M., G., J.R.

1 Correct Statement.

2 Sunday Monitor, 22/1/15.

8 Extraordinary Case of a Piccadilly Patient.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 775

Sharp wrote about fifty-six pages of this book, which was
written, as the title page informs us, in answer to the
mockery and ridicule of men for printing Book 22. He re-
lates his experiences in the cause, "from my first reading
the publications " in 1801. He points out that it was the
duty of the clergy, according to the laws of the Church
of England, " to give those who applied to them such
ghostly counsel and advice, to the quieting his or her
conscience and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness,"
and that Joanna's appeal to the clergy had been un-
successful in this particular (p. 4). He tells us that the
early writings of Joanna were entrusted to his care, that
he had a large case made to enclose the box of sealed
manuscripts (p. 6). He then proceeds to explain Joanna's
mission, and replies to an objection raised as to her illiteracy.
He discourses on the origin of evil (p. 19). Then follows
a lengthy communication taken from the mouth of Joanna
by Ann Underwood (pp. 56-89). There is a further com-
munication, in which reference is made to the Expresses
(p. 92).i

Book 44. — The Full Assurance that the Kingdom of Christ
is at hand from the Signs of the Times. Rousseau,
London, 1806: pp. 64. Price Is. Another edition,
without date, printed by Galabin and Marchant.
Price Is. 3d. Copies of this book are scarce.

Joanna describes the manner of her visitation in 1792,
when she heard the voice of her mother, who died some
years before that date, and gives some particulars con-
cerning her old friends, the Minifies, who were tradespeople
in Exeter (pp. 1-14). She refers to her predictions con-
cerning the weather (pp. 20-39), and various communi-
cations given prior to the publication of her books occupy
the remaining pages.

Book 45. — A few Remarks and Inquiries on a Sermon
preached by the Rev. Joseph Cochin, Independent
Minister at Halifax, being the Contents of a Letter, etc.
Printed by Baines, Leeds, 1806. pp. 20. Price 6d.
B.M., J.R.

The 1st edition is very scarce. The 2nd edition has a
different title page, and is entitled Letters and Observations

1 Express, Vol. 2, p. 50.

Digitized by

776 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

to Ministers, by John Crossley, First, a Letter to the
Rev. Mr. Cochin, etc., also one received from Joanna South-
cott . . . to which is added a Letter to the Rev. Mr. Pollard 9
etc,, etc. Bradford (1814?). pp.48. Price Is. There is
a 3rd edition with similar title page, and without date
of publication.

The Rev. Mr. Cockin is said to have preached a sermon
at Halifax in opposition to Joanna, and referred to her
followers as " bantering, hectoring, brazen infidels, slaves,
and fools," and as to the sealing, it was " a shame to
Bedlam." Crossley's reply commences the book (pp. 1-6) ;
it is followed by part of a letter from Joanna, addressed
to him. In this letter she refers to a pamphlet, entitled
Satan's Power Extraordinary Detected; or, The Strong
Delusions of Joanna Southcott, discovered by the Author of
an Awful Visitation of Satan and the Powers of Darkness.
A long extract is quoted from this publication, and Joanna
deals with the subject in pages 8-13. The letter to the
Rev. Mr. Pollard refers to a dispute between him and
Crossley at the burial of a sister, a believer in Joanna,
who held the doctrine of the immortality of the body.
Pollard appears to have been very angry and abusive
(p. 13). The letter to three Baptist ministers, whose
names are mentioned on the title pages of the 2nd and
3rd editions, was written in consequence of a challenge
sent by them to any believer to attend their meeting-
house for the purpose of discussing the visitation of Joanna,
but the ministers declined " having anything more to do
in the business," because Joanna's friends had made it so
public (p. 24).

Book 46. — The Long-wished-for Revolution, announced to
be at hand in a book lately published by L. Mayer . . .
explained by Joanna Southcott, etc., etc. London, 1806.
pp. 96. Price Is. 6d. B.M. (imperfect copy), Bod.,
J.R., M., P.

The title page refers to Mayer's wrong application
of Scripture prophecies. His book was entitled Im-
portant period and a Long-wished-for Revolution. Joanna
commences her pamphlet by explaining that the Revo-
lution to be wished for is a revolution against sin and
its author, and that before the " Desire of Nations " 1

1 Haggai ii. 7.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT 777

will come Christ must become the desire of nations (p. 4).
Lewis Mayer (of 9 Coleman Street, Bunhill Row) wrote
to Joanna on 12 March, 1806, taking her to task on account
of statements made by " Mr. Fisher, the German preacher,
one of your sealed people," who objected to Mayer's pre-
dictions on the ground that they differed with those of
Joanna. Mayer gives her a " few days " to explain them,
and threatens to make his letter public (p. 16). Joanna
replied courteously on the following day, saying she had
had cause to reprove Mr. Fisher's " wild ideas," at the
same time pointing out the errors of Mayer (p. 25). And
with regard to his charge that she was an impostor, she
maintained that so far her prophecies had been fulfilled,
and that before publishing them she had applied to
the clergy. This, she considered, cleared her of such a
charge (p. 27). On 16 March Mayer replied in a rude
manner, characteristic of all Joanna's traducers, asking
for a positive answer, " Whether you assume to yourself
the appellation of the Bride, the Lamb's wife," etc.
(p. 28). In her reply three days afterwards Joanna said,
"These things I have published to the world as they
are explained to me, which everyone may see." 1 The
correspondence did not terminate, however, and Mayer's
next letter is printed in his book entitled The Woman in
the Wilderness 2 (Joanna deals with this in Book 34).
He also wrote Appeal to Reason and Prophetic Mirror.
Reference is made to both of these works in pp. 76-80.

Book 47. — Answer to Mr. Brothers' s Booh, published in
September, 1806. . . . Also a Letter sent to Mr. Hunting-
don, etc. London, 1806. pp. 64. Price Is. B.M.,
J.R., M.

The book to which Joanna refers was apparently written
by Brothers, 3 after his release from confinement on
13 April, 1806. Some of the prophecies of Brothers
were not fulfilled on the dates mentioned by him, and
this he considered the common lot of prophets. Joanna
thought otherwise, and reproved him for blaming God.
She accuses him of placing to himself passages of Scripture

1 26. 7 ; 7. 43 ; 41. 158.

2 London, 1806, pp. 32, B.M. A description of the seal appears
on p. 26. The letter is on p. 31.

8 It is not quite clear what publication Joanna means ; the writer
has been unable to find a book by Brothers dated September. 1806.

778

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

which can only refer to God (p. 2), but she testifies her
belief in his early prophecies, " which he foretold in 1791-2
concerning the war, and many things happened abroad
came perfectly true." 1 She considers that he fell from
grace " when he began to lift himself up, that he was
more than man " (p. 16). Joanna anticipates that the
same objection may be made to her assumptions, and
explains, as she has said before, 2 that she stands as one
member among many, constituting the Bride of Christ,
she being the first woman to claim the promise made
at the Fall. Joanna then proceeds to deal with the
Calvinists as represented by Mr. Huntingdon, 3 an eccentric
and popular preacher of the day, having strong views
on the doctrine of election. She attended his chapel,
and paid for a seat which she was unable to obtain, as
the place was full. She condemns his practice of selling
tickets in excess of the accommodation provided, and wrote
a letter to him on 8 October, 1806, occupying eleven
pages of printed matter, showing him the inconsistency
of his doctrines.

Book 48. — A Caution and Instruction to the Sealed, that
they may know for what they are sealed. Marchant,
London, 1807. pp. 24. Price 6d. 2nd edition (? date).
3rd edition, 1813. 4th edition, 1814. Reprint
by Alice Seymour, Plymouth, 1911. Price Is. B.M.,
C, J.R., M.

The object of this book was, as the title indicates,
to explain the meaning of the sealing, for " there are
thousands sealed who know not for what they are sealed "
(p. 18). It is said, "those who join hand and heart and
subscribe with their hands unto the Lord to petition
for the fulfilment of His words are sealed, to be made
heirs of God. Not that it is said they are already so,
but that they may be made so " (p. 1). The eyes of true
believers will be opened to understand for what they
are sealed, but no others, " therefore it is written, none
could learn the song but the hundred and forty and
four thousand " (p. 11). On page 22 there is a prayer and

1 A list of the fulfilled predictions of Brothers will be found at the
end of Admonition to the people of all Countries. Finlayson, 1797.
* 26. 7.

3 He figures in Kirby's Wonderful Museum, 1820.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 779

petition of Joanna in which all that are sealed must
join.

Book 49. — An Account of the Trials on Bills of Exchange,
wherein the deceit of Mr. John King and his Con-
federates . . .is exposed, etc. Rousseau, 1 London, 1807.
pp. 72. No price stated. B.M., J.R. This book is

John King was a money-lender and bill-broker who
advertised for clients ; his usual terms were 5 % per month
and 1 % commission (p. 31). He appears to have accommo-
dated Messrs. Sharp, Wilson, and Eyre, friends of Joanna,
with various sums of money ; the amount was dis-
puted. King brought an action in the Court of King's
Bench for recovery of the amount said to be owing, and
upon Joanna's advice a defence was instituted. She
wrote a lengthy epistle to King, reproving his dishonour-
able conduct, and quoting many passages of Scripture,
on 1 January, 1807. He replied on the same date in
a very unctuous manner, concluding his letter with,
" I admire your character and revere your doctrine,
and believe most devoutedly the divine authority you
quoted. I am, with regard and respect, etc.," At the
trial, King, being a Jew, was sworn on the Old Testa-
ment, but admitted having been sworn on the Gospels
on a previous occasion (p. 32). He endeavoured to pre-
judice the jury by referring to Sharp's religious views,
accusing him of saying that the country would be in
such a state of confusion in March, April, or May, that
it was as well to pay nobody, and that the sealed would
destroy those who were not sealed (pp. 22, 24). The
money transactions are difficult to follow, but it appears
that although the three friends suffered some loss, they
were benefited by the defence (p. 57). Sharp was in-
consolable because of the false charges brought against
him (p. 58). One of the counsel remarked that " a
new person had been presented to the court, who, under
pretence of prophecy, had presumed to blaspheme the
name of God; that which she stated was, however, true "

1 This is the last book printed by Rousseau ; he had been Joanna's
printer since 1803.

scarce.

(P- 48).

780 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Book 50. — An Answer to a Sermon published and preached
by Mr. Smith . . .at Beersheba Chapel, etc. Marchant, 1
London, 1808. pp. 83. Price 2s. B.M., G., J.R., M.,
P.

Pages 25-32 are wrongly numbered 33-40.

Mr. Smith, a Calvinist minister, preached a sermon
on 15 March, 1808, and published it under the title of
The Lying Prophetess Detected. His text was taken from
1 Kings xiv. 6, which he altered to suit the occasion,
"Joanna, why feignest thou thyself to be another?
for I am sent to thee with heavy tidings." Joanna asks,
pertinently enough, " Who sent thee with heavy tidings
to me ? " and points out that he is " feigning himself
to be a prophet." Smith's abuse finds vent in doggerel
rhyme, such as : —

" Thou mother of witchcraft and teacher of lies,
Subverter of truth and deep in disguise,
I dread not thy curse, nor fear thee to tell
The whole of thy system proceedeth from hell."

He thought the " sealing " unnecessary, as " God from
eternity hath predestined certain men unto life, certain
men He hath reprobated unto death." Book 50 is, on
the whole, a refutation of the doctrine of election, as
preached by Calvinists at that time.

Book 51. — There is no title to this book. The headlines
on page 1 are, London, November 1th, 1808. From
this publication the Readers may discern what is hasten-
ing upon the Land, as they are daily provoking the
Lord to Anger, by false Doctrine, as well as the crying
Sins of the Nation. Commonly known as, Answer
to False Doctrine and the Crying Sins of the Nation
(Pvllen's Index), pp. 48. Price Is. B.M., J.R.,
M., P.

This work is directed mainly against the Unitarians
and Calvinists. Joanna speaks of the former as " Arians."
She had a particular aversion to them, because they
denied the divinity of our Lord. They were greatly in
evidence in her day. Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) had
done much to advance the cause. The first Unitarian

1 W. Marchant, of 3 Greville Street, Holborn, or Galabin and Mar-
chant, Ingram Court, printed the remainder of Joanna's works.

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 781

Chapel was opened in Essex Street in 1 774. Joanna quotes
an announcement from the Evangelical Magazine for
September, 1808, with reference to an " improved yersion "
of the New Testament, and it is suggested that doubtful
books and passages, among them the Revelation of John,
should be wholly omitted. Joanna maintains that this
book, which they call Apocryphal, is about to be fulfilled
(p. 5). The argument with Smith is continued, and many
Scripture passages are quoted to show the errors of Cal-
vinism (pp. 7-16).

Book 52. — A True Picture of the World and a Looking-Olass
for all Men. London, not dated (? 1809). pp. 48.
Price Is. B.M., C, G., J.R., P.

Joanna explains her reason for the title of this book
on pages 1 and 2, in which she says the natures of men
have ever been the same with regard to revealed religion,
that true prophets have always been persecuted and
the false encouraged ; so that men may see their likeness
in the ages that have passed. Reference is made to Mary
Bateman (p. 7, etc.), who was hung for murder at York
in 1809. The York Herald stated that she was a " follower
of Joanna's principles." Many other newspapers ex-
pressed the same untruth. 1 Joanna indignantly denies
any connection with the woman. She also deals with
an accusation brought against her in Trewman's paper,
Exeter. She states that the writer charged her with
drunkenness, a crime which she ever detesteji (p. 11).
The same journal accused her of selling her " seals. "
Evidence by way of forged letters was adduced, but
the whole is denied by Joanna (p. 37), who affirms that
she never sold a seal in her life, neither had any of her
friends. 2

Book 53 is the 7th part of the True Explanation of the
Bible, previously mentioned.

1 Most writers on Joanna bring this manifestly unfair accusation
against her. In Kirby's Wonderful, and Eccentric Museum, Vol. 4, p. 260,
the principles of Mary Bateman are shown to be theft and defraud from
the age of five years, " a knavish and vicious disposition " ; she robbed
some of the believers in Joanna, and for a time professed to be one of
them. This was in the year prior to her execution.

2 See also Book 16, p. 63.

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782 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Book 54. — The Controversy of the Spirit with the Worldly
Wise, as given through Joanna Southcott. London,
1811. pp. 52. Price Is. B.M., 6., J.R., P.

This book has a title page.

Joanna again attacks Hann, about whom she had much
to say in her last book. His latest work was The Remarkable
Life, Entertaining History, and Surprising Adventures of
Joanna Southcott, etc. In this he states she was born
at Getsham in 1753, 1 and Joanna replies, as he began
without knowledge so he continued in everything con-
cerning her. Hann also wrote to the Bishop of London.
A reprint of his letter is advertised for sale in the above-
mentioned book. Joanna quotes from the letter (on p. 31),
and presents certain passages of Scripture for explanation
by Hann.

Book 55. — A Continuation of the Controversy with the
Worldly Wise. London, 1811. pp. 52. Price Is.

In this book Joanna deals with inquiries and objections
raised concerning her doctrines, viz. the faith once de-
livered to the saints (p. 1) ; the fall of man (p. 4) ; the Law
given to Moses (p. 7) ; the " sealing " and the redemption
of the body (pp. 11-14). Frequent reference is made to
a period of five years immediately preceding the coming
of Christ, which she says will take place " suddenly and
unaware." The worldly wise are asked to explain the
passages of Scripture submitted to Hann, who confessed
his inability to elucidate them (pp. 32-5). In reply to
a question asked by Hann, as to the manner in which
her communications were given, they are, she declares,
as distinct as though the words were spoken in an audible
voice (p. 36). Hann said, " Providence hath conferred
upon me the honour of breaking the seals, in order that
the contents may be made known." Joanna points out
that the contents were printed in 1803, so "no honour
could be conferred upon him to make known in 1810
what was published in 1803."

Book 56. — An Answer to Thomas Paine's third Part of
the Age of Reason . . . likewise to S. Lane . . . and to
Hewson Clarke, etc. London, 1812. pp. 66. Price
Is. 3d. B.M., C, 6., J.R., P.

B.M., C, J.R., P.

1 Born at Tarford, 1750. Book 58, p. 96.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 783

There is a title page to this book. It states that the
third part of the Age of Reason was published by Eaton,
that Lane was a Calvinistic preacher at Yeovil, and Hewson
Clarke was editor of the Scourge.

The third part of Paine's Age of Reason was published
in 1811, two years after the death of the author. Eaton
was sentenced to stand in the pillory between twelve and
one o'clock for publishing the work. The crowd, instead
of pelting him, as was usual in such cases, cheered him.
Joanna considers this an indication of infidelity in the
nation, which she says is the cause of the judgments of
God upon the country (p. 26). She thinks Paine's reason-
ing absurd, replying to his arguments in the early part
of the book (pp. 1-24), and is surprised the clergy have
not answered him. 1 Concerning Lane's book, Joanna
says she read it attentively, and could " scarce find a
single page but contains gross misrepresentation and
false invention against me." 2 Hewson Clarke's assertions
are answered by Townley in a letter she addressed to him,
a copy of which appears on pages 52, 53.

Book 57. — The Book of Wonders, Marvellous and True.
London, 1813. pp. 88. Price Is. 9d. B.M., C, E.,

The first of five Books of Wonders, all having title pages.

This book commences with an announcement copied
from the West Briton or Truro Advertiser concerning
the death of the Rev. Mr. Pomeroy, Vicar of Bodmin.
Joanna concluded this referred to Joseph Pomeroy,
Rector of S. Kew, Bodmin, and formerly of Exeter,
to whom she submitted her writings before publication.
She acknowledges her mistake in Book 60, page 39.
The conduct of Pomeroy is commented upon (pp. 9-17),
and long extracts from her Books 1 and 36 follow. The
prophecies which she placed in his hands are enumerated
on page 27.

Book 58. — The Second Book of Wonders, More Marvellous
than the First. London, 1813. pp. 116. Price 2s. 6d.

Joanna describes her daily life "since this powerful

1 Bishop Watson's Answer, 1820. .

2 Lane's Joanna Southcott, M.A., Detected, 1811, G.

G., J.R.

B.M., C, E., G., J.R., P., S.

784 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

visitation of the Lord came to me like that in ninety-
two." She says fresh things are revealed to her every
day, her communications are given to her between three
and four o'clock in the morning, her natural appetite has
left her; she is told, "The time of thy departure draweth
nigh, for thy sands are nearly run." "This I greatly
rejoiced in, as I am as weary of the world as the world
is of me " (p. 4). She states that in her sealed writings
it is said she would enter into a marriage union with man.
This she dreaded, looking upon matrimony as worse
than death (p. 14). The correspondence with Pomeroy,
already printed in Book 48, appears in pages 31-75.
Her family history, beginning with her great-grand-
father, William Southcott, the date and place of her birth,
her early character, her vanity and besetting sin of a
resenting spirit — all are recorded circumstantially and with
simplicity in pages 88-102.

Book 59. — Copies of Letters sent to the Clergy of Exeter
from 1796 to 1800, with Communications and Pro-
phecies put in the Newspapers in 1813. London,
1813. pp. 64. Price Is. 3d. B.M., C, E., G., J.R., P.

This book has a title page.

The first letter is dated 28 October, 1813, and was
inserted in The Times as "Joanna Southcott's Letter
to the Nation." She states she has publicly warned the
nation for twelve years of what the Lord will do on the
earth, promises five more Books of Wonders, and defies
all the Bishops, Members of Parliament, and Judges in
the land to prove that the two books already published
come from the wisdom and knowledge of the devil or of
an impostor (p. 1). This is followed by a " Letter to the
Bishops," inserted in the Morning Herald, in which they
are threatened, apparently with death, if they keep
silence with regard to their opinion of her visitation
(p. 6). 1 Copies of various letters sent to Pomeroy and
other of the clergy at Exeter, together with " Letters
of Prophecy," seven in number, sent to the Morning
Herald, 2 occupy the next forty pages, and the book con-
cludes with a long communication given on 13 November,

1 Both these letters are quoted in extenso in Fairburn's Life and
Memoirs of Religious Impostors.

2 The last of the seven letters was apparently not inserted.

1813.

.BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 785

Book 60. — Wisdom exceUeth the Weapons of War . . .
Judgments are the strange Works of the Lord, but
Mercy His darling Attribute. London, 1814. pp. 48.
Price Is. B.M., C, E., G., J.R., P.

This book contains prophecies concerning the French
nation (p. 36). Joanna says she has been told what
would be the end of Bonaparte (p. 35). She speaks again
of Pomeroy's conduct (pp. 5-12), as well as that of Leach,
the dissenting minister (p. 23). She acknowledges her
mistake as to the death of Rev. Mr. Pomeroy, of Bodmin,
and writes her meditations on the subject (pp. 39-45).

Book 61. — The Third Book of Wonders, announcing the
Coming of Shiloh ; with a Call to the Hebrews, etc.
London, 1814. pp. 64. Price Is. 3d. B.M., C, E.,
G., J.R.,

This book announces clearly the birth of the Child,
but the nature of the Child and the manner in which
the birth was expected is not so evident, as the following
passages will show : —

Page 4. — " This year in the sixty-fifth year of thy age
thou shalt have a son by the power of the Most High."

Page 6. — " If the visitation of the Lord to me now does
not produce a Son this year, then Jesus Christ was not
the Son of God born in the manner spoken by the Virgin
Mary."

Page 17. — " It is not for men to suppose that the Child
will be born with wisdom and understanding, etc. . . .
The meaning of the words is, when the Child is born,
men will see their Bibles clear."

Page 25. — "Thy public trial will not appear for thee
to be called forward in a solemn assembly, to testify
the truth of the Child, before thou canst go with the
Child in thy arms, while the milk is in thy breasts, that
men may know thou hast not been deceived."

Page 13. — "Had my sayings been understood that
a second child should be born of my Spirit, then im-
postors would have arisen, . . . it is- in Spirit that the
spiritual Child must be born again."

Page 32. — " Though it is written, the dragon stood
before the woman which was ready to be delivered,
for to devour her child, as soon as it was born, and

vol. xliv. 3 D

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786 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

.the child was caught up to God and to His throne ;
that hath a meaning which men do not understand."

On page 62 Joanna mentions the death of James Cosins,
who made his will in favour of herself, Townley and
Underwood.

Book 62. — The Fourth Book of Wonders, being the Answer
of the Lord to the Hebrews. London, 1814. pp. 80.
Price Is. 6d. B.M., C, E., G., J.R.,

Joanna commences with a copy of a letter inserted
in the Observer on 3 April, 1814, signed by herself, en-
titled " Questions put to the professors of religion who
have condemned Joanna Southcott's last Book." She
replies to some Jews of Birmingham who gave their
opinions concerning the Child (pp. 5-20). The following
quotations have reference to the expected birth : —

Page 27. — "If I am the Son of God, this year will
I come down from the cross, by producing a body like
my own, by producing life as I laid down, by placing

Child in the midst of them."

Page 34. — "The body I shall raise up is the Spirit of
Truth."

Page 38. — " As she (the Virgin Mary) was visited from
on high, so thy visitation is now the same to bring in
the Comforter"

Page 56.—" In May thou wilt feel the life of the Child
within thee."

Page 62. — " I am not come to those who do not come
to me, neither is the Child born for them that do not
gladly receive him."

Page 68. — ' ' This year the Man Child shall be born to
establish the kingdom I died to redeem."

Book 63. — The Fifth Book of Wonders, announcing the
Event having taken place which was promised in the
Fourth Book should be in May . . . also an Answer
to the address of the Rev. James Hearn, etc. London,
1814. pp. 72. Price Is. 4d. B.M., C, E., G., J.R.

This book commences with an advertisement sent by
Joanna to Bell's Weekly Messenger on Sunday, 29 May,
1814, but insertion was refused. It announced the fact
that three women, mothers of children, and two medical

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 787

men had examined Joanna, and had given their opinion
that " if such symptoms were in a young woman, she
must be pregnant of a living child " (p. 3). Some par-
ticulars of her will are given on page 5. Besley, a printer
in South Street, Exeter, issued handbills in which he
stated, among other things relative to Joanna, that her
followers were numerous, that she had a genteel establish-
ment, and a chapel built solely for the use of her disciples.
"This information," says Joanna, "I acknowledge to be
true, for I am very comfortably situated ; I have a number
of respectable and worthy friends ; and there is not only
one chapel built in Duke Street, Westminster Road,
but another at Greenwich, and another at Twickenham "
(p. 6). The reply to Rev. James Hearn, Curate of Brixham,
Devon, is on page 22.

Joanna's marriage, so that the Child may have a re-
puted father, is explained (pp. 39-49). Her friends
agreed that this was necessary, in order to legitimatize
the Child, and the matter was referred to Halhed, whose
opinion is quoted. The marriage ceremony 1 was so
worded as to be invalid if the Child was not born ; "if
no Son be born, then the marriage is null and void,"
and the authority of the Bishops was considered essential. 2
Joanna says (p. 59), " I have felt life increasing more
and more from the 16th day of May to this day. ... I
could not live to the end of this year with the increasing
growth I have felt within so short a space without a de-
liverance." Copies of the First Book of Wonders, with
engraved portraits of Joanna, were sent to the Prince
Regent, the Archbishops, and several other eminent
people (pp. 61-5). On page 71 Joanna tells us that the
Sixth Book of Wonders will announce that the marriage
has taken place. 3

Book 64. — A Communication sent in a Letter to the Reverend
Mr. P. in 1797, with an Explanation thereon now
given. London, 1814. pp. 24. Price 6d. B.M., C,
E., G., J.R., M.

The explanation mentioned in the title appears to

1 A marriage service was performed on 12 November, 1814, between
Joanna and Mr. John Smith, steward to the Earl of Darnley. Copy-
letter, Underwood to Foley, 14 November, 1814. Pte.

2 This authority could not be obtained.

3 Joanna did not write a Sixth Book of Wonders. That issued by
Daniel Jones appears to have been compiled to supply the omission.

788 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

allude to a passage in Joanna's letter to Pomeroy, which
she feared he misunderstood and took offence thereby.
He was, she states, steadfast in his belief for six years,
and then fell away in unbelief. The questionable lines
occur in verse on page 7, in which Joanna speaks of the
Bridegroom and Bride, the man appearing in wedlock
and the woman unmarried. He may, she thought, have
attributed the office of the Bridegroom to himself, whilst
she herself was a type of the Bride. In order to satisfy
herself on the point, she sent Mr. Hows down to Bodmin
to interview Mr. Pomeroy, with the object of ascertaining
his view of the matter, but he could obtain no reply to his
inquiry. 1

Book 65. — Prophecies Announcing the Birth of the Prince
of Peace , extracted from the Works of Joanna South-
cott, etc. London, 1814. pp. 40. Price lOd. B.M.,
C, E., 6., J.R., M.

As the title indicates, this book is a collection of
passages from her former works, relating, for the most
part, to the Birth of the Child. Her own remarks thereon
commence on page 34. She again, and for the third or
fourth time, denies that the seals were ever sold ; she
adds, "There are thousands now desirous of having
them, and if they were purchased at only a shilling each,
the gain would be great . . . but I never received any-
thing for a seal in my life, neither would I for the world/'
On the concluding page she mentions that a book has
been prepared for the names of those who have sent
presents for Shiloh, that " if there is a possibility of my
being deceived, all persons should have their presents
returned."

PUBLICATIONS FOR AND AGAINST JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Copy of an Epistle of the most extraordinary nature sent
to the Right Hon. Henry Addington, etc., etc. By
Richard Law, London, 19 July, 1803. pp. 19. Price
4d. B.M., E., Pte.

1 Dr. Reece appears to have heard of Hows' journey to Bodmin,
and erroneously concluded that the object of the visit was to ascertain
Pomeroy's sentiments as to a marriage with Joanna* {Correct Statement).

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

789

Law appears to have been a believer in Richard Brothers,
as were many of Joanna's early friends ; he speaks of
Brothers' prophecies on pages 4 and 18. He refers to
the "sealing" (pp. 5, 6), and calls upon the Prime Minister
to release Brothers, that he may come forward and set
the noble example of signing for the Lord's kingdom.

Copy of an Epistle . . . to the Bevds. the Vice-chancellors of
Cambridge and Oxford, etc., etc. By the Rev. T. P.
Foley, Stourbridge, 1803. Price 6d. pp. 24. E,,
Pte.

This book contains a great deal of information as to
the movements of Joanna during the years 1801-3 ;
also a copy of the handbill entitled Examination of Pro-
phecies, signed by twenty-three believers, after the Trial
at High House, Paddington.

An Address to the Clergy, particularly the Bench of Bishops >
etc., etc. By F. Lewis, London, 1803. pp. 22. Price
6d. B.M., E., Pte.

Lewis calls attention to the mission of Joanna, and
warns the clergy not to disregard it.

Nocturnal Alarm, being an Essay on Prophecy and Vision,
etc., etc. By Elias Carpenter, London, 1803. pp. 114.
Price Is. 6d. B.M., E., G., Pte.

Modern Bealities . . . A Beply to " Modern Visionaries, 99 by
J. T., etc. By Elias Carpenter, London, 1805. pp. 16.
B.M., G., Pte.

Who are the Deluded ? or Mystery Unmasked, being a few
Extracts from . . . Bevdations and Visions communicated
to a Deceased Character, etc. By Elias Carpenter,
London, 1805. pp. 100. B.M., G., Pte.

In these three pamphlets Carpenter refers more or less
to Joanna ; the first was written soon after he became
acquainted with her, and contains the most information
concerning her. He separated himself from the movement
in 1805, but continued preaching in the cause of religion ;
he also wrote An Apology for Faith and Detection of existing
Errors, etc. London, 1814. B.M. Divine and Spiritual

790

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Communications through T. Dowland to E. G. 1848. B.M.
And other works. 1

Charges against Joanna Southcott and her twelve Judges,
the Jury, and four-and-twenty Elders, etc. By R. Hann,
London, no date (1805 ?). pp. 36. B.M.

Hann contends that the Trial of Joanna (second Trial)
was illegal, because the case had been tried before by-
Rev. Mr. Pomeroy. He quotes many passages from
Joanna's works, and reminds her of the failure of her
prediction regarding her father's death.

The Remarkable Life, Entertaining History, and Surprising
Adventures of Joanna Southcott, etc., also an Account
of the Seal. By R. Hann, London, no date (probably
1805). Price 8d. G.

Hann speaks well of Joanna's personal appearance
and character ; he disclaims any responsibility for the
portrait contained in his previous work. He also wrote
and published A Letter to the Bishop of London concerning
the Heresy and Imposition of Joanna the Prophetess.
Price 6d.

A Testimony of Joanna Southcott, the Prophetess sent by
the Lord, etc. By W. R. Wetherell, London (date of
Preface, 23 March, 1804). pp. 18. Price 4d. B.M.,
E., G., Pte.

Dr. Wetherell was also a believer in Brothers, and
one of the first to embrace the cause of Joanna. He
lived at Highgate, and is frequently mentioned in the
unpublished letters of Joanna. Speaking of the faithful,
he says, "They will reign with Christ in His earthly
kingdom during the Millennium, and have a sure pass-
port to his heavenly one " (p. 18). This probably gave
rise to the idea that Joanna's seals were "Certificates
for the Millennium and passports to Heaven." 2

Reasons for the Fall of Man. By the Rev. Thos. Webster,
London, 1804. pp. 24. Price 6d. B.M., Pte.

Webster was a Church of England clergyman, living
in Falcon Court, High Street, Borough, one of the seven

1 The Extraordinary Case, etc., 1815; Adumbration, 1824; and
Redemption, 1832.

* Rev. F. B. Dickinson, Devon Notes and Queries (II, p. 241, par. 196).

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

791

men who visited Exeter in 1801 for the purpose of ex-
amining Joanna's writings. He wrote The Anagogue
in 1813 (B.M.), in which he discussed the probability of
this earth being inhabited by angels before the creation
of man. Joanna reproved him in a letter dated 10 June,
1813, which Webster published in his pamphlet, The
.Anagogue Analyzed by Joanna Southcott. London, 1813*
pp. 10. Pte.

Songs of Moses and the Lamb. An Hymn Book for the
Sealed number, or the Millennium Church, Collected
from the writings of J oanna Southcott, etc., etc. London,

1804. pp. 353. With preface. No name. (P.
Pullen). Pte.

2nd edition. Hymns or Spiritual Songs, composed from
the prophetic writings of Joanna Southcott, by P.
Pullen, and published by her order. London, 1807. B.M.

3rd edition. Words " published by her order " omitted.
With Part 2. pp. 223. London, 1813 and 1814. H.,
J.R., Pte.

4th edition. 1814. Pte. Reprint with different title
page, Hymns on the Millennium, composed from the
Prophetic Writings, etc. By P. Pullen, London, 1835.
pp. 180. Pte.

A Vindication of Joanna Southcott 9 s Writings, etc. By
John Crossley, Leeds, 1805. pp. 28. J.R., Pte.

Contains a letter from Joanna to the author (pp. 18-26),
and an address by William Jowett, in reply to a para-
graph which appeared in The Halifax Journal, 29 October,
1803, designed " to expose Mrs. Southcott."

Are These Things So ? being Remarks on " Demonocra^cy
Detected," etc. By S. Catherine Carpenter, London,

1805. pp. 16. Pte.

A reply by the wife of Elias Carpenter to Demonocracy
Detected, Visionary Enthusiasm Corrected, or Sixpenny-
worth of Good Advice, etc. By the Rev. J. L. Garrett. 1

Joanna answered Garrett in Book 26.

1 The writer has been unable to find a copy of this work, but under-
stands one exists in a private collection.

792 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

The Woman in the Wilderness, or the Wonderful Woman
with her Wonderful Seal . . . Spirit and . . . Child, etc.
By L. Mayer, London, 1806. pp. 32. Price 6d.
B.M.

A description of the Seal is given on page 26. Mayer
accuses Joanna of misrepresenting him, apparently in her
46th Book. He wrote three other works against Joanna,
to which she replies in Books 34 and 36. They were —
Important Period and a Long-wished-for Revolution, An
Appeal to Reason, and Prophetic Mirror.

Observations relating to the Divine Mission of 'Joanna South-
cotL London, 1807. pp. 73. Price 2s. B.M., G.,

This work consists of a number of letters from Roberts
to his friends concerning the mission of Joanna.

Letters from England by Dom Manuel Alvarez EsprieUa.
London, 1807. 5th edition, 1814. 3 vols. B.M.
Letter LXX, Vol. 3, p. 267.

This work of Robert Southey has been extensively 1
quoted by reviewers and writers on Joanna Southcott.
»The Letters were written from the point of view of a
Spaniard visiting England and criticizing its customs and
institutions. There is consequently a strong bias through-
out the account of Joanna, and the author appears to
have made no effort to obtain authority for his state-
ments.

An Appeal to all Liberal-Minded Christians. By Joseph
Southcott. 23 April, 1806. Bristol. One sheet in
form of a Handbill. P.

Contains information as to Joanna's manner of life and
particulars of her mission.

The Old Religion, extracted from the Halifax Journal,
Aug. Uh, 1810, with additions. By John Crossley.

A handbill vindicating Joanna's prophecies and contra-
dicting the false reports circulated by Harm, who affirmed

1 Rev, S. Baring-Gould, Devonshire Characters ; Rev. F. B. Dickinson,
Devon Notes and Queries ; Lane's Joanna Southcott Detected, 1811.

J.R., P.

Pte.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 793

that Joanna had begun a new religion and had predicted
the Millennium in the year 1811.

The Cheat Detected. By George Turner. Baines, Leeds,
1810. Pte.

A handbill written with the same object as the above,
and stating that the seals were not sold, but can be had
" without money and without price."

Truth defended, or Christ's glorious and peaceable reign is at
hand. Joanna Southcott vindicated, etc. By Joseph
AUman, London, 1810. pp. 16. Reprint, London,
1840, no name. P., Pte.

1st editions are scarce. There is a prayer in verse on
the title page. The work contains a summary of the
doctrines contained in Joanna's books, and is written in
verse.

Joanna Southcott, M. A., Detected, etc. By S. Lane, v.d.m.
• Yeovil, 1811. pp. 101. G.

Lane's book is chiefly directed against Dr. Ash, of
Crewkerne, who espoused the cause of Joanna. Dr. Ash
was a clergyman and a scholar of some distinction ; Lane
was at one time a "sealed" member of Joanna's Church,
but held Calvinistic ideas. He compares Joanna to Jezebel,
calls her a lying witch, and is generally abusive. He
pirates some of Southey's remarks, and falls into all the
errors prevalent among those who were ignorant of the
real teaching of Joanna. He is extensively quoted by
Aikin in Memoirs of Religious Impostors.

A few plain Remarks on the pretended prophecies and
delusions of a modern prophetess, etc. By B. Hodgkins.
2nd edition, abridged, pp. 17. Birmingham, 1813.
B.M., Pte.

The 1st edition is probably the work to which Joanna
refers in Book 30, pages 289-306, entitled Plain Remarks,
by B. H., a Mechanic, which she says was printed at
Stourbridge in 1804.

The Master and Scholar refuted. By John Crossley, Leeds,

1810. pp. 28. Pte.

794 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

This work is a reply to Hann's objections in the books
already tabulated, and is a good vindication of Joanna's
mission and doctrine.

Joanna Southcotfs Mission vindicated, etc. By Dr. J. S.,
London, 1814. Price Is. pp. 24. Pte.

This pamphlet contains scriptural evidence to show
that such a person as Joanna is necessary as introduction
to the Shiloh promised in Genesis.

Scriptural and Hieroglyphic Observations which were fore-
told in the years of 1750 and 1792. By Francis Moore,
London, no date. pp. 16. Pte.

Containing Hieroglyph for 1750 illustrating Joanna's
remark that the angels rejoiced at her birth.

The Life of Joanna Southcott, the Prophetess, Containing
an unpartial account of her wonderful writings, her
miraculous conception, etc. pp. 38. By J. F. Fair-
burn, London, 1814. B.M., Plymouth Institution,

Eleven editions of this work were published. It con-
tains a full description of the presents sent to Joanna
for Shiloh, especially the cot made by Seddons of Alders-
gate Street ; also an account of the services held in the
chapels in which the believers worshipped. Copies of
the letters Joanna sent to The Times and Morning Herald
are given. No mention appears to be made about selling
the seals, and this points to the probability that the
report was considered to be untrue.

Southcott and Shiloh — Fairburn's Edition of the Prophetess,
Containing impartial record of facts . . . particularly
the opinion of the Doctors. Embellished with en-
gravings. J. Fairburn, London, 1814. pp. 74. In
4 parts, 6d. each. B.M.

An enlarged edition of the above, with engraving of
cot and other presents to Shiloh, also a likeness of Joanna,
by no means a good one.

Original Letter from Mrs. Underwood, addressed to Mr.
Hows, who presented this and several copies of com-
munications to the British Museum (MSS. Library).
Copy. Pte.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 795

The letter is not dated, probably written immediately
after Joanna's death, which took place 27 December,

Original Letter from Joanna Southcott to Mr. Hirst, of
Leeds, 16 December, 1813. Signed Jane Townley. P.

MS. Communication taken from Joanna Southcott's
mouth by Jane Townley. No date. P.

Memoir 8 of the Life and Mission of Joanna Southcott,
to which is added a sketch of the Rev. W. Tozer. London,
1814. 43 pp. No name. B.M., M., Plymouth In-
stitution (special collection).

This pamphlet contains a description of the Crib and
copy of a letter from Joanna as to her pregnancy. There
is a good portrait of Joanna — an unusual one, " published
by the proprietor, 9.9.14." Also a likeness of Tozer and
one of Richard Brothers,

European Magazine. 1814. p. 177. B.M. Contains a
brief account of the presents intended for Shiloh.

Grant's History of the English Church. A Summary of
the English Church and of the Sects, etc. By Johnson
Grant. London, 1814.

The article with reference to Joanna Southcott will
be found in Vol. II, pp. 445-99. It is written with more
attention to detail than most accounts of Joanna, but the
writer quotes from Hann and Lane, repeating their errors
with similar additions. He states that Joanna lived
for some years in a secret chamber seen by few (p. 453),
which is absurd. A good description is given of the cot,
derived from personal interview with Seddons, the maker
(p. 456). A long argument between Johnson Grant and
Mrs. Munday is recorded. The seals are said here to have
been sold from 21s. to 2s. 6d. each, but no evidence is
adduced. Reference is made to Joanna's death in the
Preface of Volume III.

A full account of the Death of Joanna Southcott, including
an Elegy on her death (1815 ?). B.M.

1814.

796 BIBLIOGRAPHY OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

The Impostor or Obstetric Dispute. Coloured Print. Sep-
tember, 1814, by T. Tegg, London. Exeter Public
Library*

Spirits at Work — Joanna Conceiving, i.e. Blowing up
Shiloh. Coloured print. July, 1814, W. N. Jones,
London. E.

Joanna Southcott the Prophetess Excommunicating the
Bishops. Know I told thee I should begin at the Sanc-
tuary. I will cutt them all off, having already cutt off
four Bishops for refusing to hear her visitation. Coloured
print. September, 1814, by T. Tegg, London. E.

Delivering a Prophetess. Coloured print. November, 1814,
by W. N. Jones, London. E.

Jesus Christ, the only true and divine Shiloh proved . . .
in refutation of the pretensions of Joanna Southcott.
By W. W. Home, 1814. pp. 36. B.M., G.
Very little reference to Joanna is made in this book.

The Life and Death of Joanna Southcott, with the particulars
of her Will and an account of her dissection (with cut-
tings from newspapers and a portrait). London, 1815.
pp. 8. B.M.

This work appears to be largely copied from Fairburn's.
It is without name. It repeats what were supposed to be
the unverified predictions of Joanna, and states that the
medical men present at the dissection certified that her
dissolution was produced from natural causes.

Belt's WeeUy Messenger. 1 January, 1815. B.M. (M.S.
Library).

Contains copy of certificate, signed by fifteen medical
men present at the dissection of Joanna Southcott, in
which it is stated, "No unnatural appearances were
visible, and no part exhibiting any visible appearance
of disease sufficient to have occasioned her death."

The Life and Prophecies of Joanna Southcott from her
infancy to the present time. London, 1815. No name.

pp. 26. Price 6d. B.M.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 797

Contains similar information as Fairburn's Life in much
the same language.

A Correct Statement of . . . the last Illness and Death of Mrs.
Southcott. By Richard Reece. London, 1815. B.M.,

Dr. Reece attended Joanna Southcott throughout
her last illness, having been introduced to her on 7 August,
1814. He was not a believer in her mission, and wrote
his book to justify his opinion on her case, an opinion
which he had repeatedly expressed in letters addressed
to the newspapers. A great deal of the correspondence 1
is reprinted in this pamphlet. He was severely criticized
in the Edinburgh Review. 2 He states that no organic
disease could be discovered to account for Joanna's
death. He gives a short description of Foley and Tozer,
of both of whom he speaks favourably.

A 2nd edition of this work was issued under the title
A Narrative of the Circumstances that attended the last
Illness and death of Mrs. Southcott, etc. London, 1815.
Price 2s. 6d. G.

The greater part of the correspondence inserted in the
1st edition is here omitted.

A Complete Refutation of the Statement and Remarks
published by Dr. Reece relative to Mrs. Southcott, etc.
London, 1815. pp. 44. Price Is. 6d. By Impartial
Observer (P. Pullen). B.M., M.

This work is an exhaustive criticism of Dr. Reece's
public utterances and private remarks. Much of the
correspondence is reprinted. He makes a rather sensational
statement to the effect that Dr. Reece, on visiting Joanna
shortly after he has expressed his opinion as to her being
pregnant, exclaimed in the presence of several people,
" D — n me, if the child is not gone, and there is nothing
left but the working of the muscles ! "

The Extraordinary Case of a Piccadilly patient or Dr.
Reece physick'd by six female Physicians. By Elias
Carpenter, London, 1815. B.M., M.

J.R.

1 See Express, A. Seymour.

1 February, 1815, Vol. 24, p. 466.

798' BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Carpenter writes in very sarcastic style; he threatens
Reece with legal proceedings for stating that he sold
" seals." He has not forgotten his quarrel with Joanna,
says he holds the same views as he did thirteen years
ago, and thinks he has been unjustly treated. He speaks
of himself as a man of moral and religious reputation, and
of Joanna as the slave of the devil.

Unbelief and Credulity. A Sermon occasioned by the death
of Mr 8. Joanna Southcott, preached at her native
place, Ottery St. Mary, Devon, etc. By Joseph Turnbull,
b.a. Chard, 1815. pp. 44. B.M., G.

Little personal reference is made to Joanna in this
sermon. The following remark occurs, " What Christian
would wish to see his adored Saviour rocked even in a
silver cradle by silly women, instead of beholding Him in
His triumphal chariot, shining resplendent," etc.

Hypocrisy and Imposition detected in the modern Delusions
of Joanna Southcott. Maidstone, 1814. Special
Collection, Plymouth Institution.

Triumphal Ode and Songs of Praise and Thanksgiving on
Shiloh. By P. Pullen, London, 1815. Pte.

The Life of Joanna Southcott, illustrative of her supposed
Mission, etc., with portrait. By D. Hughson, ll.d.,
London, 1814. Bod.

The Case of Joanna Southcott, etc. By P. Mathias, London,
no date (1815 ?). 22 pp. Is. B.M.

This pamphlet contains a lengthy account of the dis-
section of Joanna. The author was a surgeon and a
bitter enemy of her cause. He makes a statement with
regard to her habit of life which is quite contrary to all
other evidence on the subject : " I never could learn that
she either watched, fasted, or prayed. On the contrary,
she passed much of her time in bed in downy indolence,
ate much and often, and prayed — never." Her writings
afford ample proof that she frequently prayed and fasted,
that she worked hard during the early part of her life,
and was occupied latterly with her publications. It is

BIBLIOGRAPHY OP JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 799

probable that her labours in this direction prevented her
taking sufficient bodily exercise. It is said that Mathias
destroyed himself after the death of Joanna. 1

Remarks on the Writings and Prophecies of Joanna South-
cott. London, 1814. By G. Denham, of Exeter.
B.M., P.

Index to the Divine and Spiritual Writings of Joanna
Southcott. By Philip Pullen, London, 1815. pp. 240.
B.M., Pte.

A small " General Index " of Books 1-25 was published
in 1805. M., P., Pte.

Sermons abstracted from the Prophetic and inspired Writings
of Joanna Southcott, etc. No name, London, 1817.
pp. 18. Pte.

Gentleman's Magazine, January, 1815, Vol. LXXXV.
pp. 37, 601, etc. B.M.

This publication contained a very absurd statement
with regard to finding her " seal " ; it was probably
the origin of a mistake made by many writers. 2 "One
morning, in sweeping out the shop, she found a seal
with the initials I.S. This could not mean any other
person than Joanna Southcott. From this moment
she % bid adieu to the shop and commenced prophetess."
This is very misleading. The initials were I.C., and the
seal was found some years before she required it. A cir-
cumstantial account of the burial of Joanna is given on
page 678.

Edinburgh Review, February, 1815, Vol. XXIV, pp. 455,
etc. B.M.

This article contains a very fair account of Joanna, and
the writer's comments are edifying. The case against
Dr. Reece is clearly stated.

A Copy of the Articles of Faith, as acknowledged and be-
lieved by the Children of the faithful belonging to the
Philadelphian Church, well-known by the name of the

1 Express, Vol. II, p. 350, Foley's Note.

2 Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Rev. F. B. Dickinson, and others.

800

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

followers of the Divine Mission of Joanna Southcott.
By Samuel Sibley, London, 1819. Bod.

A reprint was published under the title The Indite-
ment against Satan, etc. London, S. Sibley, no date
(1843 ?). Edited and printed by his friend and admirer
D. Wells, pp. 24.

Kirby's Wonderful and Eccentric Museum or Magazine of
Remarkable Characters. London, 1820. 6 vols. B.M.
Vol. V. pp. 337-63.

The account here related concerning Joanna is dis-
tinctly a biassed one. Accusations are made which were
not only denied by Joanna herself, but acknowledged by
unprejudiced editors of journals to be devoid of foundation.
Miss Townley, a lady of high respectability, is said to be
answerable for the " indecent language " used by Joanna.
The account contains apparently all the objections and
falsities which have ever been manufactured for the
purpose of defaming the character of its subject. There
is a very bad portrait, which the writer declares is a true
likeness, but he had " not seen Sharp's portrait, and did
not want to see it." The only part which appears reliable
is the details of Joanna's will, beginning at page 356.

Memoirs of Religious Impostors from the 1th to the \#th
Century. By M. Aikin, ll.d., London, 1823. pp. 120.
B.M., Pte.

This book contains lengthy quotations from Joanna's
writings, with references from Lane's work. 1 There is
an account of her pregnancy with the opinions of the
medical men (p. 94) ; various letters are reprinted from
the newspapers (p. 105), and a description of the Manger
and Crib, now in the Salford Museum, appears on pages
113 and 114. The concluding four pages are devoted to
the " Last Moments of Joanna Southcott."

A Letter from Mrs. Jane Townley to the Editor of the Council
of Ten, in answer to his Remarks . . . respecting the
Mission of Joanna Southcott. 3rd edition, London,
1823. B.M., J.R., Pte.

This book contains a great deal of information about

1 Joanna Southcott Detected

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 801

Joanna, and is valuable evidence because of the good
social standing of the author, who was her constant
companion for nearly ten years prior to her death. The
Editor of the Council of Ten appears to have been the
first writer who attributed Joanna's death to dropsy,
a statement which is promptly denied by Miss Townley.

Communications and Directions given to Mrs. Jane Toumley,
after the publication of her Answer to the Editor of the
Council of Ten. London, 1824. pp. 60. Price Is.

This pamphlet, although of little value for the purpose
for which it was written, is interesting on account of the
information which it contains respecting the old members
of the Church. There are also four short communications
from Joanna Southcott not previously published.

Extracts from Sermons preached at different Chapels in the
Years 1812, 1813, and 1814. By Theodore Turpin,
London, 1825. pp. 48. Price Is.

There were a number of pamphlets published by Twort
on behalf of John Ward (who considered himself the
representative of Shiloh) about the year 1830. He was
a very ignorant man, and his writings are a mere travesty
on the works of Joanna ; it is therefore not thought
necessary to mention them in detail. There are several
copies of the books in the British Museum Library.

The following publications were issued by members of
the Southcottian Church during the first half of the last
century. There was a division among them as to the
propriety of opening their chapels and regarding the
birth of Shiloh, and many of these pamphlets contain
correspondence which passed between them on these
matters.

A Letter addressed to a Friend explanatory of the Object and
Manner of Christ's Second Coming, etc., etc. By W. B.
Harrison, Leeds, 1834. pp. 54. Pte.

Remarkable Revelations and Prophecies from Heaven by the
Virgin Joanna . . . and various other Prophets. By
John Enochiah V. N. Fox, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1840.
pp. 4. Pte.
vol. xliv. 3 E

802 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

A Circular addressed to All the Believers in the Divine
Mission of the Lord to Joanna Southcott. By John
Hagger and others, London, 1841. pp. 4. Pte.

Second Circular. To the Believers in the Divine Mission to
Joanna Southcott. By John Spencer and others,
London, 1841. pp. 4. P., Pte.

Letter addressed to an Eminent Clergyman . . . explaining
the nature and object of the Divine Mission of the late
Joanna Southcott. By W. B. Harrison, Leeds, 1842.
pp. 96. Pte.

This book contains a great deal of information with
regard to the writings and doctrines of Joanna.

Letters to the Believers in the Divine Mission to Joanna
Southcott, etc. By J. Hagger and others, London, 1842.
pp. 20. B.M., P., Pte.

Letter to Messrs. Hagger, Copas, Pye, and Malby, etc. By
S. Jowett, Leeds, 1842. pp. 16. B.M., Pte.

Copy of Address to the Chairman of the Anti-Corn Law
Conference in London . . . Remedy for present evils . . .
from the Prophetic Writings of Joanna Southcott. By
John Hagger and others, London, 1842. pp. 4.
Pte.

Address to the Believers in the Divine Mission of Joanna
Southcott. By T. Copas, London, no date. pp. 12.
Pte.

An Address to the Believers . . . being a reply to the Appeal
of Mr. Copas. By S. Jowett, Leeds, 1842. pp. 16.
Pte.

The Testimony of the Southcottian Church in London on the
late Visitation of Joanna Southcott, that the child tvas
born on the 16 Dec., 1814. By T. Malby and others,
London, no date (probably 1843). pp. 16. Pte.

A Circular addressed to all the Believers in the Divine
Mission of the Lord to Joanna Southcott. By John
Spencer, London, no date (1843 ?). pp. 2. Pte.

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 803

Correspondence of the Southcottian Church. By Harrison
and others, London, 1843. pp. 8. Pte., B.M.

A Call to the Believers in the Divine Mission of the Lord to
Joanna Southcott, etc. By Hagger and others, London,
1843. pp. 20. B.M., P., Pte.

Copies of Deep and Important Letters addressed to the Queen,
Prince Albert, etc. By T. P. Hudson, of Birmingham.
London, 1843. pp. 23. B.M., Pte.

A Warning to the Nation from the Prophecies of Joanna
Southcott. By G. Bennett, London, pp. 15. Price 2d.
Pte.

An Address to the Believers in Joanna Southcott' s Mission,
partly in Answer to Mr. Samuel Jowett, of Leeds. By
T. Copas. London, 1843. pp. 15. P., Pte.

An Appeal to the Believers in the Divine Mission of Joanna
Southcott. By Malby and others. London, no date
(1844?). pp. 24. P., Pte.

An Address to the Protestants of England, especially the
Queen, the Archbishops, etc. By Hagger and others.
2nd edition. London, 1844. pp. 12. Pte.

To the Believers in Joanna Southcott' s Visitation. By
Samuel Jowett. Leeds, 1844. pp. 18. Pte.

The Indictment against that Tyrannical, Cruel, and Bloody
Monarch, Satan, etc. . . . Also The Minutes of the
Conference of the Members of the Southcottian Churches
in London, etc. Printed for the Southcottian Friends,
London, 1845. pp. 91. P., Pte.

A Call from the Most High God . . . to His Ancient People,
the Jews, etc. By Hagger and others. London, 1845.
pp. 11. P., Pte.

The Trial, Casting, and Condemnation of the Prince of this
World, etc. Printed for the Southcottian Friends,
London, 1847. pp. 63. Pte.

Digitized by

> 804 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

The Royal Proclamation for the Crowning of the Lord Jesus
Christ, etc. By order of T. P. Hudson. Birmingham,
1847. pp. 12. Price 3d. Pte.

Evans' Sketch of the Denominations of the Christian World,
etc. p. 285. By Rev. J. Burns. London, 1839. B.M.

This contains an intelligible account of Joanna's mission
and doctrines.

Joanna Southcott, Das Sonnenweib nebst einen Schlussd zum
richtigen verstandniss der Bibel. By C. F. Zimpel.
1861. B.M.

The following books and pamphlets were published
by Daniel Jones and his wife, Lavinia Elizabeth Chapman
Jones, who laboured hard to resuscitate the cause of
Joanna Southcott. Many of the works are compilations
from her writings, published and unpublished, but they
are all more or less related to the visitation.

A Letter addressed to the Believers in the Everlasting Covenant.
By Daniel Jones. Bradford, 1835. pp. 20. P., Pte.

A Second Letter to the Believers in the New Covenant. By
Daniel Jones. Brighton, 1835. pp. 24. Pte.

A Scriptural Treatise upon the Fall of Man, and also upon
the Second Coming of Christ, etc. Part 1. By Daniel
Jones. London, 1835. Price Is. 6d. B.M., Pte.

Songs of Faith, Hope and Joy, founded on the Prophecies
given from 1792 by Joanna Southcott. By L. E. C.
Jones. Brighton, 1835. pp. 32. Pte.

The True Explanation of the Bible revealed by Divine
Communications to Joanna Southcott. By L. E. C.
Jones. Brighton, 1835. Part 1 (unfinished), pp. 16.

A Letter of Warning to the Whole World from the Signs of
the Seven Days, etc. By D. Jones. Bradford, 1836.
pp. 9. Pte.

Pte.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT. 805

Table of the Kingdoms of Men and the Kingdom of God.
By D. Jones. London, 1839. B.M., Pte.

The Sixth Book of Wonders, being a verbatim copy of the
Six Sealed Letters, dated Sept., 1813, announcing this
day the Rev. Jos. Pomeroy married to Joanna Southcott,
etc. By D. Jones. Bath, 1842. pp. 92. Pte.

Scriptural Evidences on the Day of Judgment and the ten
last Kingdoms, etc. By D. Jones. London and
Bradford (Wilts), 1843. pp. 90. Pte.

Scriptures of the Revelation of the Most High, etc., etc. By
L. E. C. Jones. London, 1843. pp. 32 (unfinished).
Price 3d. Pte.

An Offering from the Seven Spirits which are before the
Throne, etc. By D. Jones. London, 1847 (and Brad-
ford), pp. 90. Known as A Watchman's Warning.

To the Believers in the Cause of Joanna Southcott. By D.
Jones. Bath, 1852. pp. 4. Pte.

The Time for W or shipping in the Spirit illucidated from the
visitation of 'prophecy to Joanna Southcott, etc. By
L. E. C. Jones. Bath, 1853. Part 1. pp. 58 (un-
finished). Price Is. P., Pte.

Contains list of Joanna Southcott's books.

An Answer to a Pamphlet called " The Coming Struggle
among the Nations of the Earth." By D. Jones.
Bradford (Wilts). 1853. pp. 41. Pte.

The Small Still Voice in London, explaining Mysteries
hitherto unknown, etc. Parts 1 and 2. Collected and
arranged by L. E. C. Jones. Bradford-on-Avon, 1853.

A collection of communications of Joanna not previously
published. The pagination is not continuous, and the
leaflets are separately priced. The contents vary in
different collections ; there are approximately 488 pp.
J.R., Pte.

Pte.

806 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

A Letter to the Believers in the Mission of Joanna Southcott
upon the Sixth and Seventh Books of Wonders. By
D. Jones. Bradford-on-Avon, 1859. pp. 16. Price
6d. Pte.

Texts of Scripture relating to the Kingdom of God on Earth.
By D. Jones. Bradford (Wilts), 1859. pp. 4. Price
Id. Pte.

The Everlasting Gospel. Shiloh 9 s Ten Days 9 Warning to the
Churches. By D. Jones. Bradford-on-Avon, 1864.
pp. 3. Pte.

The Everlasting Gospel. Shiloh's Seven Seals. By D. J ones.
Bradford-on-Avon, 1864. pp. 4. J.R.

Commentary upon the Prayers and Ordinances of the English
Protestant Church, etc. By L. E. C. Jones. Bradford-
on-Avon, 1863. With Catalogue of Joanna South-
cott's works, pp. 84. B.M., Pte.

The Scriptures of the Holy Trinity. The New Testament
explained in England by the Voice of the Spirit of
Christ. Parts 1-4. Price 3s. each part. By L. E. C.
Jones. London, 1865. pp. 488. B.M., Pte.

Proclamation to the Believers in the Divine Mission of
Joanna Southcott. Handbill apparently issued by
Mr. and Mrs. Peacock, 3 Glos'ter Place, Westmore-
land Road, Walworth Common. 3 June, 1864.

A brief note appeared in Devon Notes and Queries (II,
p. 241, par. 196), 1904, relative to Joanna Southcott, by
the Rev. F. B. Dickinson, with photograph of one of the
" seals." The note contained many inaccuracies, according
to the evidence of Joanna herself and her friends, and
this was shown in a further note inserted April, 1912
(Vol. VII, p. 69, par. 42).

Devonshire Characters. By the Rev. S. Baring-Gould.
1908. pp. 390-404.

The authorities from which this account of Joanna
was written appear to be Southey's Letters, Reece's Correct

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

807

Statement, Mathias' Case of Joanna Southcott, and Fair-
burn's Life, all of which show a great amount of bias. As
a consequence the errors which the author has fallen into
are very numerous. There is, however, a good portrait
of Joanna at the commencement of the narrative. Miss
Seymour criticizes this account in her Express (Vol. II,
p. 409).

The Express, containing The Life and Divine Writings of
Joanna Southcott. By Alice Seymour. London,
1909. 2 volumes, containing together 779 pages.

This work is, without doubt, the most comprehensive
ever published on the subject. The circumstances of
Joanna's life have been deduced almost entirely from her
own writings, and the copious extracts from her printed
works convey a good general idea of her visitation. The
account of the visit to London of the Rev. T. P. Foley,
taken from his own diary, is an interesting novelty, and
no evidence is withheld regarding the last illness and death
of Joanna ; both Dr. Reece's Correct Statement and Pullen's
Refutation have been used to advantage. There is a good
reproduction of Sharp's likeness of Joanna in Vol. I ;
the other illustrations are : The Box of Sealed Writings,
The Communion Cup, The Seal and the Patchwork Quilt
worked by Joanna.

The Dictionary of National Biography, 1909, contains
a very unbiassed account of Joanna Southcott, with
the possible exception of the descriptive word " fanatic."
The author, speaking of her career before she was forty
years of age, says, " Her character was blameless and
her service faithful," and with regard to her doctrine,
" Except for a mild universalism, her own theology was
orthodox." She was, it is stated, falsely accused of selling
the seals.

Encyclopaedic information with regard to Joanna is par-
ticularly faulty, and the 11th edition of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica is no exception. It is therein stated that, " She
began to 'seal' the 144,000 elect at a charge varying
from 12s. to a guinea " ; " died of brain disease on the
29th October, 1814 " ; and "Her followers became extinct
at the end of the 19th century." Every detail of this is
incorrect.

808 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

Copy of Tablet erected by friends in 1828, and placed by the
railings on the south side of St. John's Wood Church-
yard (printed leaflet). 4 pp. foolscap fol. Pte.

" Sacred to the Memory of Joanna Southcott, who lies
interred 26 feet front of this tablet. She departed this
life December 27th, 1814, aged 65 years.

While through all thy wondrous days,
Heaven and earth enraptur'd gaz'd ;
While vain sages think they know
Secrets Thou Alone canst shew,
Time alone will tell what hour
Thoul't appear in greater power.

Behold, the time shall come that these tokens, etc.
2 Esd. vii. 26.

For the vision is yet for an appointed time, etc. Hab. ii. 3.
And whosoever is delivered, etc. 2 Esd. vii. 27.
This tablet was erected by the sincere friends of the
above, Anno Domini 1828."

There are four writers whose works were founded,
more or less directly, upon the doctrines and ideas first
promulgated by Joanna Southcott, works which, with
one exception, are well known to believers in her Mission,
and have had an extensive circulation. So that a Bibli-
ography of Joanna's writings would be incomplete unless
mention were made of them. A large number of the
followers of Joanna became members of the Church
presided over by George Turner, some of whose communi-
cations were allowed by Joanna to be from a divine
influence. He wrote : Communications of the Holy Spirit
of God, 1805 (Pte.) ; A Vindication for the Honour of
Cod, etc., 1807 (B.M., Pte.) ; A Booh of Wonders, 1817
{B.M., Pte.) ; and about fifteen other pamphlets. He
died in 1821. The next writer was William Shaw, who
died in 1822 ; his Communications (Pte.), which appear
to be in manuscript only, are dated 1819. The third
was John Wroe, who "began to attend meetings of the
followers of Joanna Southcott, then led by George Turner
of Leeds," according to the Dictionary of National Bi-
ography. He wrote Private Communications (Pte.), and
Divine Communications (B.M., Pte.), dated from 1819 to

Digitized by

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JOANNA SOUTHCOTT.

809

1862. The last being J. J. Jezreel, who wrote Extracts
from the Flying Roll.

It is said, with some show of authority, that Miss
Jane Townley collected all publications for and against
Joanna Southcott which appeared up to the time of her
own death in 1825, that the collection numbered 780
books, pamphlets, and newspaper cuttings, irrespective
of Joanna's writings, and that it has within recent years
been acquired by an American.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

p Indicates Past Presidents.

* Indicates Life Members.

t Indicates Honorary Members.

X Indicates Members who retire at the end of the current year.
The Names of Members of the Council are printed in small capitals ;
and of Members whose addresses are not known, in italics.
Notice of Changes of Residence, of Resignations, and of Decease of Members
should be sent to the General Secretary.

inSton. ORIGINAL MEMBERS.

1862fi?HARPLBY, Rev. W., m.a., f.c.p.s., Clay hanger Rectory,

Tiverton. [Foundation Member.] (Vice-President.)
1862pHiNE, James, f.r.i.b.a., Roydon, Launceston.

1901 Acland, Sir C. T. D., Bart., m.a., d.l., j.p., Killerton Park,
near Exeter.

1896 Adams, Maxwell, c/o Messrs. William Brendon & Son,

Ltd., Plymouth (Hon. General Secretary). •
1900*Adams, S. P., Elbury Lodge, Newton Abbot.

1908 Albert Memorial Library, etc. (The Royal), Exeter, per

H. Tapley Soper, f.r.hist.s.
1886*Aldridge, C, m.d., Bellevue House, Plympton.

1909 Alexander, J. J., m.a., j.p., Grammar School, Tavistock.

1911 Alexander, Philip T., j.p., c.c, Brixham, S. Devon.
1896*Allhusen, C. Wilton, Pinhay, Lyme Regis.

1874 Alsop, R., Landscore Lodge, Teignmouth.

1877 Amery, Jasper, 186, Sheen Road, Richmond, Surrey.

1869 Amery, J. S., Druid, Ashburton (Hon. General Treasurer).

1891 Amory, Sir J. Heathcoat, Bart., Knightshayes, Tiverton.

1901 Andrew, Sidney, 18, West Southernhay, Exeter (Hon.

Local Secretary).
1894 Andrews, John, Traine, Modbury, Ivy bridge.

1912 Anstey, A., 13, Lyndhurst Road, Exeter.

1911 Arkwright, Rev. E. H , m.a., m.v.o., Royal Naval College,

Dartmouth.

1901 Arthur, Mrs., Atherington Rectory, Umberleigh, R.S.O.,
North Devon.

1912 Astor, Waldorf W., m.p., Cliveden, Taplow, Bucks.
1912 Axe, Rev. Arthur, Heavitree, Exeter.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

811

1912 Babbage, G., Exeter Road, Exmouth.

1906 Baker, Rev. H. G., Budleigh Salterton, South Devon.

1911 Ball, Edwin Jennings, ph.d., 5, Endsleigh Terrace, Tavistock.

1912 Ballan, Thomas Marriott, Shincliffe, Velwell Road, Exeter.
1912 Baring, Sir Godfrey, Bart., m.p., 32, Lowndes Square,

London, S.W.

1878*2>Barino-Gould, Rev. S., m.a., Lew Trenchard, Lewdown.
1911 Barns, Mrs. Cecilia, Throwleigh, near Chagford, Devon.

1911 Barns, Rev. W. E. C., 14, Rowley Road, St. Marychurch,

Torquay.

1902*Barratt, Sir Francis Lay land, Bart., m.a., 68, Cadogan Square,
London, S.W.

1898*Bayley, Arthur R., b.a., f.r.Hist.s., St. Margaret's, Great
Malvern.

1894*Bayly, Miss A., Seven Trees, Plymouth.

1903 Bayly, John, Highlands, Ivybridge.

1912 Benn, A. Shirley, m.p., 18, Bolton Gardens, London, S.W.

1905 Bennett, Ellery A., 17, Courtenay Street, Plymouth.

1906 Bent, Major Morris, Deerswell, Paignton.

1912 Bickersteth, Rev. H. L., b.a., Cleveden, Glanville Road,
Tavistock.

1904 Bird, W. Montagu, j.p., Dacre House, Ringmore, Teignmouth.
1912 Bird wood, Allan Roger, 18, Orchard Gardens, Teignmouth.
1912 Birkett, Ernest E., The Knoll, Heavitree, Exeter.

1897 Birks, Rev. H. A., m.a., Kingsbridge.
1889 Birmingham Free Library, Birmingham.

1886 Blackler, T. A., Royal Marble Works, St. Marychurch,
Torquay.

1908 Bloor, Rev. R. H., Crossmead, Exeter.

1909 Body, Martin, Rockmount, Launceston.

1902 Bond, F. Bligh, f.r.i.b.a., Star Life Building, St. Augustine's
Parade, Bristol.

1912JBond, Francis William, 40, Loughborough Park, Brixton, S.W.
1901 Bond, P. G., 105, Union Street, Plymouth.
1901 Bond, Miss S. C., 22, Elm Street, Rockland, Knox Co.,
Maine, U.S.A.

1906 Bond, Rev. W. F., b.a., Lancing College, Shoreham, Sussex.
1912 Boucher, John Bishop, Rosemont, Heavitree Road, Exeter.
4906 Bovey, Thomas William Widger, m.r.c.s., l.r.c.p.Lond.,

Castle House, Bampton, N. Devon.
1912 Bowden, John F., f.s.i., Cross ways, West Avenue, Exeter.
1890*Bowring, Thos. B., 7, Palace Gate, London, W.

1898 Boyer, Commander F., r.n., Woodbine Cottage, Tavistock.

1911 Boyle, Mrs. C. Vicars, Cheldon Rectory, Chulmleigh, N. Devon.

19 12 J Bradford, Frederick, Express and Echo Office, Exeter.
1900*Bradridge, C. Kingsley, Netherleigh, Blandford, Dorset.
1912 Brant, Captain, r.n., St. Martins, Budleigh Salterton.

1905 Brendon, Charles E., Dunheved, Saltash.
1892 Brendon, W. T., Whistley, Yelverton, R.S.O.

1911 {BrIdson, Miss Mary Frances Cossart, Ford Brow, Dartmouth.

812

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1905 Briggs, C. A., f.b.s., Rock House, Lynmouth, North Devon.
1911 Brown, John, j.p., Avondale, Dartmouth.
1909$Brushneld, Harold C, South Side, Chepstow Road, Croydon,

Surrey.

1911 Brushfield, Mrs. T. N., 5, The Parade, Budleigh Salterton.
1911*Briishfield, Miles Nadauld, 13, Allfarthing Lane, Wandsworth
Common, Surrey.

1911 Buckfast, The Right Rev. The Lord Abbot of (Dom Anschar

Vonier, o.s.b.), Buckfast Abbey, Buckfast, S. Devon.

1906 Budgett, Mrs. W. Hill, Longcroft, Hay ward's Heath, Sussex.
1904 Bullock, Miss Henrietta Ann, 1, Brimley Villas, Teignmouth.

1912 Burlace, J. B., 38, Corfton Road, Ealing, W.

1911 Burn, Colonel C. R., m.p., 77, Cadogan Square, London, S.W.
1887j?Burnard, Robert, j.p., f.s.a., Stoke-in-teignhead, Teignmouth

(Vicb-Prbsidbnt).
1887 Burnard, Mrs. F. L., Stoke-in-teignhead, Teignmouth.

1906 By water, Ingram, m.a., 93, Onslow Square, London, S.W.

1902 Calmady, Charles Calmady, Stoney Croft, Horrabridge.

1912 Campion, H., 3, Baring Place, Heavitree, Exeter (Vice-

President).
1908 Card, F. F., Broadlands, Newton Abbot.
1891*Carpenter, H. J., m.a., ll.m., Penmead, Tiverton.
1866*Carpenter-Garnier, J., j.p., Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants.

1907 Carr, Henry F., Broadparks, Pinhoe, Exeter.

1908 Carr-Smith, Miss Rose E., Avondene, Warwick Road,

Stratford-on-Avon.
1902 Carter, Miss E. G., Hartland, North Devon.

1899 Cartwright, Miss M. Anson, 11, Mont-le-Grand, Heavitree,

Exeter.

1895*Cash, A. Midgley, m.d., Limefield, Torquay.
1912 Caunter, William Ashford, Oakfield, Cowley Road, Exeter.
1898 Cave, Sir C. D., Bart., Sidbury Manor, Sidmouth.
1912 Chad wick, Miss Mary Elizabeth, 5, Linden Vale, St. David's,
Exeter.

1910 Chalk, Rev. E. S., m.a., Kentisbeare Rectory, Cullompton.

1900 Chalmers, J. H., Holcombe, Moretonharapstead.
1911*Chalmers, R. W. S., Christ Church College, Oxford.

1 906 Chambers, R. E. Elliot, Pill House, Bishop's Taw ton, Barnstaple.
1899*Champernowne, A. M., Dartington Hall, Totnes.
1890 Chanter, C. E. R., Broad mead, Barnstaple.

1901 Chanter, Rev. J. F., m.a., Parracombe Rectory, Barnstaple.
1884 Chapman, H. M., St. Martin's Priory, Canterbury.
1881jpChapman, Rev. Professor, m.a., ll.d., 11, Elgin Park, Clifton,

Bristol.

1906 Chapple, W. E. Pitfield, The Shrubbery, Axminster.
1906 Chappie, Miss Pitfield, The Shrubbery, Axminster.

1902 Charbonnier, T., Art Gallery, Lynmouth.

1908 Chennells, Rev. A. W., b. a., ll.d., The College, Newton Abbot.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

813

1911 Chichester, Miss, Arlington Court, Barnstaple.

1912 Child, Herbert, 34, Southemhay East, Exeter.

1896 Chopb, R. Pearsb, b.a., The Patent Office, 25, Southampton

Buildings, London, W.C.
1912 Clapp, Cecil Robert Main waring, m.a., ll.m. (Cantab.),

2, Bedford Circus, Exeter.
1905 Clarke, Miss Kate, 2, Mont-le-Grand, Exeter.
1901 Clayden, A. W., m.a., F.G.3., Royal Albert Memorial College,

Exeter (Vice-President).

1903 Clay-Finch, Mrs., Bark Hill House, Whitchurch, Salop.
1871 Clements, Rev. H. G. J., m.a., Vicarage, Sidmouth.
1881*/?Clifford, Right Hon. Lord, m.a., j.p., Ugbrooke, Chudleigh.
1912 Clifford, Colonel E. T., v.d., 6, Cranley Gardens, South

Kensington, London, S.W.

1893 Cocks, J. W., Madeira Place, Torquay.

1909 Colborne, The Hon. Mrs. Mabel, Venn, Ivybridge.

^906 Cole, Rev. R. T., m.a., 7, Great George Street, Park Street,
Bristol.

1898*£>Coleridge, Right Hon. Lord, m.a., The Chanter's House,
Ottery St. Mary.

1894 Collier, George B., m.a., Whinfield, South Brent.
1889 Collier, Mortimer, Foxhams, Horrabridge.

1896 Collings, The Right Hod. Jesse, m.p., Edgbaston, Birmingham.

1900 Commin, James G., j.p., High Street, Exeter (Vice-President).

1910 Conybeare, H. C. A., m.a., j.p., Platway, Shaldon, Teignmouth.
1912 Cornish, Frederick John, 44, Magdalen Road, Exeter.
l881*Cornush 9 Rev. J. F.

1908 Cornish-Bowden, Peter, Zaire, Newton Abbot.

1910 Cornwall Polytechnic Society, The Royal (per the Secretary,

E. W. NeAvton, Camborne).

1904 Coryndon, R. T., Mbabane, Swaziland, S. Africa.

1895 CowJard, C. L., Madford, Launceston.

1901 Cox, Irwin E. B., m.p., Moat Mount, Mill Hill, Middlesex.
1911*Crabbe, Herbert Ernest, f.r.g s., Teignbridge House, Kings-

teignton, S. Devon.
1908 Crang, W. H., 11, Collingwood Villas, Devonport.

1911 Cree, W. E., m.d., Penryn, Watts Road, Tavistock.

1904 Crespin, C. Legassicke, 51, West Cromwell Road, London, S.W.
1907 Cresswell, Miss Beatrix F., 23, Wonford Road, Exeter.

1912 Crocker, James, f.r.i.b.a., Stuckey's Bank Chambers, High

Street, Exeter.

1898pCROFT, Sir Alfred W., k.ci.e., j.p., m.a., Rumleigh, Bere
Alston, R.S.O. (Vice-President).

1910 Croslegh, Rev. C, d.d., r.d., Bradninch Vicarage, Cullompton.
1886 Cumming, Stephen A., 3, Arlington Park Mansions, Chiswick,

London, W.

1912 Dart, Miss Edith, The Orchard, Crediton.

1911 Davey, G. W., 16, John Street, Bedford Row, London. W.C.

814

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1911 Davie, G. C, j.p., c.c, The Elms, Bishop's Tawton, Barnstaple.

1896 Davies, W., Belltield, Kingsbridge.

1897 Davis, J. W., Doneraile, Exmouth.

1878 Davson, F. A., m.d., j.p., Mount Galpine, Dartmouth.
1902 Daw, Mrs., Yeoldon, Northani, N. Devon.

1912 Daw, R. Arthur, 9, Regent's Park, Heavitree, Exeter.
1888*Daw8on, Hon. Richard, j.p., d.l.,m.a., Hol'ne Park, Ashburton.
1912 Depree, F. Templer, Newlands, Exeter.

1911 Devon and Exeter Club, Exeter (per Hon. Sec).

1905 Dewey, Rev. Stanley D., m.a., Rectory, Moretonharapstead.
1902 Dimond-Churchward, Rev.Preb., m.d., The Vicarage, Northam,

North Devon.
1882 Dob, George M., Enfield, Great Torrington.

1912 Donald, Major-General C. E., St. Loyes, Exeter.
1898*Donaldson, Rev. E. A., Py worthy Rectory, Hols worthy, North

Devon.

1907 Drake, F. Morris, Cathedral Yard, Exeter.
1904 Drake, Major William Hedley, Bryn willow, Polsham Park,
Paignton.

1902 Drayton, Harry G., 201, High Street, Exeter.

1910 Drewe, Julius C, j.p., Wadhurst Hall, Sussex.

1910 Drewe, William Francis, Broadhembury House, Honiton.

1912 Du Buisson, Major, Woodlands, Kenn, Devon.

1909 Duke, H. E., k.c, m.p., 37, Alleyn Park, Dulwich, London, S.E.

( Vice-President).
1889 Duncan, A. G., j.p., South Bank, Bideford.
IMS* Dunning, Sir K H., Knt, j.p.

1901*Durnford, George, j.p., c.a., f.c.a.Can., Greenhythe, West-
mount, Montreal, Canada.

1879 Dymond, Arthur H., 14, Bedford Circus, Exeter (Vice-

President).

1902 Dymond, Mrs. Robert, The Mount, Bideford.

1 908 Eames, Miss Kate, Cotley, near Chard.

1 907 Eames, Miss Maria Deane, Cotley, near Chard.
1901 Earle, The Right Rev. Alfred, d.d., Bishop of Marlborough,
Dean of Exeter, The Deanery, Exeter (Vice-President).

1909 Eastabrook, Miss, 17, Tavistock Street, Devonport.
1898 Eccles, J. A. J., Stentwood, Dunkeswell Abbey, Honiton.
1891^Edmonds, Rev. Chancellor, b.d., The Close, Exeter (Vice-
President).

1901 Edye, Lieut.-Col., Gifford Lodge, Strawberry Hill, Middlesex.
1896 Elliot, Edmund, A. S., m.rc.8., m.b.o.u., Woodville, Kings-
bridge.

1911 Elliot, Mrs. W. R., Roundham View, Paignton.
1909 Elliot, Rev. F. R., m.a., m.v.o., Tregie, Paignton.
1909/?Enys, John D., j.p., f.g.s., Enys, Penryn S.O., Cornwall.
1888 Ennen, Miss, St. Catherine's, Torre, Torquay.
189S*Evans, Arnold, 4, Lithfield Place, Clifton.

LIST OE MEMBERS.

815

1911 Evan-Thomas, Rear- Admiral Hugh, R.N., M.v.o., Redlap

House, near Dartmouth.
1904 Evans, Major G. A. Penrhys, Furzedene, Budleigh Salterton.
1895 Evans, H. Montagu, 2, Mount Tamar Villas, St. Budeaux,

1886 Evans, J. J. Ogilvie, 1, Orchard Gardens, Teignmouth.
1880*Evans, Parker K, Park View, Brockley, West Town, R.S.O.,
Somerset.

1902*Eve, The Hon. Sir H. T., Yarner, Bovey Tracey.
1901 Every, Rev. H., m.a., Holy Trinity Vicarage, Barnstaple.

1904 Every, Richard, Marlands, Heavitree, Exeter.
1905jpExBTBR, The Rt. Rbv. The Lord Bishop of, The Palace,

Exeter (Vice-Prbsident).

1912 Fairbrother, G. H., Whitehall, Bideford.

1905 Falcon, T. A., m.a., Hill Close, Braunton, Devon.
1896 Firth, H. Mallaby, Knowle, Ashburton.
1896*Firth, R. W., Place, Ashburton.

1903 Fisher, Arthur, St. Aubyns, Tiverton.

1911 Fitzherbert, S. W., Norbury, Kingswear, Dartmouth.

1912 Flavell, Rev. T., m.a., Christow Vicarage, near Exeter.
1911 Fleming, George Mcintosh, c.c, Loventor Manor, Totnes.
1908 Foakes, E. J., j.p., Westbury House, Dunniow, Essex.

1906 Fortescue, Rt. Hon. the Earl, Castle Hill> South Molton.

1910 Foster, M. T., Fore Street, Cullompton.
1867*Foster, Rev. J. P., m.a., Cots wold Park, Cirencester.
1908 Fouracre, J. T., j.p., 16, Portland Square, Plymouth.
1876*Fowler, Rev. Canon W. W., Earley Vicarage, Reading.
1876*Fox, Charles, The Pynes, Warlingham-on- the- Hill, Surrey.
1892 Francis, H., c.e., 12, Lockyer Street, Plymouth.

1900 Francken, W. A., Okehampton.

1911 Frean, George Moore, Cranicombe, Branksome Avenue, Bourne-

mouth.

1911 Frean, William Peek, Gramercy Tower, Dartmouth.
1909JFreeman, Mrs. Lucy Emma, High View, Mannamead.
1894*Frost, F. C, f.s.a., Regent Street, Teignmouth.

1912 Froude, Ashley A., c.m.g., Collapit Creek, Kingsbridge,

S. Devon (President-Elect).
1908 Fulford, Francis A., Great Fulford, Dunsford, Exeter.
1880 Furneaux, J., Tor View, Buckfastleigh, Devon.

1908 Gallsworthy, Frank, Wellesley Buildings, Wellington Street,

Leeds.

1912 Gandy, The Very Rev. Monsignor, The Presbytery, South

Street, Exeter (Vice-President).
1906 Gardiner, John, The Elms, Rudgeway, R.S.O., Glos.

1901 Gauntlett, George, 27, Dix's Field, Exeter.

1909 Geen, Harry, Brandize, Avenue Road, Torquay.

1910 Geen, Henry, j.p., Tenby House, Okehampton.

Devon.

816

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1908 Gervis, Frederick H., Koborough House, Torquay.
1900*Gervis, Henry, m.d., f.r.c.p., p.s.a., j.p., 15, Royal Crescent, Bath.

1910 Gidley, G. G., m.d., Heyford House, Cullompton.
1912 Gidley, Mrs. G. G., Heyford House, Cullompton.

1909 Giffard, Edward Walter, 13, Chesham Place, London, S.W.

1901 Giles, Rev. A. L., m.a., The Vicarage, Paignton.
1892*Gill, Miss, St. Peter Street, Tiverton.

1877*Glyde, E. E., p.b.Met.soc, 323, Ross Street, Edmonton, Alta,
Canada.

1902 Goaman, Thomas, j.p., 14, Butt Gardens, Bideford.

1911 Goodridge, A., Carlton Terrace, Dartmouth.
1911 Grant, W. J., Parade House, Dartmouth.
1871 Gregory, A. T., Gazette Office, Tiverton.

1896 Grose, S., m.d., f.r.c.s., Bishopsteignton, Teignmouth.
1902 Groves-Cooper, J., Wear Gifford, Bideford.

1910 Gundry, Lieut. -Col., H. B., j.p., The Grange, Honiton.
1873*Guyer, J. B., f.c.s., Wrentham, Torquay.

1892/?Halsbury, The Right Hon. the Earl of, 4, Ennismore Gardens,

London, S.W.
1889 Hamling, J. G., f.g.s., The Close, Barnstaple.
1880*Hamlyn, Joseph, Fullaford, Buckfastleigh.
1878 Hamlyn, W. B, Widecombe Cot, Barrington Road, Torquay.
•1895 Harding, T. L., Elmington, Chelston, Torquay.
1912 Hardy, Francis James, Gittisham Hill, Honiton.

1892 Harpley, Rev. F. R. A., b.a., Harleston, Northampton.

1893 Harris, Miss, Sunningdale, Portland Avenue, Exmouth.
1905 Harte, Walter J., Royal Albert Memorial College, Exeter.
1909 Hart-Smith, C. L., Castle Street, Launceston.

1908 Harvard University Library, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., per

Messrs. Edward G. Allen and Son, Ltd., 14, Grape Street,

Shaftesbury Avenue, London, W.C.
1898*Harvey, Henry Fairfax, Croyle, near Cullompton.
1900 Harvey, Sir Robert, d.l., j.p., Dundridge, Totnes.
1892*Harvey, T. H., j.p., Blackbrook Grove, Fareham, Hants.
1875*Hatt-Cook, Herbert, Hartford Hall, Cheshire.
1910 Hawkins, Rev. Edward J., b.a., 18, Marlborough Road, Exeter.
1912 Headridge, Miss J., Episcopal Modern School, Exeter.
1912 Hearn, Mrs. Eliza Christine, Ford House, Alphington Road,

Exeter.

1 909 Hebbert, Ernest, Berrynarbor, near Ilfracombe.
1890*Heberden, W. B., c.b., Elmfield, Exeter (Vice-President).

1906 Henning, Rev. J., m.a., Cockington Vicarage, Torquay.
1888*Hepburn, Sir T. H., Knt., j.p., c.c, Dunmore, Bradninch,

Cullompton (Vice-President).

1907 Herron, H. G. W., c/o Messrs. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parlia-

ment Street, S.W.

1 908 Hext, George, Kingstone, Newton Abbot.
1882*Hiern, W. P., m.a., f.r.s., Castle House, Barnstaple*

LIST OF MEMBERS.

817

1909 Hill, Rev. H. A., Worlington Rectory, Morchard Bishop,

North Devon.

1892*Hingston, C. A., m.d., 3, The Esplanade, Plymouth.

1907 Hitchcock, Arthur, Haddon Corner, Kilmington, Axminster.
1912 Hitchcock, Walter M., 48, Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street,

London, E.C.

1898 Hodgson, T. V., Municipal Museum, Plymouth.
1901 Holman, H. Wilson, 4, Lloyd's Avenue, Fenchurch Street,
London, E.C.

1901 Holman, Herbert, m.a., ll.b., Haldon Lodge, Teignmouth.
1893 Holman, Joseph, Downside House, Downlewne, Sneyd,
Bristol.

1906 Holman, Francis Arthur, Jerviston, Streatham Common,
London, S.W.

1906 Holman, Ernest Symons, The Rookery, Streatham Common,
London, S.W.

1906 Holmes, Harold, Cherryford, Martinhoe, Parracombe.
1872 Hooper, B., Bourn brook, Torquay.

1910 Hooppell, Rev. J. L. E., St. Peter's Vicarage, Hoxton Square,

London, N.

1911 Hopper, A. E., Bridge Buildings, Barnstaple.
1892JHornbrook, W., j.p., Garfield Villa, Stuart Road, Devonport.

1912 Horsburgh, J., 43, Pennsylvania Road, Exeter.

1912 Horsburgh, Mrs. Alice Frances, 43, Pennsylvania Road, Exeter,
1896*Hosegood, S., Chatford House, Clifton, Bristol.
1912 Houghton, Mrs. Mary J., St. Kerrians, Exeter.
1895*Hughes, T. Cann, m.a., f.s.a., Town Clerk, Lancaster.
1901 Humphreys, H. Howard, a.m.i.c.b., Glenray, Wembly-by-
Harrow.

1868*Hunt, A. R., m.a., f.g.s., f.l.3., Southwood, Torquay.
1906 Hunt, Rev. J. Lyde, m.a., Efford, Paignton.
1876 Hurrell, J. S., The Manor House, Kingsbridge.
1886 Huxtable, James, 2, Brockman Road, Folkestone.

1908 Hyde, The Venble. H. B., The Vicarage, Bovey Tracey.

1893 Iredale, A., Strand, Torquay.

1890* Jackson, Mark, Homelea, Purley, Surrey.

1904 Jackson, Rev. Preb. P., Kirigsteignton Vicarage, Newton

Abbot. - ~

1912 Jago, Miss Bessie, St. Margaret's, Exeter.
1912 James, C. Carkeet, The Ministry, Cairo, Egypt.
1908 James, S. Boucher, Hallsannery, Bideford.
1901 Jerman, J., f.r.i.b.a., f.r.m.s., The Bungalow, Topsham Road,

Exeter.

1912 Jerman, Richard, 22, St. David's Hill, Exeter.
1911 Jocb, Thomas Jambs, 3, Manor Crescent, Newton Abbot.
1911 Jones, Miss Mary, Wonford House, Heavitree, Exeter,
1906 Jones, Tom, j.p., Royal Castle Hotel, Lynton.

VOL. XLIV. 3 F

818

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1883 Jordan, W. F. C, The Laurels, Teignmouth.
1899* Julian, Mrs. Hester, Kedholme, Torquay.

m^Kelland, W. H.

1912 Kelly, E., Clifton, Torquay Road, Newton Abbot.
1912 Kendall, Percy John, Wayside, Union Road, Exeter.
1872*Kennaway, The Rt. Hon. Sir J. H., Bart., m.a., Escot,
Ottery St. Mary.

1880 King, C. R. Baker, a.r.i.b.a., 35, Oakley Square, London, N. W.

1912 Kingdon, Mrs. Susanna Kingdon, Taddyforde, Exeter.

1912 Knapman, Theophilus, Dennysmead, Exeter.

1901 Knight, Mrs. J. H., The Firs, Friar's Walk, Exeter.

1911 Knollys, Major L. F., c.m.g., The Wilderness, Dartmouth.

1909 Knowles-Jones, J. T., m.d., m.r.c.p.

1909 Koebel, O., Murley Grange, Bishopsteignton, Teignmouth.

1903 Laing-Oldham, Philip M. T., m.a., Mount View, Oke-

hampton.

1871 Lake, William Charles, m.d., Benton, Teignmouth.

1907 Lane, John, The Bodley Head, Vigo Street, London, W.

1904 Lang, Charles Augustus, Vigo House, Weybridge.
1898 Langdon, Rev. F. E. W., Membury, near Chard.
1903 Langley, Miss Helen, Postbridge, Princetown.

1906 Larter, Miss C. Ethelinda, f.l.s., 2, Summerland Terrace,
St. Marychurch, S. Devon.

1905 Laycock, C. H., Cross Street, Moretonhampstead.
1889*Lee, Col. J. W., Budleigh Salterton, South Devon.
1897/?Lethbridge, Sir Roper, k.c.i.e., d.l., j.p., m.a., The Manor

House, Exbourne, R.S.O., Devon (Vice-President).

1911 Lindsay, W. A., j.p., d.l., k.c, m.a., f.s.a., Windsor Herald,

College of Arms, London, E.C., and Deer Park, Honiton.
1898 Little, J. ^Hunter, Lisnanagh, Exmouth.

1906 Llewellin, W. M., c.e., 8, Lawn Road, Cotham, Clifton.

1912 Long, Rev. Ernest Charles, 47, St. David's Hill, Exeter.
1890*Longstaff, G. B., m.d., Twitcham, Morthoe, R.S.O.

1912 Loram, A. T., j.p., Rosamondford, Aylesbeare, Devon (Vice-
President).

1911 Lort-Phillips, E., j.p., Gunfield, Dartmouth.
1900 Lovejoy, H. F., North Gate, Totnes.

1898 Lowe, Harford J., Barne House, Christow, Exeter.

1912 Lucas, John Archibald, f.s.i., a.r.i.b.a., Alexandra House,

Denmark Road, Exeter.
1863*Lyte, F.Maxwell, m.a.

188 6* Mac Andrew, James J., j.p., f.l.s., Lukesland, Ivybridge.

1908 MacCormick, Rev. F., f.s.a.scot., m.r.a.s., Wrockwardine

Wood Rectory, Wellington, Salop.
1906 MacDermot, E. T., Yenworthy, Lynton, S.O., North Devon.
1894 Mallet, W. R., Exwick Mills, Exeter.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

819

1904 Manchester Free Reference Library, King Street, Manchester.

1905 Manisty, George Eldon, Nattore Lodge, Budleigh Salterton.

1903 Manlove, Miss B., Moor Lawn, Ashburton.
1901 Mann, F., Leat Park, Ashburton.
1897*Mardon, Heber, 2, Litfield Place, Clifton.

1901 Marines, The Officers Plymouth Division R.M.L.L, Royal

Marine Barracks, Plymouth.

1904 Marshall, James C, Far Cross, Woore, Newcastle, Staffs.
1909 Marshall, Miss, Gwynfra, Brockley View, Forest Hill, S.E.
1871*Martin, John May, c.e., f.m.s., Musgrave House, 6, Denbigh

Gardens, Richmond, Surrey.
1906JMathieson, Mrs., Otterbourne, Budleigh Salterton.

1908 Matthews, Lieut. -Colonel Arthur, Gratton, Bow, N. Devon.
1887 Matthews, Coryndon, f.e.s., Stentaway, PJymstock, S. Devon.
1896 Matthews, J. W., Erme Wood, Ivy bridge.

1894 Maxwell, Mrs., Lamorna, Torquay.

1909 May, W. H., 23, Lockyer Street, Plymouth.
1912 McCrea, Andrew, 59, Magdalen Street, Exeter.

1907 McLennan, Frank, Lynch Villa, Axminster.

1898 Melhuish, Rev. George Douglas, m.a., Ash water Rectory,
Beaworthy.

1902 Messenger, Paymaster Arthur W. B., r.n., H.M.S. ^Eolus,

c/o General Post Office.
1900 Mildmay, F. B., m.p., Flete, Ivybridge.

1910 Miller, A. K, St. George's Well, Cullompton.

1910 Monkswell, Right Hon. Lord, 6, Albemarle Street, London, W.

1905 Moon, W. J., j.p., 20, Home Park Villas, Devonport.
1911JMoriarty, Mrs. J. S., 7, Elmsleigh Park, Paignton.

1906 Morley, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of, Sal tram, Plympton.

1909 Morris, R. Burnet, m.a., ll.b., 24, Bramham Gardens,

London, S.W T .

1908 Morrison-Bell, Captain E. F., m.p., Pitt House, Chudleigh.

1910 Morrison-Bell, Major A. C, m.p., 88, St. James' Street,

London, S.W.

1898 Mors he ad, J. Y. Anderson, Lusways, Salcombe Regi ,
Sidmouth.

1886*Mortimer, A., 1, Paper Buildings, Temple, London.

1912 Mortimer, Fleet-Surgeon, Edgar F., r.n., Rock Mount,

Torrington, N. Devon.
1912 Mortimer, John, m.b., 12, Southerhhay West, Exeter.
1912 Mortimer, Thomas Sandford, j.p., 26, St. Leonard's Road,

Exeter.

1874*Mount Edgcumbe, Right Hon. the Earl of, Mount Edgcumbe,
Plymouth.

1904 Murray, O. A. R., The Admiralty, London, S.W.
1908 Murrin, A. J., j.p., c.c, Avon House, Newton Abbot.

1911 Nance, J. T., Ford Hill, Dartmouth.

1885*Neck, J. S., j.p., Great House, Moretonhampstead.

820

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1912 Newman, Sir Robert, Bart., d.l., j.p., Mamhead Park, Exeter
(Vice-President).

1902 Newton Club (per T. W. Donaldson, Esq., Hon. Sec),

Newton Abbot.

1908 Nisbet, A. T., m.d., The Laurels, Powderham Road, Newton

Abbot.

1900 Nix, J. A., Tilgate, Crawley, Sussex.

1909 Norman, W. C., St. Michael's Mount, Honiton.

1908 Northcote, Gordon Stafford, Willowmead, Budleigh Sal-

terton.

1909 Northcote, The Lady Rosalind, Pynes, near Exeter.
1896 Northmore, John, 4, Abbey Mead, Tavistock.

1910 Norton, J. H., Hillside, Christow, Exeter.

1903 Norton, W. Joseph, The Shrubbery, Teignmouth.

1904 Nourse, Rev. Stanhope M., Shute Vicarage, Axminster.

1903 Nowell, Capt. S., 17, Rock Park, Rock Park Ferry, Liverpool.

1912 Opie, Mrs., Woodcockswell, Cullompton.

1907 O'Reilly, Rev. Father Michael, Lyme Road, Axminster.
1912 Owen, J. G., Minalto, Barnfield Road, Exeter (Vice-
President).

1910 Palmer, Frederick William Morton-, m.d., m.a., b.c. (Cantab.),

13, Orchard Gardens, Teignmouth.

1904 Palmer, W. P., Waterloo Cottage, Exmouth.

1911 Pannell, Rev. A. P., Bulmer Vicarage, Sudbury, Suffolk.
1906 Parry, H. Lloyd, b.a., b.sc, ll.b., Guildhall, Exeter (Vice-
President).

1912JParson, R. H., Devon and Exeter Gazette Office, Exeter.

1912 Pastfield, John Robinson, Olivedale, 3, Prince's Street, South,

Exeter.

1903 Patch, Col. R., c.b., Fersfield, Newton Abbot.

1908 Pateman, Arthur F., Broadway Cottage, Littleham, Exmouth.

1902 Patey, Rev. Charles Robert, Sowton Rectory, Exeter.

1903 Peacock, H. G., l.r.c.p., m.r.c.s., Mem. Brit. Mycol. Soc,

The Moors, Bishopsteignton, Teignmouth.

1901 Pearse, James, 11, Salutary Mount, Heavitree, Exeter.

1896 Pearson, Rev. J. B., d.d., 35, Marlborough Road, Bourne-

mouth, W.

1910 Peck, Miss Charlotte L., Maidencombe House, St. Mary-

church, Torquay.

1911 Peek, C, Deer Park, Stoke Fleming, near Dartmouth.

1905 Peet, A. W., Penrallt, Kingskerswell, near Newton Abbot.

1882 Penzance Library, Penzance.

1908 Peter, Claude H., Town Clerk's Office, Launceston.

1897 Peter, Thurstan C, Redruth.

1883 Petherick, J., 8, Clifton Grove, Torquay.
1910 Pilditch, Philip E., Weybridge, Surrey.

1912 Pinder, William Henry, Shillingford Lodge, near Exeter.

Digitized by

LIST OF MEMBERS.

821

1899 Pinkham, Charles, j.p., c.a., Linden Lodge, 7, Winchester
Avenue, Brondesbury, N.W.

1879 Plymouth Free Public Library, Plymouth.

1884 Plymouth Proprietary Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth.

1880 Pode, J. D., Slade, Cornwood, Ivy bridge.
1892pPoLLOCK, Sir F., Bart., ll.d., f.s.a., etc., 21, Hyde Park

Place, London, W.
1 900*Ponsonby, Kev. Preb. Stewart Gordon, m.a., Kectory, Stoke

Damerel, Devonport.
1900*Pope, John, Coplestone House, Copplestone.
1878*Powell, W., m.b., f.r.c.s., Hill Garden, Torquay.
1909 Prance, H. Penrose, Whitchurch, Mannamead, Plymouth.
1888 Prickman, J. D., Okehampton.

1911 Prideaux, Colonel W. F., c.s.i., Hopeville, St. Peters-iri-

Thanet, Kent.

1901 Prideaux, W. de C, f.r.s.m., l.d.s.bno., 12, Frederick Place,
Weymouth.

1912 Pring, T. C, Maryland, Spicer Road, Exeter (Vice-President).
1912 Pring, W. J., Spreytonway, Exeter.

1887 Prowse, Arthur B., m.d., p.r.c.8., 5, Lansdown Place,
Clifton.

1891 Prowse, W. B., l.r.c.p., m.r.c.s., 31, Vernon Terrace,
Brighton.

1894*Pryke, Rev. Canon W. E., m.a., The Close, Exeter (Vice-
President).

1903 Prynne, G. H. Fellowes, f.r.i.b.a., 6, Queen Anne's Gate,

Westminster, London, S.W.
1893 Punchard, Rev. Canon E. G., d.d., St. Mary's Vicarage, Ely.

1901 Radford, A. J. V., f.s.a., Vacye, College Road, Malvern.
1898*Radford, Arthur L., f.s.a., Bovey House, Beer, Devon.
1889 Radford, Sir C. H., j.p., 4, The Crescent, Plymouth.
1888 Radford, Mrs., Chiswick House, Ditton Hill, Surbitou,
Surrey.

1896 Reed, Harbottle, f.r.i.b.a., 57, St. David's Hill, Exeter.
1912 Reed, Herbert, Thornlea, Cowley Road, Exeter.
1912 Reed, William Henry, Thornlea, Cowley Road, Exeter.
1911 Reeve, J. Arthur, Yarrow Bank, Kingswear, Dartmouth.
1909 Reform Club, Pall Mall, London, S.W. {per Librarian).
1885*Reichel, L. H., Beara Court, Highampton, North Devon.
1872 Reichel, Rev. Oswald J., b.c.l., f.s.a., A la Ronde, Lymp-
stone, Devon.

1911 Rendell, Dr., 19, Norfolk Crescent, Hyde Park, London, W.
1904 RevnelJ, B., 152, Selhurst Road, South Norwood, London.

"S.E.

1898*Reynell-Upham, W. Upham, 13, Constantine Road, Hamp-
stead, London, N.W.

1912 Rice, Dr. George, The Gables, Bideford.

1912 Roach, Albert Edward, 10, Wonford Road, Exeter.

822

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1912 Roberts, C. T. K., Fairhill, Wonford Road, Exeter (Vice-
President).

1906 Roberts, Rev. R. 0., East Down Rectory, Barnstaple.

1909 Rogers, R. B., Hexworthy, Lawhitton, near Launceston.

1902*Rogers, W. H., j.p., Orleigh Court, Bideford.

1912 Ross, Charles Josiah, Ibsley, Exeter.

1902 Ross, Rev. J. Trelawny, d.d., Ham, near Devonport.

1906 Ross, H. M., Sea wood House, Lynton.

1900 Row, R. W. Harold, b.Sc, Mount Vernon, Exeter.

1911 Rowand, Commander Alexander, r.n., d.s.o., Upcott, Oke-

hampton.

1909 Rowe, Mrs. J. Brooking, Castle Barbican, Plympton.

1912 Rowe, Charles Edward, j.p., Loma Loma, Exeter.
1912 Rowe, Thomas Bradley, Lafrowda, Exeter.

1912 Rowley, F. R., f.r.m.s., Royal Albert Memorial Museum,
Exeter.

1899 Rudd, E. E., 119, West End Lane, West Hampstead,
London, N.W.

1905*Rundell, Towson William, f.r.Met.Soc., 25, Castle Street,
Liverpool.

1910 Rundle, Miss Julia, Kimberley, South Brent, S. Devon.

1912 St. Cyres, The Rt. Hon. Viscount, j.p., m.a., Pynes, near
Exeter (President).

1910 Salter, Miss Mary, Romsdal, Torquay.

1904 Sanders, James, j.p., c.c, 23, South Street, South Molton.

1912 Sanders, The Ven. Archdeacon, m.a., The Close, Exeter
(Vice-President).

1912 Satow, The Rt. Hon. Sir Ernest M., p.c, g.c.m.g., Beaumont,
Ottery St. Mary (Vice-President).

1881*Saunders, Ernest G. Symes, m.d., 20, Ker Street, Devon-
port.

1877*Saunders, George J. Symes, m.d., Lustleigh, Burlington Place,
Eastbourne.

1895 Saunders, Miss H., 95, East Street, South Molton.

1910{Savery, G. B., Silverton, near Exeter.

1910 de Schmid, E. H., 44, St. David's Hill, Exeter.

1906 Scott, S. Noy, d.p.h. lond., l.r.c.p. lond., m.r.c.s. eng.,

Elmleigh, Plymstock.
1900*Scrimgeour, T. S., Natsworthy Manor, Ashburton.
1906 Segar, Richard, 64, St. GabriePs Road, Cricklewood, London, N.
1894 Shapland, A. E., j.p., Church House, South Molton.
1902 Shapland, J. Dee, m.r.c.s., Burnside, Exmouth.
1912 Shapland, John, 8, Topsham Road, Exeter.
1906 Sharland, A., 25, Charleville Circus, West Hill, Sydenham,

London, S.E.
1910 Shattock, Miss Lucy, Sunny Slope, Exmouth.

1909 Sheldon, Gilbert, High Park, Bideford.

1910 Sheldon, Miss Lilian, High Park, Bideford.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

823

1912 Sheldon, Rev. J. F., St. Leonard's Rectory, Exeter.
1882 Shelley, Sir John, Bart., Shobrooke Park, Crediton.
1879 Shelly, John, Princess House, Plymouth.
1907 Shepperson, Claude, a.r.w.s., 18, Kensington Court Place,
London, W.

1885 Sibbald, J. G. E., Mount Pleasant, Norton S. Philip,
Bath.

1898 Sidmouth, The Right Hon. Viscount, Upottery Manor,
Honiton.

1907 Simpson, S., Tregear, Exeter. \
1902 Skinner, A. J. P., Colyton.

1906 Skinner, Miss Emily, 21, St. Peter Street, Tiverton.
1878 Slade, S. H., 65, Westbury Road, Westbury-on-Trym, Glos.
1912 Smith, F., Westcroft, Exeter Road, Exmouth.
1895*Smith, The Hon. W. F. D., m.p., 3, Grosvenor Place,

London, S.W.

1907 Smyth, H. J., m.r.c.s., l.r.c.p., South Molton.

1908 Snell, Henry John, 6, Grimston Villas, Houndiscombe Road,

Plymouth.

1905 Snell, M. B., j.p., 5, Copthall Buildings, London, E.C.

1909 Snell, William D., 27, Chapel Street, Stonehouse, Plymouth
1912 Snow, Thomas, j.p., Union of London and Smith's Bank,

Exeter (Hon. Local Treasurer).
1912 Soper, H. Tapley, f.r.Hist.s., The Monastery, Waverley Avenue,
Exeter.

1891 Southcomb, Rev. H. G., m.a., Orchard Dene, Budleigh

1906 Sparks, Miss F. Adeline, Suffolk House, Putney Hill,
London, S.W.

1906 Sparks, Miss Hilda Ernestine, Suffolk House, Putney Hill,
London, S.W.

1899 Stawell, George, Penhallam, Torrington.
1868*£)Stebbing, Rev. T. R. R., m.a., f.r.s., Ephraini Lodge, The

Common, Tunbridge Wells, Kent.
1901 Stevens, John, f.r.m.s., 50, St. David's Hill, Exeter.

1900 Stiff, J. Carleton, Alfoxden, Torquay.

1898*St. Maur, Harold, d.l., j.p., Stover, Newton Abbot (Vice-
President).

1912 Stocker, John, 66, Cowick Street, Exeter.
1885*Strode, George S. S., d.l., j.p., Newnham Park, Plympton.
1911 Stuart, Capt. J. F,, r.n., Fairlea, Bideford.
187 5* Sulivan, Miss.

1906JSumner, H. G., Church Stile, Monkokehampton, Winkleigh.
1899 Symonds, F. G., The Firs, Sturminster Newton, Dorset.
1896 Swansea Devonian Society (per S. T. Drew), Swansea.

1899*Tanner, C. Peile, b.a., Chawleigh Rectory, Chulmleigh.
1910 Tanqueray, W. H., Townlands, Willand, Cullompton.
1890 Tavistock Public Library, Bedford Square, Tavistock.

Salterton.

824

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1900 Taylor, Alfred, The Mission House, Sehore, Bhopal State
Central India.

1886 Taylor, Arthur Furneaux, Ingleside, Hanwell, London, W.
1868 Thornton, Rev. W. H., m.a., Rectory, North Bovey, Moreton-

hampstead.

1912 Thurgood, Ernest Charles, West Hill Lodge, Budleigh

Salterton, S. Devon.
1910 Tilley, Miss Edith, Elmfield, Coombeinteignhead.
1903 Tindall, J., Marino, Sidmouth.
1906 Toley, Albert, Devonia, Golden Manor, Hanwell, W.
1908 Torquay Public Library, Torquay.

1910 Torr, Edward R. Berry, Instow, R.S.O., North Devon.
1912 Townsend, W., 19, St. Leonard's Road, Exeter.

1908 Treglohan, William Thomas, b.a., Ringmoor, Yelverton.
l902*Trist, Pendarves.

1887 Troup, Mrs. B. Frances Rose-, West Hill, Harrow-on-the-Hill.
1876 Tucker, R. C, j.p., c.a., The Hall, Ashburton (Hon. Auditor).

1911 Tudor, Rev. John Lechmere, m.a., Esgarston Vicarage, Lam-

bourn, Berks.

1910 Tuker, Miss M. A. R., Ashe House, Musbury, Devon.

1905 Turner, Alfred, m.d., Plympton House, Plympton.

1906 Turner, C. S., Kelbuie, Westbourne Terrace, Budleigh

Salterton.

1912 Turner, Mrs. Richard, c/o G. Radford, Esq., M.P., Chiswick

House, Surbiton, Surrey.

1911 Ulyat, William Francis, Port Meadow, Totnes.

1910 Upcott, Colonel Sir Frederick, cs.i., k.c.v.o., 227, St. James'

Court, Buckingham Gate, London, S.W.

1881 Varwell, H. B., 2, Pennsylvania Park, Exeter (Vice-
President).

1911 Varwell, P., Ford Bank, Dartmouth.

1912 Veitch, Peter C. M., j.p., Elm Grove House, Exeter.
1884 Vicary, W., The Knoll, Newton Abbot.
1902*Vidal, Edwin Sealy, 32, Sticklepath, Barnstaple.

1906 Vinen, G. Starling, 11, Lombard Street, London, E.C.

1912 Vlieland, C. J., m.d., j.p., 20, Southernhay West, Exeter

(Vice-President).
1910 Vodden, H., Jaffa House, Cullompton.

1907 Wainright, Capt. L. A., Bowden, Bovey Tracey.
1893 Wainwright, T., The Square, Barnstaple.

1912 Walker, Colonel D. Corrie, The Lodge, Westend, Hants.

1893 Walker, Robert, m.d., 7, East Terrace, Budleigh Salterton.

1912 Walker, Walter, Ardenvohr, Oldfield Park, Bath.

1907 Wall, Mrs., Watcombe Priors, St. Mary church, S. Devon.

1895 Walpole, Spencer C, 94, Piccadilly, London, W.

1910 Walrond, The Hon. Lionel, m.p., Bradfield, Cullompton.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

825

1911 1 Ward, Francis Wyndham, Heathcote, Milngavie, near Glasgow.
1901 Ward, Rev. Joseph Hbald, 16, Hartley Road, Exmouth.
1908 Watkin, Hugh R., Hunimersknott, Chelston, Torquay.
1904 Watts, Francis, Laureston Lodge, Newton Abbot.

1907 Watts, H. V. L, m.a., Edgeinoor, Bovey Tracey, S. Devon.
1900 Watts, Mrs. R. I., Greenbank, Yelverton, S. Devon.

1908 Waymouth, Cecil, 33, Park Road, St. Mary Church, Torquay.
1900*Wbbkbs, Miss Lbga-, Sunny Nook, Rugby Mansions, West

Kensington, London, W.
1911 Wellacott, Rev. Thomas William, m.a., The Vicarage, Totnes.

1911 Wells, Lionel Bury, Stonehanger, Salcombe, Kingsbridge.
1870*Were, T. Kennet-, m.a., j.p., d.a., Cotlands, Sidmouth.
1900*Wethey, Charles Henry, The Green, Shaldon, Teignmouth.

1912 Wheaton, Frederick, 18, Powderham Crescent, Exeter.
1872fWhitaker, W., b.a., f.r.s., f.g.s., Assoc. Inst. C.E., F. San.

Inst., 3, Campden Road, Croydon.

1893 White, T. Jeston, 39, Burne Street, London, N.W.

1875 White-Thomson, Col. Sir R. T., c.b., j.p., Broomford Manor,
Exbourne, North Devon.

1907 White way- Wilkinson, W. H., f.r.c.s.b., Inverteign, Teign-
mouth.

1897 Whitlby, H. Michell, m.inst.c.e., Broadway Court, West-

1912 Widgery, F. J., 11, Howell Road, Exeter.
1890*Wilcocks, Horace Stone, Mannamead, Plymouth.
1883*Willcocks, A. D., M.R.C.S., Park Street, Taunton.
1877*Willcocks, G. Waller, c.b., m.inst.c.b., Local Government Board,
Whitehall, S.W.

1877*Willcocks, R. H., ll.b., 4, College Hill, Cannon Street,
London, E.C.

1876*Willcocks, W. K., m.a, 6, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn,
London, W.C.

1912*Willey, Mrs. Emilie L., Pennsylvania Park, Exeter.
19L2 Willey, Miss Lilian May, Pennsylvania Park, Exeter.
1893 Willis, W. H., Ivanhoe, 28, Keswick Road, East Putney,
London, S.W.

1912 Wills, Sir E. Chaning, Bart., m.a., f.c.s., Harcombe,
Chudleigh, S. Devon (Vice-President).

1911 Wilson, A. H., Sandridge Park, near Totnes.

1911 Wilton, T., j.p., c.c., Harwarden, Dartmouth.

1875*Windeatt, Edward, Heckwood, Totnes.

1896 Windbatt, George E., Totnes.

1896 Winget, W., Glen Almond, Cockington, Torquay.

1872*Winwood, Rev. H. H.,m.a., f.g.s., 11, Cavendish Crescent, Bath.

1884* Wolfe, J. E., 24, Belsize Crescent, Hampstead, N.W.

1884*Woodhouse, H. B. S., 7, St. Lawrence Road, Plymouth.

1907 Woollcombe, Rev. A. A., Leusden Vicarage, near Ashburton.

1904 Woollcombe, Gerald D., Cranmere, Newton Abbot.

1901* Woollcombe, Robert Lloyd, m.a., ll.d., f.i.in&t., f.r.g.s.,
f.r.e.s., f.s.s., 14, Waterloo Road, Dublin.

minster.

826

LIST OF MEMBERS.

1891 Worth, R. Hansford, mkm.inst.ce., f.g.s., 32, Thornhill Road,
Plymouth.

1909 Worthington, Rev. Jeffery, Chudleigh Cottage, Cullompton.
1912 Worthington, Robert, m.a., f.r.c.s., 30, East Southernhay,
Exeter.

1876 Wright, W. H. K, 6, Seaton Avenue, Mutley, Plymouth.
1895*Wykes-Finch, Rev. W., m.a., j.p., The Monks, Chaddesley
Corbett, Kidderminster; and North Wyke, near North

1897 Yacht Club, The Royal Western, The Hoe, Plymouth.

1910 Yale University Library, New Haven, U.S.A., per Messrs.

Edward G. Allen and Son, 14, Grape Street, Shaftesbury

Avenue, London.
1900*Yeo, Miss Mary E. J., Holsworthy, Rossi Street, Yass, New

South Wales.

1900 Yeo, W. Curzon, 10, Beaumont Avenue, Richmond, Surrey.
1912JYoung, Rev. David, Pilton House, St. David's Hill, Exeter

(ViCE-PRESIDENT).

1895 Young, E. H., m.d., Darley House, Okehampton.
1912 Young, James Frederic, Duryard Grange, Exeter.
1906 Young, Thomas, m.r.c.s., Woolacombe, N. Devon.

The following Table oontains a Summary of the foregoing List.

Honorary Members . . ... 2

Life Members ... 95

Annual Members ... 505

Tawton.

Total, 1st November, 1912

602

INDEX.

By R. PEARSE CHOPE, B.A.

Note. — The Rev. O. J. Reichel's papers being separately indexed on
pp. 353-65, are not fully indexed here. Devonian personal and place
names are indexed more fully than others, and persons included in the
Dictionary of National Biography are identified by the dates of birth
and death within brackets. The chief subject entries are printed in
small capitals.

Abbeys. See Monasteries
Abbots Bickington : Bot., 128
Abbotsham : Biog., 43 ; Bot., 127
Abbotskerswell : Met., 139, 141-

53 ; Topog., 598, 601, 604
Abraham, Ezekiel, 469
Accoumbe family. See Haccombe
Acland, Sir H. W. (1815-1900), 10
Act Book of the Chamber of the

City of Exeter (Harte), 206
Adams : Edw., 471 ; Sir G. P., 35 ;

H. C, obit., 35 ; John, 468-70 ;

Maxwell, 9, 23, 25, 31-4, 70, 703 ;
- S. P., 9 ; Will., 477
Addiscot, Rich., 587
Advancement of Science (Hunt), 616
Alanus, prior, 197
Alderman, office of, 207-11
Aldouss, J. and J., 112
Alexander, J. J., 9, 21 ; Paper by:

Parliament, Devon County Mem-
bers of, 1213-1327, 366
Aleyn, Hen., 506
Alford, Rev. D. P., obit., 35
Alger, W. H., obit., 37
Aller stream (St. Mary Church), 600
Alleyn, Will., bishop, 213
Alms bowls and dishes, 86-12.5
Almsgiving. See Charity.
Almshouses : Dartmouth, 671 ;

Exeter, 105, 227, 277, 413, 450,

510-1, 549
Alneto, De. See Dawney
Alphington : Bot., 129 ; Hist., 201 ;

Topog., 446, 597
Alwington: Biog., 495
Alyn, Hen., 582
Amery, J. S., 9, 21, 33-4, 139
Amye, Edw., 536

Ancient monuments, Committee on,
22, 34

Andrew (or Andrews): Johanna, 111;

Matth., 588 ; Sid., 9, 31-2
Angel, Jos. and John, 109
Anneriday, John, 659
Annery (Monkleigh), 377
Anstey's Cove (St. Mary Church),

134

Anthony : Edw., 88, 451 ; John,
451

Antonay, Joyce, 574

Aplysia. See Molluscs

Aqua, Reimund de, 195

Archaeology. See Barrows ; Brasses ;
Castles ; Caves and cave-dwellers;
Christian art and symbolism ;
Coins ; Earthworks (archaeology) ;
Heraldry; Iron implements ; Man
— Origin and antiquity; Monas-
teries ; Monuments ; Pottery;
Seals (Numismatic); Stone im-
plements ; Tokens ; aUo names of
parishes, subhead Arch.

Archerton (Dartmoor), 140

Arkesworthe, Edm., 587

Arlington : Bot., 127

Arms, Coats of. See Heraldry

Arno, Pet., 477

Art, Christian. See Christian art

and symbolism
Arundel, John, 255
Ashburton : Biog. y 41, 53 ; Bot.,

131-2 ; Hist., 368 ; Manuf., 578 ;

Meetings, 10 ; Met., 136, 139,

141-53

Baron. See Dunning, J ohn

Ashcombe : Biog., 375
Ashe, Mary, 476

Digitized by

Google

828

INDEX.

Ashe (Musbury), 67

Ashford : Bot., 126

and Co., 469

Ashreigney : Bot., 129

Ashton : BoL, 129 ; Church, 234

Farm (Countisbury), 704

Ashwater : Dial., 71-3, 79

Askham, Nich., 269

Assize of bread and ale, 197

Association (Devonshire), Origin of
(Harpley), 154

Atte Weye, Rob., 562-3

Atwell, Tho., 588

Atwill, John, 587, 589

Atwyll, Phil., 588

Audry, John, 459, 462

Augustine, John, 270

Aulnager. See Woollen manu-
facture

Austen(afterwards God win- Austen),

R. A. C, 166
Austin, Rob., 662
Avery, Averie, John, 88, 442, 445,

458, 461-2
Ave ton Gifford : Biog., 494
Avon, River, 609, 677
Axe River, 130

Axminster : Bot., 130 ; Dial., 72,

80 ; Hist., 452 ; Meeting, 10
Aylesbeare : Manuf., 569
Ayssheton, Nich., 255

Babage, Mich., 657

Babbage, John, 466-7

Babcome, Tho., 224

Baddiford, Tho., 672, 675

Badley, Alnett. See Budlye

Baggwell, Mark, 214

Bagwell, John, 657

Bagwill, Dav., 536

Baker : Diggory, 269 ; Rev. G. G.,

34; John, 397, 399-400, 588;

Rich., 588 ; SirS.W. (1821-1893),

Bakers' Company, Exeter, 420-1,
438

Balance sheet, 20
Balker, John, 588
Balkwill, A., 155

Ball : E. J., 70 ; Grace, 659 ; Rob.,
659

Balle, John, 468, 469

Bailer : Anth., 552 ; Cath., 552 ;

Jos., 552 ; Susanna, 552
Bampton : Biog., 497-8 ; Manuf.,

577, 579
Banfill, Sam., 125
Banks : Mrs. Eliz., 102 ; Rev.

Will., 101
Bant, I., 108

Barbanson, Martin, 212
Barber- Surgeons' Company, Exeter,
428, 438

Baring : Eliz., 555 ; John, 553-5 ;

Sir Tho., 556-7
Baring-Gould. See Gould
Barnard, E., 121

E. E. J. and W., 95-8, 102,

106, 109, 112-3, 116, 119, 122, 125

Ernes and, 121

Barne, Rev. Cha., 124

Barnes : Geo., 452 ; Hester, 452 ;
John, 452 ; Marg., 452 ; Ralph,
102 ; Susanna, 452 ; Will., 661,
668

Barnstaple : Biog., 43, 48, 58, 67,

89, 439, 443, 449, 465, 477. 494,

574, 576, 578-9, 583, 651, 716;

Bot., 127; Hist., 368, 577, 665;

Manuf., 576-9, 587 ; Meetings,

10; Met., 139,141-53; Shipping,

534 539 545.
Baron : John, 587 ; Undirhill, 587
Barran, Cha., 137, 140
Barrington, John, 675
Barrows : Report of Committee

on {Worth), 83
Barry : Alex., 612-4 ; Rich., 588
Bartlett : Bern., 449 ; Rev. John,

449; Mary, 449; Rich., 269;

Rev. Will., 449 ; Will., 444, 448-

50, 456
Barton, Rob., 539
Barum. See Barnstaple
Baskerville : Sir Simon (1574-

1641), 275 ; Tho., 269, 275, 449
Bastaple, Edith, 451
Bastard, Will., 655-6, 659
Bate, C. S., 10, 154-5, 188, 692-3
Bateman, Hester, 108
Bath, Earl of. See Bourchier, Will.
Battersby, Dr., 164, 166
Baunton, Walt., 199
Bayley, Will., 94
Bayliffe, Matt.,* 222
Beaches, 692-702, 726-8
Beacon Hill (Marldon), 600
Bealde, Rob., 418
Beamport (Bishop's Nympton), 374
Beaple : Sir Reg., 374 ; Sir Rob.,

372, 374-5, 377, 379-80
Beare : Edw., 536 ; John, 536,

672 ; Pet. de, 372
family, 378

Beauchamp, Sir Hum., 371, 376-7,
380

Beaudyn, Sir Rob., 370, 378-80
Beaumont: Sir John, 380; Sir

Rich., 380 ; Rev. Rob., 511 ;

Will., 547

Digitized by

INDEX.

829

Beauple. See Beaple
Beaupyne, Tho., 573-4
Beaver, Ja., 536
Bedford, Earls of. See Russell
Beer : John, 475 ; Tho., 468, 658
Beer Alston (Beerferris), 50, 138-9,
141-53

Beerferris : Biog., 50, 374-5, 377,
380 ; Church, 233 ; Met., 138-9,
141-53

Beggar's Bush (Chudleigh), 597,
602

Belebuche : Matilda, 511 ; Nich.,

511 ; Phil., 511
Belli : John, 587 ; Walt., 587
Belstone : Bot., 128 ; Zool., 684
Benedictines, 193
Bennett : Mrs. Eliz., 451 ; E. A.,

140 ; Sampson, 477-8
Bennick, Jos., 477
Benton (Teignmouth), 140-53
Bere Alston. See Beer Alston

Ferrers. See Beerferris

Berkeley, Ja., bishop, 241

Bernardus, 195

Berners, Will., 510

Berry Head (Brixham), 721, 725-7,

729, 731
Berrynarbor : Biog., 446
Berry Pomeroy : Biog., 41 ; Bot.,

135 ; Met., 137, 140-53 ; Topog.,

600

Berthey, Will., 536

Bery : Geo., 269 ; John, 418 ;

Nich., 588

Besley, , 787

Betson, , 224

Betty, John, 264, 587
Bevis, Rich., 269, 274, 536
Bibliography : Joanna Southcott

{Lane), 757
Bickford, W. G. T., obit., 37
Bickford, Capt. Will., 37
Bickleigh, near Plympton : Biog.,

near Tiverton : Biog., 63

Bidder, G. P. (1806-1878), 10

Bideford : Biog., 43, 449, 465, 553 ;
Bot., 127 ; Meetings, 10 ; Ship-
ping, 534

Bridge, 495

Bidgood, Anne, 548-9

Bidlake, Rich., 468

Biffin, , 129

Bigbury : Biog., 376, 380

Sir John, 376, 380

Billensley, Billingsley, Hen., 527,
529

Biography. See under names of
persons and places

Birche, Rich., 588
Bird, Mrs., 736

Birds : in South Hams District
(Elliot), 605. See also under
common names.

Birks, Rev. H. A., 560

Birland, 372

Bishop : Fra., 477-8 ; Noah, 734 ;

Sam., 120
Bishop's Nympton : Biog., 374 ;

Bot., 128

Tawton: Bot., 127; Hist., 201

Teignton: Bot., 131, 134

Bitton, Tho. de, bishop, 94
Blackabrook (West Dart River),

83-5

Blackall : John, 219, 223, 230, 269,
271 ; Tho., 270-1

Blackaller, John, 204, 223

Blackborough : Biog., 567

Blackdown Beacon, 669

Blackenway, 600-1

Blackford, Blachford : John, 223;
Sam., 477-8

Blackler, T. A., 9

Black Torrington : Biog., 734

Blacoler, John, 524

Blacollers, Blackley, Tho., 524, 529

Blagdon (Paignton), 375

Blake, Tho., 466-7

Blakeborn, Hen. de, 238, 241

Blakelond, John, 582

Blaker, John, 588

Blancheford, John, 418

Blanchflower, Grace, 547

Blaunchard, John, 578

Blayney, Mich., 270

Blee, Lieut., 666

Blewet, Major, 666

Blomstut, Martin, 536

Blondy, Rich., bishop, 239

Bluett, Sir Roger, 501

Blundell, Pet. (1520-1601), 67

Blundell's School (Tiverton), 35, 63.
99-100

Blunt, Lieut.-Col., 666

Bodley. Sir Tho. (1545-1613), 54

Body, Martin, 9

Bohun, Marg. de, 246-7

Bond of Association, Exeter (Cress-
well), 266

Bondman, Steven, 662

Bonefaunt, Rob., 588

Bonevyll, Will., 581

Bonville, Sir Will., Lord Bonville,
253-64

Bonvisi, Antonio (d. 1558), 571
Boon : Abr., 431 ; Tho., 661
Borough, Borowe : Sir John, 603 ;
Walt., 270, 274, 536

Digitized by

830

INDEX.

Boson : Edm., 581 ; John, 581

Bosyn, Rich., 582

Botany : Report of Committee
{Hiern), 126

Bothamley, Rev. Westley, 559

Boulders, 692, 694-6

Bounde, Tho., 588

Bourchier, Bourgchier : Rev. Hen.,
499; Tho. (1404 ?-1486), arch-
bishop, 256; Tho., 499; Sir Will.,
Lord Fitzwarren, 255, 498 ; Will.,
3rd Earl of Bath, 652-3

Boure, Rev. John, 497

Bourne, John, 230

Boutel, John, 478

Bovey Tracey : Biog., 274, 547,

560 ; Bot., 132-3 ; Oeol., 185-7 ;

Manuf., 569 ; Zool. y 684

Bowden: Rich., 662; , 655

Bowers, W. H., 430, 560

Bowhode, Nich., 582

Bowring, Sir John (1792-1872), 10,

155-6, 188-9
Boyes, Phil., 657
Boyle, Tho., 588
Bracton, Hen. de (d. 1268), 48
Bradeham, Brodeham (Littleham),

196-7

Bradford : Met., 138-9, 141-53

Bradford, Eliza, 116

Bradford Pool (Drewsteignton), 684

Bradninch : Hist., 368

Brad worthy : Alice de, 511 ; Rob.

de, 511
Bragg, Rob., 536, 545
Braggingston, Rev. Laur., 395
Bramford, Ralph, 377-8, 380
Brampford Speke : Hist., 201
Brandis Corner (Bradford), 138-9,

141-53
Brandon, John, 510
Branscombe : Bot., 130
Brantingham, Tho. de, bishop

(d. 1394), 199, 413
Brass dishes, 100, 123
Brasses, 654, 667
Bratton Fleming : Bot., 127
Braunton : Biog., 378, 381 ; Bot.,

127 ; Oeol., 692-702
Brayley, Will., 217
Breghnok, Roger, 574
Brendon : Arch., 716
Brereton, Tho., 207
Breton, Rev. Hugh, 83
Brewar, John, 524, 529
Brewer, Will., bishop, 242
Brewers' Company, Exeter, 428,

438

Brice, T., 757

Bridestowe : Biog., 396 ; Zool., 684

Bridford: Biog., 548-9, 560 ; Hist.,
408

Bridgeman, Brydgman : Jasper,
446-7; John (1577-1652), 445,
447, 450; Sir Orlando (1606 ?-
1674), 445, 450 ; Tho., 269, 274,
445. 447

Bridges : 203, 495

Bridgetown (Totnes), 600

Bridson, Miss M. F. C, 9

Briggs, J. H. Mead-, 136, 140

Bright: Ellen, 108; ,212

Brinley, John, 465, 477

Brinnimore Common (Dartmoor),
684

Brinsmead, Rob., 535
Brithenbottom (Halberton), 71
Brixham : Arch., 175-8 ; Biog.,

787 ; Geol., 721, 725-9, 731
Broad Clyst : Biog., 376, 381
Broadhembury : Biog., 549
Broadhurst, Edw., 467
Broad Sands (Churston Ferrers),

720

Brock : Moses, 402 ; Simon, 396

Brogan, John, 419

Brokenshire, F. A., 127

Brooking : John, 669 ; Will., 662-3

Brooks, John, 270

Broomford (Jacobstowe), 378

Brown, Browne : Alice, 510 ; Benj.,

459, 462, 464-5; Ezekiel, 469;

Hum., 419 ; John, 468. 507 ;

Nich., 455, 458-9, 461-2, 464-6,

479; Will., 466-7, 587; ,

734

Browne, A. J. J ukes-, Paper by :
Torbay, The Making of, 718

Browning, Rob., 587

Bruerton, Tho., 269, 271

Brushfield, T. N., 10

Bryant : Rev. Rich., 455 ; Will.,
455, 458, 462

Bryce, Rich., 588

Brycknoll, John, 507

Brydgman. See Bridgeman

Buckfast Abbey, 198

Buckfastleigh : Bot., 134-5 ; Meet-
ing, 22

Buckland Abbey, 198

Buckland Brewer : Biog., 495

Buckland Filleigh : Biog., 451

Buckland-in-the-Moor : BoL, 131-2

Buckland Monachorum ; Dial., 70 ;
Zool., 684

Buckland, Will. (1784-1856), 634

Buckman, Geo., C62

Bucks Mills : Biog., 43

Budleigh Salterton : Bot., 130

Budley, John, 661, 663

Digitized by

INDEX.

831

Budlye, Alnet, 270, 274, 536
Bugge, John, 582
Bukenham, Will., 204
Bulk worthy : Biog., 495-6
Buller: Sir Fra. (1746-1800), 52 ;

Ja., 124; John, 223; Will.,

bishop, 736
Bulley : John, 673 ; Phil., 662
Bullye, Will., 270
Bullyn, Rich., 442, 446
Bunce, J., 472, 475
Burd : Rev. Lanr., 91 ; Pet., 673
Burdon, John, 115, 466, 477-8
Burgeyn, Will., 203
Burgh, Rich., 588
Burlescombe : Zoo!., 684
Burleston, Will., 581
Burnard : Rich., 576, 578-9 ; Rob.,

9-10, 33-4, 140
Burnete, Rob., 536
Burrator (Sheepstor), 682, 684
Burridge, Tho., 118
Burrington : Biog., 395 ; Bot.,

128-9
Burrows, Mrs., 735
Burt, Will., 387

Bury: Art., 112; Dr., 549;

John, 510, 573
Bush, Geo., 387

Buskin (Exbourne), 394, 399, 401,
403-5

Butchers' Company, Exeter, 428,
438

Buteler, Nich., 579

Butler, Ja., Earl of Wiltshire

(1420-1461), 255
Butter Brook (Dartmoor), 680
Buzzard, Common, 605
Bydewill, John, 578
Bydown House (Swymbridge), 396
Bye-laws of Association, 16
Byne, Tho., 473, 475, 585-6
Byrde, Tho., 223

Cadbury : Bot., 129 ; Church, 449 ;

Hist, 201
Cadwell, Rich., 524, 529
Caley, Rob., 658
Calle, Sam., 453
Callendar, Rev. Reg., 559-60
Calmady : John, 396 ; Shilston,

396

Campion, H., 9

Campo Arnulphi. See Champer-
nowne

Camps. See Earthworks (archaeo-
logical)

Canals : Burlescombe, 684 ; Exeter,

29, 274, 531, 682-4
Candlesticks, 93

Canter, Wilton, 659

Cappers', Haberdashers', and Felt-
makers' Company, Exeter, 428,
438

Carelles, John, 223

Carew: Bampfylde Moore (1693-

1770 ?), 63-6; Sir Pet. (1514-

1575), 272
Carpenters' and Masons' Company,

Exeter, 428, 438
Carter : Geo., 471 ; John, 658 ;

Susannah, 735
Cary, Carey: Edw., 527, 529;

Sir Geo., 529, 651 ; Geo., 524,

529 ; Sir Hen., 665
Castell, Nich., 662
Castle Hill (Filleigh), 136, 140-53
Castles : Dartmouth, 664-5 ;

Kingswear, 656, 664 ; Lydford,

254 ; Tiverton, 257
Catkill, Rob., 476
Caunter, W. G., 474-5
Cave : Simon, 230 ; Sir Steph.

(1820-1880), 10
Caves and cave-dwellers : Brix-

ham, 175-8
Ceilings, 660

Chadwick, Ja., 107, 111, 122
Chaft'e : John, 669 ; Pascha, 275 ;

Rob., 270, 275 ; Tho., 270, 275-6
Chafy, Rev. W. K. W. C, 116
Chalices and covers, 86-125, 443-6,

449-50, 452, 456, 479
Chalk, Rev. E. S., 9
Challacombe : Biog., 375, 381
Challons, Sir John, 377, 380
Chalouns, Pet. de, 372
Champernowne : Sir Hen., 371,

374, 376 ; Otho, 497 ; Sir Rich.,

372, 379-81 ; Sir Will., 374-6,

379-80

Champion : Miss E. H., 389 ;
Rich. (1743-1791), 58, 385-6,
389,393; Sarah, 385, 388

Chanter : Rev. J. F., 9, 33-4, 70,
703, 705-6, 716 ; J. R., 716

Chanter, Rev. J. F., Papers by :
Church Plate Committee, Report
of, 86 ; Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild,
438

Chapel Hill (Torquav), 723
Chapell: John, 536; Tho., 269,

273, 545, 613-5 ; Will., 270, 273
Chapelman, Rob., 588
Chapman : Rev. C, 9-10, 34 ;

S. C, 140
Chappie: Will., 390; W. E. P.,

9, 34

Chardon, Hugh, 230
Charity, 201-2

Digitized by

832

INDEX.

Charles II at Dartmouth, 669-71
Charleton : Biog., 452
Chawleigh : Biog., 399 ; Bot., 128
Chekston, Will., 573
Chester : John, 524, 529 ; Sir

Will., 529
Chestnuts (Newton Abbot), 140
Cheyney : Sir Nich., 376, 380 ; Sir

Will., 376
Chichester, Rob., bishop (d. 1155),

239

Chick : Edw., 536 ; Elijah, 420, 430
Chimney-pieces, 661
Chinmeys (geological), 694, 696-7,
701

China (porcelain). See Pottery
China Clay Corporation, Ltd., 678-
80

Chisbeach, Rich., 370, 372, 377-80
Chittlehamholt : Bot., 128-9
Chittlehampon : Bot., 129 ; Churchy
456

Cholmeley, Hugh, 447

Cholwell, John, 460

Chope : Rev. C. R., 650 ; John,

658 ; R. P., 9, 33-4, 70, 529, 732,

757

Chope, R. P., Paper by : Aulnager

in Devon, 568
Chrism a tory, 440

Christian art and symbolism :
231-51

Christianity, Deanery of, 86-125
Christow : Dial., 79
Chubb, Matth., 425
Chuddelegh, Ja. de, 577, 581
Chudleigh : Biog., 30, 228 ; Manuf.,

569 ; Topog., 597 ; Various, 199
Chudleigh Knighton (Hennock),

684

Chudleigh: Sir Geo., 660, 662;
Ja., 662

Chulmleigh : Bot., 128 ; Manuf.,
569, 578

Churches. See under names of
parishes

Churchill, John, 1st Duke of Marl-
borough (1650-1722), 67
Church plate. See Plate
Churston Ferrers : Biog., 375, 380 ;

Oeol, 720-1, 727 ; Topog., 601
Chuton, 253, 255
Civil War, 604, 661-7
Clapp, Rob., 396-7, 400, 671-2
Clare Portion (Tiverton), 447
Clark, Clarke: Rich., 524; Tho.,

478 ; Walt., 496
Clarke, Miss K. M., 9 ; Paper by :
St. Nicholas' Priory, Exeter,
Records of, 192

Classenwell Pool (Dartmoor), 684
Clayden, A. W., 9, 34
Clayhidon : Biog., 36
Cleeve, Rev. I. K., 100
Cleeve (St. Thomas, Exeter), 396
Clennon Hill (Paignton), 722
Clerk, Clerke : Avys, 220 ; Rich.,
588

Clibborn, Abr., 387

Clifford : Col. E. T., 9, 26 ; L. H. H.

9th Baron Clifford of Chudleigh,

9-10 ; Sir Nich., 517
Clifford, Col. E. T., Paper by :

Drake's Treasure, 512
Clifton-Dartmouth-Hardness. See

Dartmouth
Climate. See Meteorology
Clinton, Baron. See Trefusis
Clist. See Clyst
Cliston, 408
Clistwick, 408

Cloister Hall (Frithelstock), 552-3
Cloth . trade. See- Woollen manu-
facture
Clyst Bridge, 261

Clyst Champernowne (Ilfracombe),
374

Clyst Heath, 253, 261-3
Clyst Hydon : Biog., 552
Clyst River, 261

Clyst St. George : Biog., 446 ;

Etym., 260
Clyst St. Lawrence : Biog., 447
Clyst St. Mary : Bot., 129 ; Etym.,

260 ; Zool., 683-4
Cockington : Biog., 375, 380, 529 ;

Geol., 721 ; Zool, 684
Cockington : Sir Roger, 375-6, 380 ;

Sir Tho., 380-1
Cockles, 635

Cockwood (Dawlish), 684
Codrington, Lieut.-Col., 666
Coffin : Tho., 120, 466-8 ; Will., 468,
476

Coffinswell : Topog., 600

Cogan, Milo de, 195

Coins : Edw. the Confessor, 31 ;

Roman. 715-7 ; testoons, 219-

20. See also Tokens.
Coke, John, 582
Colborne, Hon. Mrs., 34
Colcomb (Colyton), 264
Cole: Edm., 270; John, 656;

Jos., 465
Colefin, Major, 666
Coleman, Dan., 466, 467
Coleridge : B. J. S., 2nd Baron

Coleridge, 9-10 ; Sir J. D., 1st

Baron Coleridge (1820-1894), 10 ;

S. T. (1772-1834), 46

Digitized by

INDEX.

833

Coles, Ja., 466
Coleshill, Tho., 534
Collacombe (Lamerton), 520, 522
Collaton, 408

Collier : Jos., 477 ; Rob., 2nd Baron
Monkswell, 10 ; R. P., 1st Baron
Monkswell (1817-1886), 10

Collins, Collyns : Ja., 449 ; John,
270, 536 ; Will., 510, 554

Collumpton. See Cullompton

Collyns. See Collins

Colston, Tho., 496

Colyn: John, 576, 578, 587;
Tho., 440

Colyton : Biog., 43, 374, 381, 447 ;
Church, 43 ; Hist., 264, 408

Combe Martin : Bot., 127

Combe Raleigh : Bot., 130

Combe St. Nicholas, 195

Commin, J. G., 9

Committees, Special, 33

Compton (Marldon), 601, 721

Compton, Rev. Will., 116

Cono, prior, 193

Constable, Will., 651

Conway, Capt., 666

Conyam : Anne, 547 ; Eliz., 548 ;
John, 548; Tho., 547

Coode, Will., 663

Cook, Cooke : Edw., 212, 224 ;

John, 501 ; Tho., 108, 502
Cookbury : Biog., 377, 381, 493
Cookworthy : Benj., 391 ; Will.

(1705-1780), 28, 55-8, 382-93
Coombes, J. E., 140
Cooper, C, 475

Coopers' and Hellyers' Company,

Exeter, 428
Copleston, Coplestone : Anth., 613-

5; John, 255, 499, 507-8, 575,

577, 579, 583
Corbet, G. V., 139
Cordwainers' Company, Exeter,

416-9, 438
Corman : Ja., 588 ; John, 588
Cormorant, Common, 609
Cornewe, Cornu : Constance, 494 ;

Walt., 494, 581
Cornish, R. S., 105-6
Correham (Halberton), 374
Coscomb, John, 507
Cosens, Rich., 658
Cosway, Rich. (1740-1821), 67
Coteler, John, 507
Cotleigh : Biog., 379-80
Cottager, Chris., 658
Cotton, Cotyn: John, 443 ; Will., 440
Council, Report of, 22
Countess Weir : Church, 86, 89- 90,

124 ; Hist., 530 ; Zool., 683-4

VOL. XLIV.

Countisbury : Arch., 703-17 ;
Biog., 703-4, 716

Courtail, Lewis, 467

Court Barton (Exbourne), 401, 404

Courtenay, Courtnay : Fra., 675 ;
Hen., 256-8 ; Hen. Reg., bishop
(1741-1803), 739; Sir Hugh,
581 ; Hugh, 256, 372 ; John,
253, 257, 260; Pet., bishop {d.
1492), 241 ; Sir Pet., 581 ; Sir
Phil., 253, 257-8, 581 ; Rob.,
Baron of Okehampton, 367 ;
Tho., Earl of Devon, 252-64;
Sir Tho., 256-7 ; Will., archbp.
(1342 ?-1396), 239, 241 ; Sir
Will., 367, 373; W. R., 11th
Earl of Devon (1807-1888), 10

Courtes, Roger, 212

Court Grange (Abbotskerswell), 139

Cowie : Alice Marg., 92 ; Very
Rev. B. M. (1816-1910), 10, 91

Cowley Bridge, 29

Cowley ponds, 684

Cowper, Walt., 270

Cowsic Valley, 140-53

Coyton, Will., 588

Crane, Tho., 524

Crawthorne, Sir Matth., 370, 373,'
378-81

Crediton : Biog., 52 ; Bot., 128 ;

Hist., 368; Mamif., 569, 577,

579 ; Meeting, 10
Creedy Park (Sandford), 684
Cresswell : Miss B. I<\, 9, 21, 26, 28,

34 ; J. B., 95
Cresswell, Miss B. F., Paper by :

Exeter Bond of Association, 266
Crests. See Heraldry
Crewes, Geo., 212
Crewkerne, John, 656
Cripps, Mark, 100
Croberd, Geo., 224
Croft, Sir A. W., 9-10, 33-4, 139
Crolditch Fair. See Fairs.
Cross, Crosse: John, 269, 274;

Rev. T. U., 100
Crossing, Rich., 562
Crudge, Will., 595
Cruets, Church, 115
Crutchett, Rich., 469
Cubitt, Jos., 668
Cucking-stool, 221
Cullompton : Biog., 264-5, 453 ;

Hist., 193, 201 ; Manuf., 577,

587 ; Meeting, 10 ; Met., 139,

141-53

Cullompton, Will, of, 200, 202
Culmstock : Manuf., 576-7
Cuthberd, Rob., 502
Cutler, Ja. the, 656 f

3 G

Digitized by

834

INDEX.

Cutlers' Company. See Smiths', etc.,
Company

Dabernon, John, 495-6, 499
Dabroun, John, 573
Daddy Hole Plain (Torquay), 720,
730-1

Dallinger, Rev. W. H., 10

Danelles,- Renold, 524

Darbie, Rich., 270

Dartington : Biog., 668 ; Bot.,

135 ; Various, 264
Dartmoor : Arch., 83-5 ; Biog.,

264; Dial, 74; Oeol, 678-80;

Met., 137, 140-53 ; Zool, 684
Dartmouth : Biog., 377, 380, 468,

476, 478-9, 531-2, 649-76 ; Bot.,

132 ; Hist., 368, 603-4, 649-76 ;

Manuf., 577 ; Meetings, 10 ;

Shipping, 530, 532, 534, 542,

651, 668

Dartmouth Borough and Mayors
( Windeatt), 649

Dartmouth : Butterwalk, 660, 671

Dartmouth Castle, 664-5

Dartmouth churches : St. Pet-
rock's, 654, 671 ; St. Saviour's,
650, 653, 655-6, 659, 662, 667,
671 ; Townstall, 664

Dartmouth parishes : St. Pet-
rock's, 654; St. Saviour's, 672,
675 ; Townstall, 659, 661

Dartmouth, Receivers of, 649,
652-5, 663

Dartmouth, Recorders of, 659, 672

Dartmouth, Steward of, 661

Dart River, West, 83-5

Daryot, Will., 532

Daubeny, C. G. B. (1795-1867), 10

Davey, F. H., 134-5

Davies, Will., 9, 34

Davis : John, 536 ; Tho., 545

Davy, Davye : Edm., 658 ; Hugh,
230; I., 108; John, 212, 271 ;
Tho., 424 ; , 228

Daw, Dawe : John, 473 ; Rich.,
95; Rob., 108

Dawlish : Biog., 43 ; Bot., 131 ;
Meeting, 10 ; Shipping, 545 ;
Zool., 684

Dawney, Sir Nich., 372, 377, 380

Deanery of Christianity, 86-125

Denbury : Biog., 441 ; Church, 441

Denham : G., 799 ; , 665

Denney, Will., 123

Dennis, Sir Rob., 375

Denny, Rev. , 738

Denys : Gilb., 270 ; Walt., 226,
270

Depford, John, 536

Depree, F., 114, 119
Depree and Young, 102
Deptford Bridge, 495
Derbye, Rich., 270
Devil's Tor (Dartmoor), 140-53
| Devon, Earl of. See Courtenay
Devonian period. See Geology,

Stratigraphic
Devonport : Biog., 468, 475, 478 ;

Meeting, 10
Dialect : Verbal provincialisms,

Report of Committee on (Lay-

cock), 69; 762
Diamond, Rob., 443
Dick, Chris., 657
Dier : Jolm, 217 ; Will., 270
Digbys (Exeter), 684
Dittisham. Ditsam : Hist., 663
Dodderidge : Benedicta, 482 ; Will.,

482

Doddesham, Will., 255
Dode, Ensign, 666
Dodscott (St. Giles-in-the-Wood),
275, 379

Doe, G. M., 9, 33-4, 70, 140 ; Paper
by : Torrington Church History,
temp. Eliz., 611

Doe Tor (Dartmoor), 684

Doel, , 393

Dokmanton, Tho., 585

Dolbeare, John, 669

Domesday Book : Domesday
Hundreds (Reichel) — South Taw-
ton, 343 ; Wenford or Wonford,
278

Donleley, Tho., 671

Dorchester, Rich., 218, 269, 274, 536

Dotton, Geo., 673

Douai, Walt, de, 498

Dove, Stock, 609

Dowlyng, Walt., 588

Downe : John, 270 ; Moris, 269 ;

Rich., 397, 399-400 ; Will., 574
Downes (Crediton), 52
Downing, Capt., 666
Down St. Mary : Bot., 129
Dowry ssh, Tho., 499
Dracher, Will., 589
Drake : Bern., 612, 615 ; Sir Fra.

(1540?-1596), 276, 512-29; F.

M., 9; Geo., 270, 276; Mrs.

J. C, 134 ; John, 524-5, 529 ;

Tho., 524-5 ; Will., 454-5, 461-2,

464

Drake, F. M., Paper by : Exeter
Cathedral, Stained Glass of, 231

Drake's Treasure (Clifford), 512-29

Drasher, , 449

Drew : Benedict, 507 ; Lieut.,
666 ; Rob., 649 ; Sergeant, 649

Digitized by

INDEX.

835

Drewsteignton : Bot., 132 ; Zool.,
684

Druell, Rich., 421

Druid (Ashburton), 136, 139

Dryver, Phil., 442, 446

Duchy of Cornwall, 652

Duck : Scaup, 607 ; White-eyed,
606 ; Wild, 609

Ducke : Eliz., 552 ; Martha, 548 ;
Rich., 551

Duke : Capt., 666 ; H. E., 9 ;
Rich., 440

Dulche : Agnes, 502 ; John, 502

Duncalf, Lieut., 666

Duncan, A. G., 9

Dunkeswell : Bot., 130

Dunning, John, 1st Baron Ash-
burton (1731-1783), 53, 555

Dunscombe (Chudleigh), 597

Dunsford : Bot., 132

Dunsford, Will., 479

Dunsland : Biog., 37-8

Dunster, Will., 587

Dunterton : Biog. y 374, 381

Duppy, Tho., 670

Durant, John, 502

Durling, Martin, 200, 481-2

Dyer : Eliz., 651 ; Nich., 270 ;
Rich., 651

Dyer, , bookseller, 490

Dyke, Rich., 584

Dyniond, A. H., 9, 33

Dynham, Oliver de, 371

Dyrim, Frances, 221

Dyscher, Rich., 582

Dythe, John, 588

Earle, Rt. Rev. Alf., Bishop of

Marlborough, 9-10
Earthworks (archaeology) : Old

Burrow Camp, Exmoor (Gray),

703 ; Milber Down, 601
East Bray (South Molton), 379
East Down : Bot., 127
Eastlake, John, 418
East Ogwell : Biog., 672
East Putford : Biog., 495
Easton, C, 449
Eatare, Rich., 536
Ebin, Raynold, 587
Ector, John, 588-9
Edes, John. See Eydes
Edginswell (St. Mary Church), 600
Edmonde, Heddemond, Will., 582
Edmondes, Will., 612-5
Edmonds, Rev. W. J., 9-10, 34
Edward, John, 108
Edwards, Geo., 453-4
Efford (Egg Buckland), 378
Egg Buckland : Biog., 378, 380

Eick, Tho., 658

Ekins, Will., 454-5, 458-62, 465,
479

Elbury Cove (Churston Ferrers),
721

Eldon, Lieut., 666

Elegh, John, 511

Elford : Eliz., 35 ; Sir Will., 35

Eliot : Pet., 476; Tho., 540, 585-7

Eliott, , 507

Elkington plate, 103

Ellacott : Hen., 206, 211, 228, 269,

272, 536 ; John, 270, 272, 536 ;

Rob., 510
Ellett, Will., 658

Elliot : Alice, 662 ; E. A. S., 9, 33 ;

John, 662
Elliot, E. A. S., Paper by : Birds

in South Hams District, 605
Elliott, Nich., 673
Ellis : Eliz., 552 ; Hen., 471 ;

H. D., 479; W., 114, 119
Ellis, Depree, and Tucker, 114, 119
Ellys : Rob., 224 ; Tho., 225
Elston : Rev. Fra., 394 ; John,

88, 104-5, 110-1, 113, 120, 456,

458-62, 464-5, 477-8 ; Phil., 99,

464-7, 478
Elwill, Nich., 509
Elworthy, F. T., 10
Elwyn, Nich., 585-6
Elyot : Edw., 529 ; Laur., 524, 529
Ernes, R., 121
Ernes and Barnard, 121
Enfield (Torrington), 140
Enys, J. D., 9-10, 27, 29
Estington (North Tawton), 497
Eston, Tho., 582
Ettery, , 704

Etymology of place-names. See

under names of places
Eustace, Tho., 468, 469
Evans : H. M., 9, 33 ; Nich., 270
Evans, H. M., Paper by : Sand

Formation, Saunton Down Cliffs,

692

Eveleigh: Re\\ Will., 548-9 ; Will.,
468

Every : Hen., 445 ; John, 536 ;
Jos., 536

Exbourne : Hist., 394-405

Excetre, Rev. John de, 566

Exe Bridge, 203

Exe River, 129, 254

Exeter almshouses : Hurst's, 227 ;
St. Anne's, 277 ; St. John's Hos-
pital, 413, 450, 510-1, 549;
Wynard's Hospital, 105

Exeter and Dartmouth Road
(Joce), 597

Digitized by

836

INDEX.

Exeter, Bailiffs of, 211, 440-1, 447,
452-5, 574, 582-4, 587-8

Exeter Banks, 471, 484-7

Exeter : Biog., 36, 41, 50, 54, 86-
125, 378, 390, 438-79, 536, 545,
548, 550 ; 554-5, 560, 574, 584,
636, 657, 734-41, 758-9, 783,
787, 799

Exeter, Bishops of. See under
surnames

Exeter Book, 193

Exeter Bond of Association (Cress-
well), 266

Exeter : BoL, 129-30

Exeter Canal. See Canals

Exeter Cathedral : burials in, 445,
450 ; canons of, 494, 548, 554 ;
cemetery of, 480-1; deans
of, 91, 258, 371 ; fabric of,
198 ; history of, 257-9 ; plate of,
87, 90, 91-4 ; priest vicars of,
413-4, 553 ; sermons in, 272 ;
Stained Glass of (Drake), 231 ;
sub-deans of, 447, 548 ; treasurers
of, 548 ; vicars choral of, 408-9,
413-5, 491

Exeter chapels : Holy Trinity (St.
Lawrence), 416-9 ; Lady Chapel
(Cath.), 249; St. Andrew's
(Cath.), 238: St Anne's (St.
James), 105 ; St. Gabriel's
(Cath.), 233, 235, 247 ; St. Mary
Magdalen (Cath.), 233, 235, 247,
251 ; St. Mary Magdalen (St.
Mary Major), 113; St. Mary
Major, 412, 484: St. Paul's
(Cath.), 412, 484 ; St. Peter the
Less, 412, 481-4, 487, 491,
504-6 ; St. Simon and St. Jude,
481 ; Wynard's, 86, 105

Exeter chapter-house, 233, 251

Exeter churches : All Hallows,
Goldsmith St., 89, 94-5, 438,
441, 450; All Hallows on the
Wall, 95-6; Bedford' Chapel,
96 ; Emmanuel, 99-100 ; Holy
Trinity, 89-90, 1Q3-5, 444; St.
David's, 89, 96-8, 443, 445 ; St.
Edmund's, 89-90, 98-9, 443,
445 ; St. George's, 86, 90, 100-1 ;
St. James's, 105-6; St, John's
(Bow Church), 89-90, 100, 106-7,
195, 201, 443, 456 : St. Kerrian's,
86, 89, 107-8, 449; St. Law-
rence's, 90, 108,417; St. Leonard's,
108-9 ; St. Martin's, 86, 89, 109-
10, 273, 453, 511; St. Marv
Arches', 89-90, 110-1, 442-3*;
St. Mary Major's, 87. 111-2,
412, 450-1, 454, 484, 491 ; St.

Mary Steps, 113-4; St. Mat-
thew's, 114; St. Michael's, 86,
114-5; St. Olave's, 87, 115-6,
192-3, 198, 201 ; St. Pancras',
86, 89, 94, 116, 444; St. Paul's,
86, 89, 117, 412; St. Peter's.
See Exeter Cathedral ; St. Pet-
rock's, 87, 8.9-90, 107, 117-8,

272, 440-1, 443, 447, 451-2, 455,
506-7 ; St. Sidwell's, 87, 89-90,
119-21, 443, 445,; St. Stephen's
90, 121-2

Exeter City, Act Book of Chamber
of (Harte), 206

Exeter City Companies, 214-5, 270-
6, 406-30, 438-79

Exeter coffee-houses : Hawkins',
458-63 ; Moll's, 739; Mules',
458 ; Richards', 463

Exeter Corporation Estate in Ire-
land (Pearson), 431

Exeter : Deaf and Dumb Institu-
tion, 557

Exeter : Dial., 74

Exeter : Eye Infirmary, 557

Exeter Garrison, 557

Exeter Gates : Broad Gate (or St.
Michael's), 441-2, 450, 486, 501,
508-9 ; East Gate, 200, 224, 413,
427 ; North Gate, 201, 215 ;
South Gate, 201, 212, 214, 446,
507 ; West Gate, 200, 216

Exeter Guildhall, 25, 89, 194, 262,

273, 276

Exeter guilds : Goldsmiths'
(Chanter), 438 ; Kalenders and
Trade-gilds before the Reforma-
tion (Rose-Troup), 406 ; Mer-
chant Adventurers', 270-6, 428,
438, 537-8, 577

Exeter : Hist., 257, 366, 368

Exeter houses, etc. : Cloth hall,
505 ; Crekepyttmylles, 216 ;
Rougemont House, 29 ; St.
Paul's Well, 200 ; Snaile Tower,
453 ; Tailors' Hall, 458

Exeter manors : Duryard, 440 ;
Exo Island, 451 ; Harald's Fee,
193; St. David's Down, 205;
St. Stephen's Fee, 510

Exeter: Manuf., 574-83, 587-9,
594

Exeter, Maritime Trade of (Whit-
ley), 530

Exeter, Mavors of: 9, 25-6, 28,
30-1, 205, 207, 215, 219, 223,
228, 230, 259-60, 263-4, 271-6,
396, 421-2, 441-2, 454-5, 460,482,
502-3, 505-7, 509, 511, 536, 554,
575, 582-3, 587-8, 636, 651, 740

Digitized by

INDEX.

837

Exeter : Meetings, 10, 22, 24

Exeter : Met., 140-53

Exeter monasteries : Friars Minor,
496; St. Nicholas' Priory
{Clarke), 192; St. Peters, 480

Exeter parishes : All Hallows,
Goldsmith St., 445-7, 453, 455-6;
Holy Trinity, 225, 454; St.
David, 203, 205, 419; St.
George, 444, 447 ; St. Lawrence,
276, 417-9; St. Martin, 451-2,
454, 503, 509-10; St. Mary
Arches, 418, 420, 453-4; St.

• Mary Major, 113, 446, 449; St.
Olave, 275, 454; St. Pancras,
440, 444; St. Paul, 418; St.
Petrock, 440-1, 445, 451, 505,
509 ; St. Sidwell, 223, 447, 450

Exeter Pictorial Record Society, 29

Exeter, Receivers of, 205, 211, 454-5

Exeter, Recorders of, 223, 257,
264-5, 507, 561

Exeter : Royal Albert Memorial,
26-9

Exeter School, 455

Exeter, Sergeants of, 211-2, 224

Exeter, Sheriffs of, 9, 25, 27, 29,

211, 272-3, 276, 444
Exeter : Shipping, 275, 534, 541-2,

544-5

Exeter Staple, 505, 531, 535

Exeter, Stewards of, 274-6

Exeter streets, etc. : Basin Yard,
130 ; Bonhay, 451 ; Combe St.,
201 ; Friernhay (Brytan), .201,
222 ; Gandy St. (Curre St.), 201,
551 ; Goldsmith St., 89, 94-5,
438, 471 ; High St., 200, 256,
440, 446, 481, 484, 493, 500-2,
506-7, 510-1; Kalenderhay,
409, 413, 491 ; Magdalen St., 564;
Northernhay, 276 ; North St., 201,
440; Northgate St., 493, 550;
Preston St., 200 ; Prustes St., 413 ;
St. David's Mount, 199, 440;
St. Martin's Lane, 409 ; St. Paul
St., 200-1 ; St. Peter's Yard,
200; Smythen St., 200, 413;
South St., 201, 787 ; Stepcot
(Strippcote) Hill, 226

Exeter taverns : Barlow's, 463 ;
Fountain, 463 ; Globe, 463 ;
Phoenix, 463 ; Swan, 463 ;
Tabard, 262 ; Vine, 463

Exeter : Various, 497, 757, 759,
769, 784, 791

Exeter : Zool., 684

Exe Valley, 683-4

Exminster: Biog., 536, 553, 653 ;
Zool, 684

Exmoor : Arch., 703-17 ; Met.,
140-53

Exmouth : Biog., 35, 42 ; Bot.,

130 ; Hist., 408 ; Meeting, 10 ;

Shipping, 275, 534, 539-40,

543-6 ; Zool., 684
Exon. See Exeter
Exon Domesday. See Domesday

Book

Exwick : Bot., 129-30 ; Church,

86, 89, 124 ; Zool., 684
Eydes : Eliz., 447 ; Rev. John,

447 ; John, 447

Facey, Tho., 104

Fairfax, Tho., 3rd Baron Fairfax
of Cameron (1612-1671), 604,

663-6

Fairmile (Talaton), 734
Fairs : Exeter, 196, 204
Falcon : Peregrine, 610 ; Red-
footed, 606
Fardell, Tho., 583
Farewell, Rich., 212
Faringdon : Biog., 548, 560
Farr, Ja., 658

Farringdon : Eliz., 508 ; Rob., 508
Fauna. See Birds ; Molluscs ;

Rotifera
Fayreman, Tho., 483
Felsite. See Rocks
Feniton : Biog., 53
Fen Ottery. See Venn Ottery
Ferley, John, 585-6
Ferrers, Ferers : Sir Hugh, 375,

380 ; Martin, 581 ; Matilda, 233 ;

Sir Reg., 372, 374r-5, 377, 380 ;

Roger, 375 ; Will., 233, 371, 375,

377, 578

Ferris: Geo., 94, 463, 470-4; Rich.,
469-70

Fight at Clyst in 1455 (Radford),
252

Filleigh : Biog., 529 ; Bot., 129 ;

Met., 136, 140-53
Finney, Mary, 396 ; Rev. Sam.,

395-7, 402; Rev. Tho., 395,

400-1, 405
Fishacre : Sir Martin, 378, 380 ;

Sir Pet., 378
Fisher, B. J., 121
Fitz-James, Ensign, 666
Fitz-John, John, 378
Fitz-Martin family, 375
Fitz-Stephen, Rob., 195
Fitz warren : Eliz., 498 ; Fulk, 498 ;

Thomasine, 498
Fitzwarren, Lord. See Bourchier
Five Lanes (Marldon), 600-1
Flagons, Church, 86-125

Digitized by

838

INDEX.

Fletcher, Rev. Fra., 524, 529

Flint implements. See Stone imple-
ments

Flood, , 740

Flora. See Botany

Floud, Tho., 673, 676

Floyd, G., 757

Fluder (Coffinswell), 600

Follett : Joan, 661 ; John, 269, 274
661 ; Judith, 656 ; Rob., 653,
661 ; Silphine, 661 ; Sir W. W.
(1798-1845), 53

Fonte, Pet. de, 200

Foot, Foote, Tho., 458, 461-2, 464-5

Ford : Eron, 658 ; John, 270 ;
Major, 666

Ford Head (Dartmouth), 654

Forests, Submerged : 728

Fortescue : Anne, 451 ; Col., 664 ;
Sir Edm., 662 ; Geo., 524, 529 ;
Ja., 507 ; Joanna, 552 ; Sir John
(1394?-1476?), 48'; John, 507;
Rich., 529 ; Roger, 451

Fortibus, Isabella de, Countess of
Devon, 372, 530

Fortifications, Ancient. See Earth-
works

Fossils, " Pengelly Collection " of,
184

Foster : Dennes, 524 ; M. T., 9, 34,
139

Fouracre, J. T., 34

Foweraker, Rev. E. T., 430

Fowler, John, 474, 524

Fowlle, Rich., 658

Fox, C. T. and G., 120

Fox : Eliz., 388 ; Miss, 389

Francis, John, 658

Franciscans : 496

Francken, W. A., 34

Francklvn : Mary, 451 ; Will., 451

Franke : Rev. Abr., 394-5, 397,

400-1,403-4; Rich., 395
Franklin. See Francklyn
Frankpledge, View of, 197
Freeman, Rich., 462, 467, 477-8
Fremington : Biog., 449 ; Bot., 127
Frend, Will., 587
Friars Minor. See Franciscans
Frithelstock : Biog., 495, 551-3, 560
Frost : Nich., 402 ; Thomazin, 402
Froude, J. A. (1818-1894), 10
Frye : Rich., 230 ; Rob., 270
Fulford : Baldwin, 496 ; Major,

666 ; R. M., 558 ; , 121

Fulling-mills, 569
Fulton, J., 472, 475
Fulwood, Fra., 650
Fungi. See Botany
Funnel, Church, 121

Furbur, Pet. le, 481
Furney, Gawen, 441
Fursdon: Miss, 130 ; Tho., 214
Fussere, Reg. le, 412

Gabriel, Rich., 494

Gallant's or Gallions Bower (Dart-
mouth), 652, 664-5

Galley, Lethery, 536

Galmpton (Churston Ferrers), 601,
721, 725

Galton, Rev. J. L., 119

Gandy : Rev. Hen., 550-1 ; Rev
John, 550 ; Very Rev. Mon-
signor, 9 ; , 555

Garget, Launsolet, 524

Garret, , 450

Gastropods. See Molluscs

Gatcombe (Colyton), 374

Gay : Anth., 551, 553 ; Eliz.,
552-3 ; Gilb., 551 ; Rev. Ja.,
552; Ja., 552-3; John (1685-
1732), 58-63 ; John, 551-2 ;
Laur.. 551 ; Mary, 553 ; Rev.
Nich., 552-3 ; Rev. Rich., 551-4 ;
W. A., 205, 277, 430

Gaydon, Walt., 418

Geffery, Geffray, Geffrey : Hen.,
588 ; Rich., 427 ; Tho., 270

Genys, Walt., 427

Geology — General : Sand For-
mation, Saunton Down Cliffs
{Evans), 692 ; Torbay, The Mak-
ing of (Jukes -Browne), 718. See
also Granites, ; Mineralogy ; Phy-
sical geography ; Rocks ; Sand

Geology — Stratioraphic : De-
vonian, 719-21 ; Permian, 721-4;
Pleistocene. See Glacial period;
Pliocene, 724-6

George Nympton : Bot., 129

Geret, W., 270

Germvn, Germin : Alex., 270, 272,
536'; Hugh, 259, 264, 422, 587 ;
Mich., 214, 269, 272 ; Will., 270,
272

Gerveys, Will., 511

Gibbes, Tho., 203

Gibbons, Tho., 662

Gibbs : Marv, 549 ; Sir Vicary

(1751-1820), 50
Gidleigh: Biog., 374, 381
Giffard, H. S., 1st Earl of Halsbury,

9-10

Gifford, Rob., 1st Baron Gifford

(1779-1826), 52
Gig mills, 537, 594
Gilbert : Adrian, 275 ; Humphrey,

270, 275 ; Sir John, 510 ; John,

527 ; Tho., 467

Digitized by

INDEX.

839

Gilds. See Guilds.

Gill : Rev. John, 140 ; John, 587 ;

Will., 495, 587
Gillett, Rev. C. C, 560
Gittisham : Biog., 733, 782
Glacial period, 72G-9
Glanville, Sir John (1542-1600), 49
Glass painting. See Stained glass
Glaziers' Company, Exeter, 428,

438

Glenthorne (Countisbury), 703, 713

Glovers' Company, Exeter, 438

Glubbe, Geo., 270

Glyde, Sam., 466-7

Godolphen, Fred., 527

Godsall, John, 536

Goitan, Will., 582

Golde, Maud (Maiota), 582

Goldinge, , 449

Goldsmith : Hen. the, 441 ; John
the, 440

Goldsmiths and Silversmiths :

86-126; 438-79
Goldsmiths' Guild, Exeter (Chanter),

438

Goldworthv (Parkham), 551
Good, Cha*., 658
Goodfellow, Sam., 549
Goodleigh: Zool., 684
Goodman, John, 270, 475
Goodrington (Paignton), 721, 724-5
Goose, Pink-footed, 606
Gorges, Georges : Joan, 496 ; Theo-
bald, 496 ;" Tho., 527, 529
Goring, Geo., Baron Goring (1608-

1657), 604, 663
Goscombe, Will., 674
Gosegh, Rev. Roger, 511
Gossyn, Rich., 496
Gotfalck, B. M., 524, 529
Gould: Rich., 107; Rev. S.

Baring-, 9-10, 33-4, 806; Tho,

668 ; Zachary, 668
Gourney : John, 663 ; Sir Rich.,

650 ; Tho., 650
Gove, John, 227
Goweke, Will., 269
Grandison, John (1292 ?- 1369),

bishop, 237, 413
Granite boulders. See Boulders
Granites, 678-80
Grant : Mauger, 375 ; Will., 375,

380

Grantlond ; Hen., 588 ; John, 588

Gratwicke, G. F., 9

Gray, H. St. G., Paper by : Old

Burrow Camp, Exmoor, 703
Great Aish (South Brent), 140
Greene, Edm., 510
Green way (Churston Ferrers), 601

Greenway, John, 270, 276

Greenwood : Tho., 270, 275 ; Will.,
270, 275, 446

Gregory, J., 475

GremelL Will., 588

Grendon, Simon, 582

Grenville, Greynvile, Grendnld, Sir
Rich. (1541 ?-1591), 612, 615

Grepe, John, 524

Griffin : Eliz. P., 119 ; F. A., 119

Griffith, Griffethe : Rich., 225 ;
Tho., 214

Grigg, Will., 536

Grilles, John, 574, 582

Gruscote, John, 588

Grygge, . 269

Guilds : Barnstaple Guild, 577 ;
Exeter Goldsmiths' Guild (Chan-
ter), 438 ; Kalenders and Exeter
Trade-Gilds before the Reforma-
tion (Rose-Troup), 406 ; Mer-
chant Adventurers', 270-6, 428,
438, 537-8, 577

Gull : Estuarine, 608 ; Great Black-
backed, 608 ; Lesser Black-
backed, 608

Gunterus, Monk, 193

Gurney : Rich., 108 ; Will., 659

Gylles, Tho., 657

Haberdashers' Company. See

Cappers' etc. Company
Haccombe : Biog., 376, 380 ; Bot.,

131 ; Hist., 376
Haccombe : Sir Jordan, 376 ; Sir

Steph., 372, 376, 380
Hackney ( Kings teignton), 598,

600-1

Hackworthie, John, 422
Haddelegh, Pet., 574

Hakewill, , 205

Hakeworth, Roger, 582
Halberton : Biog., 374, 376, 381 ;

Etym.y 71
Halcott, Wilton, 212
Haldon, 30, 597

Hall : Emanuel, 548 ; Joan, 549 ;

Rev. Nich., 548-50 ; Nich., 549 ;

Tho., 549 ; Will., 549
Hall and Co., Martin, 101
Hallcombe, Anth., 270
Halliday: Miss C. C, 703, 713 ;

Rev. W. S., 716
Halls, Frank, 127

Hals, Halse: Chris., 524, 529;

Joan, 510 ; John, 494, 529
Halsbury, Earl of. See Gitfard
Halsewood, Rich., 220
Halsford, 408
Halwell : Church, 446

Digitized by

840

INDEX.

Hamilton, A. H. A., 10

Hamling, J. G., 702

Hamlyn : Hen., 203 ; John, 194,

264, 427 ; Nich., 588 ; Pet., 588
Hammond, Col., 664
Hamoaze (Plymouth), 521
Hamond, John, 270
Hampton : Rob. de, 572 ; Tho.,

269, 274
Hancoke: Dav., 270 ; Will., 270
Handleigh, John, 466
Hankeford : Anne, 495, 498-9 ;

Blanche, 496 ; Christine, 494r-6 ;

Eliz., 497, 499 ; Joan, 496 ; John

494-7 ; Rich., 494r-501 ; Thom-

asia, 497, 499 ; Sir Will. (d. 1422),

494-5, 497, 501, 581
Hankford (Bulkworthy), 496
Harald of Exeter, 193
Harcombe (Chudleigh), 30
Hardewyne : Beatrice, 511 ; Will.,

511

Hardwicke, Hen., 442, 447

Hare, Mrs. Marcus, 139

Harman : Edm., 445-7 ; , 450

Harpford : BoL, 131 ; Manuf., 569

Harpley, Rev. W., 9-10, 24, 27, 33,
154r-6, 188 ; Paper by : Associa-
tion (Devonshire), Origin of, 154

Harries, Marg., 445

Harris : Cha., 124 ; Chris., 522-3,
525 ; C. S., 109 ; Rob., 424

Harry, Walt., 536

Harrys : Hen., 216 ; John, 269 ;
Nich., 212

Hart, Tho., 100

Harte, W. J., 9 ; Paper by : Exeter
City, Act Book of Chamber of,
206

Hartland : Biog., 495 ; Manuf., 569
Harvey : . Rev. H. H., 127-8 ;

Will., 468
Hastinges, Tho., 587
Hatche, Nich., 270
Hatherleigh : Biog., 395, 400
Hawk : Lucus gouldi, 608 ; Sparrow,

607

Hawker, Rev. J. M., 10

Hawkins, Hawkyns : Benj., 458 ;

Dav., 468 ; John, 515, 517-8, 527
Hawley, John, 531-2
Haydon, John, 203
Hayes House (Exbourne), 405
Hayes Manor, 418
Hayle, Tho., 584
Haylston, Tho., 524
Hayman: Geo., 120: John, 105;

M., 660 ; Rich., 649, 660
Hayne, John, 88, 449-52
Haynes : John, 672 ; Tho., 467

Haysham, Tho., 476
Hay ward, Will.. 501
Hayworde : Hawarde, 222 ;7 Lord

Tho., 222
Hazell, Rev. Hen., 395
Head, Jos., 473-4
Head Weir (Meavy), 140-53
Heanton Punchardon : BoL, 127
Heanton Sachville (Huish), 395
Hearder, J. N., 155
Hearn, Rev. Ja., 787
Heath: Benj. (1704r-1766), 468,

554; Cha., 547-8; Sir Rich.,

672

Heathfield (Bovey Tracey). See

Bovey Tracey
Heatree (Manaton), 40
Heavitree : Biog., 101-2, 274,

736-7; BoL, W0 ; Church, 86,

101-3
Heberden, W. B., 9
Hellyers* Company. See Coopers'

etc. Company
Hemyock : Biog., 276
Henleg : John de, 481 ; Lucy de,

481

Hennock : Zool., 684

Henstecote, Nich., 585-6

Hepatica. See Botany

Hepburn, Sir Hen., 9

Heraldry: Arms of Athelstan
(King), 242; Berkeley, 241;
Blondy, 239 ; Brewer, 242 ;
Chafy, 116; Chichester, 239 ;
Cord warners* Company, 416 ;
Courtenay, 239 ; Drake, 276 ;
Exeter City, 457 ; Ferrers, 667 ;
Gourney, 650 ; Herte, 274 ;
Hurst, 276 ; Kennaway, 105 ;
Leofric (Bishop), 242 ; Martyn,
272, 277 ; Maynwaring, 277 ;
Muschamp, 667 ; Osbern (Bishop),
239; Peryam, 272; Richard,
Earl of Cornwall, 492; Roach,
667 ; Royal, Fourteenth Century,
241 ; Smyth, 651 ; Stafford, 239 ;
Stapeldon, 242 ; Staplehill, 667 ;
Tomkins, 97; Walker, 111-2;
Warelwast, 242 ; Wike, 567 ;
Wyse, 566 ; Arms not identified,
92, 115, 122; general and not
described, 232, 239, 241, 24G-7,
251, 392, 653, 655-6, 667, 671, 676
Crests of Baskerville, 275 ; Chaffe,
275 ; Tomkins, 97 ; Walker, 111;
not identified, 92

Heren, Cha., 547-8

Hereward, Sir Hamlvn, 379 ; Sir
Will., 371-3, 378-80

Horle, John, 566, 581

Digitized by

INDEX.

841

Herman, Hermann : Alice, 450 ;

Jane, 450; Ralph, 88, 450-2;

Marg., 450
Heron, Cha., 550
Herrick., Rob. (1591-1674), 46-7
Herte, Edw., 269, 274
Hervy, Will., 574
Herward, John, 582
Hey, 495
Hicking, J., 128
Hickman, Walt., 595
Hicks : Ja., 553 ; Jos., 108, 469-71;

Mary, 553 ; Rev. , 553

Hiern, W. P., 9, 21, 34 ; Paper by:

Botany Committee, Report of,

126

High Bickington : Bot., 128
High Bray : Bot., 127
Highweek : Topog., 599
Hill : Rev. J., 107 ; John, 213, 564,

657-8 ; Symon, 443
Hill fortresses. See Earthworks
Hilliard : Alice, 447 ; Anne, 444 ;

Rev. Ezekiel, 444 ; Frances, 444 ;

Grace, 447 ; Jeremy, 444, 447 ;

John, 447 ; Laur. (Mrs.), 444;

Mary, 444, 447 ; Nich., (1537-

1619), 444 ; Parnell, 444 ; Rich.,

89, 98, 119, 442-5, 447 ; Will.,

447

Hine, Ja., 9-10, 24, 34

Hingston, Rich., 673

Hinlay, Lieut., 666

Hippo, Suffragan Bishop of, 202

Hodge : John, 675 ; Rich., 101

Hodgekinson, Rev. Tilleman, 454

Hodges, Mrs. Chambers, 101

Hodgson, T. V., 9, 34

Hody, John, 507

Hoel, Will., 195

Hogges, Tho., 524

Hoker, John. See Hooker

Holcombe Burnell : Biog., 453

Holdsworth, Art., 671-2

Hole: Agnes, 418; Mary, 102;

Will., 403
Holin, Rich., 476
Hollabombe, Rob., 657
Hollan, Roger, 541
Holland : Hen., Duke of Exeter,

264 ; John, Duke of Exeter

(1395-1447), 498

Hollaway, , 613

Holle, Will., 587

Holley, E. H., 140

Hollman, John, 656

Holmes: E. M., 134; Joan, 397, i

400

Holne: Biog., 497; Bot., 131-2;
Met., 137, 140-53

Holne Cross (Ashburton), 41
Holsworthy : Biog., 494
Holt, Jason, 467

Honiton : Biog., 447, 734 ; Hist.,
368; Manuf., 577-8, 587 ;
Meeting, 10

Hood, Tho., 524, 529

Hooker, alias Vowell : John
(1526?-1601), 198, 217-8, 228,
263, 442 ; Pet., 218

Hooker: Rich. (1554Y-1600), 218 ;
Rob., 446 ; Roger, 218

Hookwells (Paignton), 601

Hooper : Major, 666 ; Mont-
gomery, 474 ; Percy, 474 ; Miss
Swan, 556 ; Will., 98

Hoper, Hen., 588

Hope's Nose (St. Mary Church),
727-8

Hopton, Ralph, 1st Baron Hopton
(1598-1652), 662

Horrabridge, 684

Horsewill, Will., 524

Horsey, Horssey : Jasper, 270, 274 ;
Jos., 536 ; Walt., 536

Horsham, Tho., 98

Horton : Capt., 666 ; Edw. de, 497

Horwood : Alex., 449 ; Joan, 449 ;
Will., 88, 447-9, 479

Hospitium de le Egle, Exeter (Lega-
Weekes), 480

Houlditch : Rev. Edw., 556 ; Rev.
Rich., 557 ; Edw., 560

Hound Tor (Manaton), 133

Housman, Rev. J. R., 560

Howard : Alice G., 99 ; And., 548 ;
L. A., 99 ; R. G., 99

Howarth, Frank, 140

Howell, John, 210, 269, 274, 442

Huccaby (Dartmoor), 140-53

Huchyns, Rich., 230

Hudleston, W. H., 10

Hughes, T. C, 9, 34; Paper by:
St. Leonard's, Exeter, Rectors
of, 547

Huish : Biog., 395, 498

Hull: Hen., 269, 274, 511, 582 ;
John, 561-2; Margery, 511;
Rob., 581

Hundreds : South Tawton Hun-
dred in Early Times {Reichel),
343 ; Wonford Hundred, Domes-
day {Reichel), 278; Wonford
Hundred, Early Descents of
Manors in {Reichel), 312

Hunt : A. R., 9, 720-1 ; John, 636 ;
Lieut., 666 ; Tho., 636 ; T. H.,
636 ; Will., 221, 536

Hunt, A. R., Paper by: Advance-
ment of Science, 616

Digitized by

842

INDEX.

Hum : Alice atte, 506 ; Roger atte,
506

Hurst, Will., 204-5, 212, 215, 223,

227, 230, 270, 276
Hurt, Edw., 270
Huse, Hewes, John, 524, 529
Hutchings : Adam, 477-8; Jane,

450 ; Sarah, 450
Hutchins : John, 450 ; Mary, 455
Hutteneslegh, 511
Huysh, Rev. Fra., 552
Hybridism : 605
Hyde, Ven. Archdeacon, 560
Hyndeston, John, 583-4
Hyston : Rob., 582 ; Tho., 582

Iddesleigh : Biog., 446

, Earl of. See Northcote

Ilfracombe : Biog., 374, 376, 380 ;

Bot., 126-7 ; Meeting, 10 ; Met.,

140-53

Ilsham (St. Mary Church), 724, 730

Ilsington : Bot., 134

Index to Hundreds of Wonford

and South Tawton, 353
Instow : Biog., 495 ; Church, 444 ;

Shipping, 545
Insula, Pet. de, 371
Ipplepen : Biog., 566
Iron implements: 710-2, 714-5,

717

Irving, Mrs. H. Bell-, 133

Jackson, J. R., 130
Jacob, Will., 548

Jacobstowe : Biog., 378, 380, 395-6
Jago : Alice, 668 ; Pascho, 654 ;

Rich., 668 ; Tho., 668, 672-3 ;

W T alt., 668, 672
Jakman : John, 587 ; Will., 587
James : John, 223 ; Jos., 663 ;

Nich., 662
Jane, Gregory, 229
Jarvis, Ja., 422
Jarvis, alias Lovett, John, 658
Jeart, Geo., 536

Jefferye : Jane, 658 ; John, 658

Jemes, Powell, 524

Jenkins : Alex., 469 ; Ja., 467 ;

Rich., 467-70 ; Will., 471
Jere, Geo., 536

Jerman : Hugh, 587 ; Phil., 458,
462 ; , 463

Jermyn, Eliz., 447

Jesse ceiling, 660

Jew, Sir Roger, 379-81

Joce, T. J., 9, 70 ; Paper by : Exe-
ter and Dartmouth Road, 597

Johnson : Edw., 658 ; Lieut., 666

Joiners' Company, Exeter, 438

Jones : Agnes, 221, 445 ; Alice,
445, 447; Dav., 467-8; John,
88-9, 103-4, 107-8, 1U, 117,
123-4, 221, 442-3. 445-7, 450;

Tho., 120 ; Zachary, 445 ; ,

737

Jonsone, John, 582

Jordan : W. F. C, 9, 38 ; W. R.

H., obit., 38
Jouet, Pet., 476-7
Jubilee Meeting of Association, 24
Julian, H. F., obit., 39 ; 44, 191 ;

Mrs. H. F., 9, 28, 40, 44 ; Paper

by : Pengelly, Will. (1812-

1894), 157
Jurdaine, Ingnalius, 536

Kalenders and Exeter Trade-Gilds
before the Reformation (Rose-
Troup), 406

Kalenders, Fraternity of, 409, 483,
491

Keare, Sue, 510

Keith : I. J., 105, 123 ; J., 102,

105, 114
Kelby, John, 588

Kelly, Kellegh, Kelli : Art., 674;
John, 494, 588 ; Will., 587

Kellyr, Abr., 659

Kemp, John, 571

Kenedon (Lamerton), 529

Kenford (Kenn), 597

Kenn : Topog., 597

Kennawav, Will., 105

Kennick (Christow), 140-53

Kent, Will., 655

Kentisbeare: Biog., 548

Kentisbeare, Will., 549

Kentisbury : Biog., 556, 560

Kenton : Biog., 31, 536 ; Ship-
ping, 534, 542-5

Kent's Cavern, 165-6

Kerr, John, 270

Keys, Roger, 258

Kidde, John, 524

Kigan, Lieut., 666

Kilkenny : And. de, 371 ; Will,
de, 372

Killigrew, Sir John, 655

Kilmorie (St. Mary Church), 720

King : Jane, 484 ; Lieut., 666 ;
Pet., 1st Baron King of Ockham
(1669-1734), 50; R. J. (1818-
1879), 10 ; Will., 484

Kingesuod, Roger, 524

King's Ash (Paignton), 601

Kingsbridge : Biog., 55, 382, 389,
452, 554, 560; Dial., 79;
Manuf., 577 ; Meeting, 10 ;
Met., 140-53 ; Zool., 605-10

Digitized by

INDEX.

843

Kingskerswell : Topog., 604
Kingsley, Rev. Cha. (1819-1875),

10, 169, 189-90
King's Nympton : Church, 456
Kingsteignton : Bot., 131-2 ; Topog.,

597-8, 600-1 ; Zool., 684
Kingswear : Shipping, 275, 534 ;

Topog., 601
Kingswear Castle, 656, 664
Kingwell, Miss C. M., 140
Kinnicott, Geo., 674
Kirkeby, John de, 372
Kirkham : John, 375 ; Sir Nich.,

375-6, 380
Kistvaens : 83-5
Kitson : Miss H., 70 ; John, obit.,

40 ; Will., 40
Kivell, R. N., 140
Knapp, Tho., 532

Kneel, , 29

Knight, , 228

Knolls, Will., 212

Knoville, Gilb. de, 372

Knowles, Will., 270

Knowling : Geo., 452-3 ; Joan,

452 ; Rob., 452
Knowstone : Biog., 374, 377, 380
Krall : C, 114; G., 101
Kyrton, Ambrose, 225-6

Laby, Will., 657

Ladubed, Railandus, 194

Lake : Grace, 553 ; Hen., 474-5 ;

J. E., 474-5 ; W. C, 140
Lake and Son, J. Ellet, 91-2
Lambell, Gilb., 536
Lambert, Col., 664
Lamby, Tho., 583
Lamerton : Biog., 520, 522, 529
Lammas Fair. See Fairs
Landkey : Bot., 127; Zool., 684
Lane, Cha., Papers by : Southcott,

Joanna — Bibliography, 757 ;

Life, 732
Lane, Will., 122

Langdon : Capt., 660 ; J., 475 ;

Tho., de 482
Langford (Abbotskerswell), 604

Langmead, , 38

Langstan, Sam., 105
Langtree : Biog., 551
Lante, Will., 442

Lapford : Biog., 374, 381 ; Bot.,
128

Laployd (Bridford), 140-53
Larkbeare (Talaton), 554
Larkstoke, Rich., 582
Larter, Miss C. E., 9, 33-4, 70, 127-

9, 131-3, 135
Lash, John, 658

Latham: Baldwin, 138-9; T. W.,
140

Launceston : Meeting, 10
Launceston, John of, 377, 381
Lauriston Hall (Torquay), 557
Laus, Jhan, 524, 529
Lavington, And., 553
Laycock, C. H., 9, 33-4, 70 ; Paper
by : Verbal Provincialisms, Re-
port of Committee on, 69

Leach, Rev. , 735-6

Leawood (Bridestowe), 396
Lecompt, Ja., 466
Lee, Leigh : John, 466 ; Jos., 458,
462 ; Major, 666 ; Sir J. T., 557 ;
Sophia T., 557 ; Rev. Tho., 551

Leech, , 649

Lee Moor (Shaugh), 683-4
Lega-Weekes. See Weekes

Lege, , 408

Legge, Legee, Will., 524
Legh Challons (Plympton), 377
Legis Mire (Dartmoor), 684
Leigh. See Lee
Lelie, Lilia, Tho., 574, 578-9
Lemon stream (Teign River), 599-
602

| Leofric (d. 1072), bishop, 193

Leslye, Joan, 547

Lethbridge : Chris., 396 ; Rev.
John, 396, 402 ; Sir Roper,
9-10, 25, 33-4; Tho., 396-7,
399-400

Lethbridge, Sir Roper, Paper by:
Tithe Commutation in Ex-
bourne in Seventeenth Century,
394

Levermore, Livermore : John, 536 ;

Moryshe, 223, 230
Lewis : Ja., 553 ; Mary, 553
Ley, John, 668
Libull, Lieut., 666
Lichens. See Botany
Lillicrap, F. W., 140
Lillington, Ja., 456
Lincombe (Torquay), 720
Liston : Edw., 652 ; Luce, 652
Littleham, near Exmouth : Bot.,

130 ; Dial., 70
Littleton, Sir Tho. (1402-1481), 48
Little Torrington : Bot., 128
Livermead Sands (Cockington), 724
Livermore. See Levermore
Locke : Anne, 547 ; Chris., 548
London, Benedict de, 482
London Devonian Association, 26
Long, Rich., 424
Loram, A. T., 9

Lovecock: Alice, 511 ; Maurice, 511
Love joy, H., 140

Digitized by

Google

844

INDEX.

Lovell : Abr., 477-8 ; Rob., 109
Lovering, John, 671
Lovett, Mrs., 658

Lowe : H. J., 9 ; , 643

Loxhore : Bot. f 127

Lucy, Rob. de, 563

Lukome, Nich., 536

Lumley, Symon, 673

Lunde, Sjanonde, 536

Luscombe, Densum, 662

Luwell, John, 574

Luxmoore, Capt., 393

Lyd River (Tavy River), 684

Lyddon, Geo., 442, 445, 479

Lydford > Biog., 43, 254 ; Bot.,

135 ; Hist., 368
Lydford Castle, 254
Lydford, Edw., 507
Lyen, Rob., 238-51
Lymbeere, Rich., 221
Lympstone : Biog., 557 ; Bot.,

130; Church, 444; Dial., 78;

Hist., 258
Lynmouth (Lynton), 140-53
Lynton : Bot., 126-7 ; Meeting,

10 ; Met., 140-53
Lyons, J., 475

MacEnery, Rev. J., 166, 634
Mackye, And., 270
Maddacombe Cross, 601
Maeyr, John, 422
Malewayn, John, 573

Mallack, , 205

Mallard. See Duck, Wild
Mallett, Sergeant, 205
Man — Origin and Antiquity :
176-8

Manaton : Biog., 40 ; Bot., 132-4
Manby, John, 476, 478
Mandevil, Lord, 661
Mandeville, Godefried de, 194
Maninge, Rich., 270
Mannoway, Manoway, Will., 673,
675

Mannyng, Will., 582
March, Fre., 140
Mardon (Hennock), 140-53
Mardon Down (Dartmoor), 684
Mariner, John, 524
Marisco, Adam de, 195
Maritime Trade of Exeter ( Whitley),
530

Markele, Rob., 581
Markes, Tho., 524
Marlborough, Bishop of. See Earle
Marldon : Bot., 133 ; Qeol., 721 ;

Topog., 600-1
Marreys, John, 571, 573-4
Marriott, W., 140

Marrocke, Nich., 228

Marshall : Ja., 478 ; John, 536 ;

Rev. , 734-5

Marten, John, 524, 529

Martin, Martyn : Edw., 269, 272 ;

Rev. Geo., 116; John, 524;

J. M., 9; Marg., 654; Nich.,

269, 272, 536, 654 ; N., 228 ;

Rich., 272, 525 ; Rob., 661 ;

R. M., 650; Tho., 269, 272;

Thomasine, 661 ; Will., 269, 272,

372, 447, 544
Maryon, Jane, 478
Mary Tavy : Bot., 135
Marwood : Biog., 48, 555
Masons' Company. See Carpenters'

etc. Company
Masters, Phil., 668
Matford, 569

Mathew : Kath., 104 ; Pascho,
658 ; Roger, 661 ; Tho., 89, 439,
443

Matthew, Roger, 673

Matthews, Roger, 652

Maurice, Prince, 662-3

Mawdytt, Rich., 270, 275

Mawnder, Hen., 219

Mawnswell, Rich., 212

May : Rich., 270 ; Will., 582

Maynard: E. C, 470, 473, 476;
Sir John (160^-1690), 49 ; Will.,
471 ; W. T., 473, 474, 476

Maynwaring : Geo., 270, 277 ;
Oliver, 277

Mayor, Office of, 206-7

Maypole, 660

Mazers, 95, 118

Meadfoot (Torquay), 720, 730-1

Meavy : Zool., 684

Meckes, Tho., 524

Meetings, Annual, 10, 24

Melhuish, Rev. G. D., 33, 70

Melun, Micon, 477, 478

Members of Parliament. See Par-
liament, Members of

Merchant Adventurers' Company,
Exeter, 270-6, 428, 438, 537-8,
577

Merivale, Very Rev. Cha. (1808-

1893), 10
Merrifield, A., 121
Mershe, Will., 199
Merton : Biog., 395
Merton, Rich, de, 372
Merwode, John, 499
Meryfield : Johanna, 201 ; John,

201 ; Walt., 507
Metcalfe, Rev. J. W., 560
Meteorology : Climate, Report of

Committee on ( Worth), 136

Digitized by

INDEX.

845

Methodists, 735
Mew, Rich., 100

Michelmore : Hen., obit., 41 ;
Tho., 41

Midsummer procession or watch,

215, 416, 428-30
Midwinter, Mydwynter : John, 204,

223, 230 ; Rob., 223, 228
Milber Down, 134, 600-1
Military History : Fight at

Clyst in 1455 (Radford), 252;

Siege of Dartmouth in 1666-7,

668-9; 656-7, 675. See also

Civil War
Millard, E., 475
Millbrook, 534
Milles, Ja., 524

Mineralogy : Finite, 678-80
Mines, 372

Minifie, , 735-6, 775

Mitchell, Edw., 91

Mixstow : Alice, 502 ; Chris., 502

Moase, Rowland, 553

Modberd, Stenene, 533

Modbury : Biog., 377, 379-81, 477

Modbury Monastery, 198

Molland : Bot., 129

Molluscs : 635

Molyneux, Edm., 583-4

Monasteries : Buckfast Abbey,
198; Buckland Abbey, 198;
St. Nicholas' Priory, Exeter
(Clarke), 192 ; St. Peter's Mon-
astery, Exeter, 408 ; Modbury,
198 ; Newenham, 198 ; Torre
Abbey, 198, 497, 634; Totnes,
198

Monk : Geo., 1st Duke of Albe-
marle (1608-1670), 46, 67 ; W.
J., 136, 140

Monkleigh : Biog., 377, 495 ; Bot.,
127

Monkswell, Baron. See Collier
Monumental brasses. See Brasses
Monuments : Plumleigh, 654 ;

Ridler, 454 ; Tucker. See also

Brasses
Moon, Mone, Tho., 524, 529
Moore : Archdeacon, 737, 763 ;

Eliz., 548; Rev. Fra., 547-8;

Fra., 547-8; Rev. Geo., 554;

John, 548 ; Rich., 662 ; Tho.,

229, 547-8 ; Will., 510 ; W. F.,

155

Mordecai, Moses, 479

More : John, 264-5, 269 ; Rich.,

585-9 ; Steven, 88, 442, 446, 479
Moretonhampstead : Dial., 76, 78
Morley, Morlegh : Biog., 378, 380 ;

Hist., 378

Morris, Geo., 536
Morrison, Rev. Tho., 553
Morshead, J. Y. A., 9
Morte-hoe: Bot., 126-7; Met.,
140-53

Mortimer, John, 455, 458-62, 464
Morton, Will., 582
Mosses. See Botany
Moulhangre, 497
Mount Radford (Exeter), 548
Mount Tamar (Beerferris), 138
Mour, Nich., 524
Moyle, Walt., 255
Mudd, Ambrose, 672
Mudge, Mary Ann, 162
Mules, John, 499, 507-8
Murch, John, 477
Musbury: Biog., 67, 367, 734,
737

Muster book, 657-8
Muston, Hen., 462, 465, 478
Mychell, Rob., 270
Mydwynter. See Midwinter

Nancarrow, John, 383

Napoleon relic, 31

Nathan, B. S., 468

Nawne : Nich., 588 ; Will., 588

Neale, Rich., 107

Neck, J. S.. 9, 33

Neel, John, 576, 579

Nelson, General, 390

Nemot, Nimet, Alice, 582

Neolithic implements. See Stone

implements
Nethercombe, 48
Netherexe : Hist., 201
Nettlecombe chalice, 91
Neville, Geo. (1433?-1476), bishop,

241-2

Newcome, Will., 270, 276
Newcomen, Newcomin : Bath-

sheba, 668 ; Tho., 663, 668
Newcourt (Topsham), 95
Newenham Abbey, 198
Neweton, Rich, de, 199
Newfoundland Trade, 603, 651,

671-2
Newland, 494, 497
Newman : Sir Rob., 9 ; Tho., 652,

672, 674
Newport, Earl of, 664-6
Newton, Rob., 588
Newton Abbot: Biog., 41, 229;

Dial., 73, 78 ; Hist., 603-4 ;

Manuf., 577 ; Meeting, 10 ;

Met., 140-53; Topog., 698-600,

602, 604

Newton Bushell. See Newton
Abbot

Digitized by

846

INDEX.

Newton St. Cyres : Biog., 552-3 ;

BoL, 128
Newton Ferrers : Biog., 374
Nicholls, Will., 442, 445
Nichols, Hugh, 553
Nicholys, Tho., 270
Nimet. See Nemot
Nix, B. W., 103

Nonant : Sir Guy, 376 ; Roger,
baron of Totnes, 376 ; Sir Roger,
374-7, 379, 381

Nonconformists, 395

Norbrook, Grace, 445

Norice : Noryce, Hen., 204

Norman architecture, 486

Norman : Ethel H., 99 ; Phil.,
91

Norris : H., 475 ; Rich., 536
North, John, 89, 96, 442-3, 445
Northam : BoL, 127 ; Shipping,
534

North Bovey : BoL, 132

Northbrook, John, 223

Northbrook, Lord!, See Baring

Northcote: Sir S. H., 1st Earl of
Iddesleich (1818-1887), 26-7;
S. H. S., Viscount St. Cyres,
9-10, 26, 28; presidential ad-
dress, 44

Northcott, Sir John, 432

Northlew : BoL, 128

North Molton : BoL, 128-9 ;
Manuf., 569

Northmore : John, 396 ; Tho., 123,
396

Nortlimore House (Okehampton),
397

North Tawton : Biog., 497 ; Dial.,
71, 75

North Wyke, alias Chawleigh

Wyke, 565
North Wyke (South Tawton), 565
Norton Dauney (Dartmouth), 377
Nosworthy, Marv, 548
Nott, J. Pyke-, 396
Nourse, Rev. S. M., 34
Numan, Tho., 574
Numismatics. *S'ee Coins ; Seals,

Numismatic ; Tokens
Nutcombe, Rev. Chancellor, 763
Nut well (Woodbury), 408
Nymet Tracv : Biog., 497
Nythers, Sir'Fra., 672

Oaklands (Okehampton), 137, 140
Obituary notices : 35. See also

under names
Oblie, Bern., 574
Oburnford (Halberton), 376
Ockment River, East, 684

Officers of Association, 9
Oke, Will., 582

Okehampton, Ockheroton : Biog.,

367, 396; Hist., 368, 386;

Manuf., 577 ; Meeting, 10 ;

Met., 137, 140-53; Various, 214
Okiston, John de, 482
Old Burrow Camp, Exmoor (Gray),

703-17

Oldridge Chapel, 89, 123-4

O'Mealie, John, 658

Openshaw, Rev. John, 560

Orenge, Rich., 263, 427

Ornithology. See Birds

Osbarn, John, 494

Osbern or Osbert (d. 1 103), bishop,

193-4, 239, 408
Osborn, Osborne : Hen., 446 ;

Hugh, 446 ; Rich., 88, 442, 446
Osment : Edw., 475 ; Eliza, 475 ;

John, 471-3 ; Phil., 475
Otterton : BoL, 130
Ottery St. Mary : Biog., 46, 53,

203, 556, 560, 733, 798 ; Manuf.,

587

Owen, J. G., 9
Owke, John, 658

Oxland, , 1 55

Oxton (Kenton), 31

Oxton : Sir Alex., 377 ; Sir Ja.,

372, 377, 379, 381 ; Joan, 377,

379

Paffin, Martin, 200

Paganel, Family of, 498

Paganus, 195

Page, Tho., 649-50

Paignton : Biog., 42, 375, 380 ;
BoL, 131 ; Church, 42 ; Oeol.,
719-22, 724; Meeting, 10;
Topog., 601

Paignton Waterworks, 138-9

Pain, Will.*, 101

Painted glass. See Stained glass

Painter, Phil., 482

Painters' Company, Exeter, 438

Palerna, Pet. de, 483

Palmer : Clement, 657 ; John,

456, 587, 676 ; Rich., 657 ; Rob.,

465, 476 ; Will., 676
Palton : Commr., 35 ; Matilda

Winsloe, 35
Panter, John, 582
Papes, Lewis, 545
Parfitt, Edw., 129, 135
Parker, Roger, 595
Parkham : Biog., 551
Parkin, Isaac, 470-2
Parkman, Parman, John, 576,

578-9

Digitized by

INDEX.

847

Parliament, Members of : Devon

County Members 1213- 1327,

{Alexander), 366; 271, 386, 396,

442, 567, 650, 654, 661
Parracombe : Dial., 75
Parrat, Rob., 662
Parry, H. L., 9, 25-6, 34, 430
Pasco w : Geo., 502 ; Margery,

502 ; Will,. 502
Pasmoro, Pet., 549
Passmore : Mary, 447 ; R., 475
Patch : Rev. Gayer, 555 ; John,

555 ; R. B., 555
Patens, 86-125, 456, 479
Patteson: Sir John (1790-1861),

53 ; John Coleridge (1827-1871),

Paule, Rich., 553

Payne : Hen., 270, 274 ; Will., 269

Paynton, ftich., 673

Peacock, H. G., 34, 129, 131, 134-5

Peard, Rev. Oliver, 449

Pearson, Rev. J. B., 9, 560; Paper

by : Exeter Corporation PJstate

in Ireland, 431
Peck, Miss C. L., 34, 128, 130-1
Peckitt, Will., 231, 242-3
Pecok, John, 570-1
Peek, Lady, 140
Peirce, Jos., 467, 469
Pelet, Moses, 466

Pengellv : Alt'., 163 ; Hester, 40 ;

Rich.', 157; Sir Tho., 171 ; Will.

(1812-1894), 10, 27, 40, 44,

154-5, 157-91, 616-20, 622-4,

629, 635, 638, 643-6, 693-4
Pengelly, William (1812 - 1894),

(Julian), 157
Penny, Hen., 656
Pennycott Manor (Shobrook), 404
Pen wayn, Tho., 543
Peppedon, John, 582
Peregrine Falcon. See Falcon
Permian period. See Geology,

Stratigraphic
Perocke, Tho., 225
Perrott, Rob., 651
Pery, Rich., 270, 274
Peryam : John, 204, 207, 269,

272-3; Sir Will. (1534-1604),

272

Peryman, Geo., 269, 272

Peter, John, 207, 223, 227-8, 230

Peters, Rev. Hugh, 666-7

Petrockstowe : Biog., 4§0

Petrography. See Rocks

Peutrer: John, 572; Rich., 574, 582

Peverel, Will., 564

Pewter: 95, 108, 111, 116, 121

Phear, Sir J. B., 10

Pheasant, Hybrid, 605

Philips, John, 553

Phillips : John, 117 ; Major, 666

Phillpotts, Hen. (1778 - 1869),
bishop, 556

Physical geography : Sand For-
mation, Saunton Down Cliffs
(Evans), 692; Torbay, The
Making of (Jukes -Browne), 718.
See al*o Geology

Pidgeons Heathlield (Woodbury),
553

Piepowder, Court of, 674-5
Piers, John, 589
Pike : John, 477 ; Tho., 120
Pilcome Slades ( Broad hembury),
549

Pinhoe : Hist., 201

Pinite. See Mineralogy

Pippet, Cha., 473

Pirates, 652, 655, 668

Pitman, John, 574, 578-9

Pitt : Herman, 450 ; Julian, 450 ;

Tho., 385-7
Places of meeting of Association, 10
Plague, 651, 657
Plasterwork, 660-1
Plate : Church Plate Committee,

Report of (Chanter), 86; 440,

443-7, 449-52, 454-6, 479
Player, Roger, 524
Pleistocene period. See Glacial

period
Plint, Rich., 476, 478
Pliocene period. See Geology,

Stratigraphic
Plumleigh : Barbara, 654 ; John,

654 ; Will., 653-4, 656, 661
Plummer, John, 595
Plymouth : Biog., 37, 382, 389-90,

393, 454, 462, 468, 472, 475-9;

Bot., 134; Hist., 368, 518-21,

663, 669; ManuJ., 577, 579;

Meetings, 10 ; Met., 140-53 ;

Shipping, 530, 535, 538, 540;

Various, 372, 758, 771, 778
Plymouth : Athenaeum, 155
Plymouth china. See Pottery
Plymouth Church (St. Andrew's),

449, 669
Plymouth Dock. See Devonport
Plvmouth Garrison, 384
Plymouth Guildhall, 391
Plymouth, Mayor of, 37
Plymouth . streets, etc. : Coxside,

387; High St., 386-7; Notte

St., 387 -8
Plympton : Biog., 67, 377, 380 ;

Hist, 368 ; ManuJ., 577, 579,

587; Meeting, 10

Digitized by

848

INDEX.

6 /r&.w

Plvmtree : Biog., 735, 737
Pode, J. D., 34

Pole : Sir John, 205, 432 ; John,
269

Pollard : Capt., 666 ; Sir Hugh,

666; Hugh, 213; Lieut., 666;

Walt., 581
Pollimono, Rob., 524
Pollock, Sir Fre., 9-10
Polsloe Park (Heavitree), 102-3
Pomeroy : Roger, 672 ; Rev. Jos.,

735-40, 743, 760, 768, 770, 783-5,

787-8, 790
Pope, Will., 472, 475
Porcelain. See Pottery-
Porringers, 97, 105, 112, 454
Porter : Rev. Geo., 557-8 ; John,

582 ; Tho., 557-8
Porton, Isaac, 651
Portraits : Bothamley, Rev.

Westley, 559 ; Callendar, Rev.

Reg., 559 ; Houlditch, Rev.

Edw., 556; Hurst, Will., 276;

Kitson, John, 40 ; Patch, Rev.

Gayer, 555 ; Peryam, John, 272 ;

Porter, Rev. Geo., 558; Sheldon,

Rev. J. F., 559 ; Spicer, Nich.,

273

Portreeve, Office of, 381
Postbridge (Dartmoor), 137, 140-53
Poter, Rich, le, 482
Potter, Tho., 107

Pottery : Ancient, 710, 712, 714,
717 ; Plymouth China (Radford),
382 ; 28, 55-8

Poughill : Biog., 394 ; Hist., 194,
201

Powderham, 253, 257-8, 260, 534

Powell : Dav., 491 ; Major, 666

Praed, Ensign, 666 •

Pratt, Will., 70

Prayer Book Rebellion, 272

Presidential Address : St. Cyres,

Viscount, 44
Presidents of Association, 10
Prestecote, John, 581
Preston (Paignton), 724
Prestwode, Rich., 228
Prestwood, Tho., 204-5
Prickman, J. D., 9, 33
Pride, Lieut.-Col., 664
Prideaux : John, 389 ; Lady, 448 ;

Lydia, 389 ; Nich., 418-9
Pridis, Geo., 536
Prigg, H. V., 140

Princetown (Dartmoor) : Meeting,
10; Met., 137, 140-53; Zool.,
684

Pring, T. C, 9, 25, 27, 29
Priories. See Monasteries

Prous : Sir Hugh, 374, 381 ; Sir

Will., 372, 374, 381
Prouse, Rich., 269, 271
Prout, Sam. (1783-1852), 157-8
Prouwet, Pruet : Matilda, 511;

Rich., 511 _

Prouz, , 228

Prouze, John, 270, 276
Provincialisms, Verbal. See Dialect
Prowse : A. B.. 9, 34 ; John, 536 ;

Rich., 536
Prowte, Ja., 658
Pryer, Walt., 269
Pryke, Rev. W. E., 9, 28
Punchard, Rich., 669
Punchardon : Alice de, 511 ; John

de, 511; Marg. de, 511; Rob.

de, 511 ; Will, de, 511
Purvys, Pet., 269
Putford Bridge, 495

Pyman, , 228

Pynnefolde, Will., 206, 441
Pyx-box, 116

Quick, Pet., 443

Quinel : Anger, 511 ; Rev. John,
511 ; John, 481 ; Matilda, 511 ;
Rev. Pet., 511

Quivil or Quivel, Pet. de (d. 1291),
bishop, 371, 482-3

Rackenford : Biog., 557 ; Hist.,
201

Radcliffe, Jasper, 90, 118, 451-2

Radcott, Rich., 270

Radford : A. J. V., 34 ; A. L., 34 ;
Miss C. M., 137, 140 ; Mrs. G. H.,
9, 28, 33-4 ; Nich., 255, 257-8,
264

Radford, Mrs. G. H., Papers by:

Fight at Clyst in 1455, 252 ;

Plymouth China, 382
Rainfall. See Meteorology
Raised beaches. See Beaches
Ralegh : Sir Hen., 371-2, 374-5,

381 ; Sir Tho., 375, 381 ; Sir

Walt. (1552 V-1618), 603
Ramsay : E., 475 ; Rev. H. F.,

136, 140
Randolph, Edw., 124
Rattery : Biog., 668 ; Bot., 135
Raymente, Raymond, Gregory,

524, 529
Raymond, Tho., 209-10, 270
Raynolds, Major, 666
Rede House (Hatherleigh), 395
Rede, John, 574

Redwood : Abiah, 550 ; Charitv,
550 ; John, 550 ; Rev. Nich., 550 ;
Nich., 550

Digitized by

INDEX.

849

Reed : Harbottle, 9, 26, 29, 34,
560 ; John, 466, 477 ; Tho., 466 ;
Will., 453

Reeve : Nieh., 442, 445-6 ; W. H.,
136, 140

Reginildis, 194

Reichel, Rev. O. J., 9, 21, 33-4, 70 ;
Papers by : South Tawton Hun-
dred in Early Times, 343 ;
Wonford Hundred, Domesday,
278; Wonford Hundred, Early
Descents of Manors in, 312. (For
an Index to these Papers, see
p. 353)

Religious art. See Christian art and

symbolism
Renell Rich., 427
Reve : Barnabas, 223 ; Nich., 230
Rewe : John, 588 ; Will., 588
Reynell : Rebecca, 672 ; Tho., 672
Reynolds : Hum., 613-5 ; Sir

Joshua (1723-1792), 67; Tho.,

462, 464-5, 476
Richard, Earl of Cornwall, 492
Richard : Ensign, 666 ; Tho., 587
Richards, Edm., 87, 97, 100, 112,

458-60, 462, 464-6, 476, 478
Richardson, Tho., 545
Riche, John, 418

Ridler : John, 453-4 ; Sarah, 454

Rigsby, , 734

Ringmoor, Plym Valley, 83
Rippon Tor (Ilsington), 134
Risdon : Pet., 270, 276 ; Tristram

(1580?-1640), 275
Risk, Rev. J. E., 155
Roach, A. E., 559

Roads and ways : Exeter and
Dartmouth Road {Joce), 597

Roberts : C. T. K., 9 ; Will., 657

Robertson, Rt. Rev. Archib.,
Bishop of Exeter, 9-10, 43

Robin : John, 587 ; Rich., 587

Robinson, C. E., obit., 41

Roborough : Met., 140-53

Rock House (Lynmouth), 140

Rockbeare : Biog., 557-8

Rocks : Petrography of Dartmoor
{Worth), 677 ; schists, 643-4

Rof, Will., 511

Roger, prior, 199

Rogers, Rev. W. M., 126-127

Rokke, Will., 574

Roller Col., 395; Hen., 395;
John, 432; Rebecka* 395 ; Sam.,
675

Ronewill, Rich., 501
Ron well, Rich., 588
Rooke, Benj., 672
Rooker, A., 155

Roope : Ambrose, 672 ; Edw., 672 ;
John, 650 ; Phil., 662

Rose-Troup. See Troup

Rose-water dish, 93

Rosier, John, 396

Ross, C. J., 29, 474-5

Rossiter, G., 140

Rothemford Bridge, 495

Rotifera of Devon (Stevens), 681

Rotre, John, 649

Roundham Bay (Paignton), 722

Roundhill (Dartmoor). 83-5

Rousdon : Met., 140-53

Rowe : J. Brooking-, 10, 188 ;
Nich., 230 ; Walt., 536

Rowland, John, 585-6

Rowles, Rich., 624

Rowlestone Barton, Manor of, 193

Rowley : F. R., 29, 34 ; , 489

Rowse, Tho., 427

Rudgeway, , 510

Rules of Association, 11

Rumleigh (Beerferris), 139

Russell : Fra., 2nd Earl of Bedford
(1527?-1585), 219-20 ; John, 1st
Earl of Bedford (1486?-1555),
261, 272 ; Lord John, 1st Earl
Russell (1792-1878), 10; John,
574, 582

Ruthven, Col., 662

Rycraft, Will., 230

Ryder : John, 510 ; Martyn, 676 ;
Will., 510

Ryve, , 228

Sachevyll, Rich., 496

Sacred art. See Christian art and

symbolism
Sadelere, Roger, 582
St. Clare, Livery Dole (Heavitree),

86, 103

St. Cyres, Viscount. See North-
cote

St. Giles-in-the-Wood : Biog., 275,

379-80, 395
St. Leonard's, Exeter, Rectors of

{Hughes), 547
St. Mary Church : Bot., 132, 134 ;

Dial., 71 ; Qeol., 720, 724, 727 ;

Meeting, 10 ; Topog., 600
St. Maur, R. H., 9
St. Nicholas' Priory, Exeter,

Records of {Clarke), 192
Saints in art : St. Barbara, 239,

244; St. Catherine, 239-40,

244-5, 249, 251 ; St. Edmund,

245; St. Edward, 245; St.

Gabriel, 244; St. Helena, 245;

St. Margaret, 239; St. Martin

of Tours, 241 ; $t. Mary the

VOL. XLIV.

Digitized by

Google

850

INDEX.

Virgin, 241 ; St. Mary Magdalen,

239-40; St. Michael, 244; St.

Peter, 242 ; St. Sidwella, 245
St. Thomas, near Exeter : Biog.,

396, 449, 451, 454, 550 ; Church,

89 ; Topog., 124
Salcombe : Shipping, 530, 534, 656
Saltash, 526-9

Salter : Anth., 452, 454 ; Jane,

452 ; John, 658 ; Tho., 88, 454,

458-9, 461-2, 464-5, 477-8
Saltern Cove (Paignton), 720-2
Salvers, Church, 105, 120
Sampford, John, 228, 269, 273
Sampford Courtenay : Biog., 549 ;

Etym., 80 ; Manuf., 569
Sampford Peverel : Various, 504
Sampson : Capt., 666 ; Tho.,

465- 6, 476-7
Sams, Rich., 467-70, 476
Sand : Sand Formation, Saunton

Down Cliffs {Evans), 692-702
Sanders : E. A., 103 ; Ven. F. A.,

9 ; John, 669 ; , 205

Sanders and Co., 471
Sandford : Zool, 684
Sandford Orleigh Farm (Newton

Abbot), 598, 600
Sands Copse (Kingsteignton), 597
Sandy Gate (Clyst St. Mary), \29
Sandygate (Kingsteignton), 597
Sanford, John, 581
Sankey, Sir Hierome (Jerome), 432,

435

Santon. See Saunton
Satow, Sir E. M., 9
Saule, Nich., 400

Saunders : Miss H., 9, 33-41, 70,

128-9, 135 ; T. C. K., 484 ; ,

205, 734

Saunton (Braunton), 378, 692-702

Savery, G. B., 129

Sawtell, S., 475

Schilingford, Ralph, 563

Schists. See Rocks

Schotybrok, 511

Scut : Adam, 582 ; John, 582

Sea-hares. See Molluscs

Seals, Numismatic, 412, 427, 479,

492, 511, 548-9
Searle : Lieut. -Col., 666 ; Lieut.,

666

Searte, Edw., 270

Seaton : Biog., 558 ; Bot., 130 ;

Meeting, 10 ; Shipping, 545 ;

Zool., 684
Selbey, Roger, 269, 275
Selby, Will., 532
Seldon, Laur., 269, 275-6
Servante : Fra., 465 ; Hen., 465

Seymour : Alice, 758, 765-6, 771,

778,807; Col., 665-6 ; Sir Edw.,

649, 651, 663
Seynter, Tho., 270
Shag Rock (Torquav), 720
Shaldo, John, 589
Shaldon : Biog., 40
Shaplegh : John, 579, 581-2 ;

Ro^er, 582 ; Will., 582
Sharland, A., 34, 127, 130
Shaugh : Zool., 684
Shears, G., 121
Sheepstor : Zool., 682, 684
Sheffield plate, 96, 109, 124
Sheldon, Rev. J. F., 558-9
Sheppard : Tho., 269, 275 ; Will.,

269, 275
Sher, John, 651

Sherborne (Newton Abbot), 600
Sheriffs of Devon, 370, 374, 375-6

378-9, 497, 566, 577-8, 661
Sheriffs of Exeter. See Exeter,

Sheriffs of
Shillabere, Will., 658
Shillingford : Biog., 497
Shillingford, John, 507
Shilston, Roger, 227
Shiphay Collaton (Torquav), 133
Shirlok, Nich., 570
Shirwell : Biog., 380-1
Shobrook : Biog., 404, 511 ; Zool.,

684

Sholle, Will., 524

Shute : Biog., 258, 432

Sidmount (Sidmouth), 140

Sidmouth : Biog., 734 ; Bot., 131 ;
Hist., 408; Meeting, 10; Met.,
137, 140-53 ; Shipping, 544, 546

Silver cup, 31

Silversmiths. See Goldsmiths, etc.
Silverton : Biog., 455; Bot., 129;

Zool., 683
Simonsbath, 140-53
Singe, Cha., 675

Siward's Cross (Dartmoor), 140-53
Skardon, T. G., obit., 41
Skelton, Sir John, 669
Skinner : Miss E., 9 ; Matth., 467-

8, 476 ; Nich., 536 ; Phil., 508 ;

Will., 270
Skinners' Company, Exeter, 421-2,

438
Skua, 608
Slade, 497

Slade, Dan., 455, 458-62, 464-5,
479

Slanner, Lieut., 666
Slapton : Church, 446 ; Manuf.,
659

Slapton Ley, 684

Digitized by

INDEX.

851

Smale : Christian, 399 ; John, 225,
339 553

Smith: Agnes, 441 ; Gilb., 651 ;

John, 510, 651, 654 ; Rich., 441 ;

Miss R. E. Carr-, 34 ; S., 475 ;

Tho., 510; Rev. Will., 555;

Will., 441 ; Rev. W. W., 555-6
Smiths' and Cutlers' Company,

Exeter, 428
Smyth, Smythe : Sir Geo., 442 ;

Gilb., 269, 274 ; John, 269, 274,

650-1 ; Rob., 587 ; Tho., 226 ;

Will., 524
Snow, Snowe : Hen., 222 ; John,

553 ; Tho., 9, 536 ; , 87

Snuff-box, 107

Sobey : E., 475 ; G. F., 94 ; Will.,

471, 475 ; W. R., 94-5, 471-4
Somorvail, Alex., 631, 642-3
Soper, H. Tapley-, 28, 34, 430
Sothern, Th6., 524
Sourton : Topog., 418
Southampton, Hen. de, 482
South Brent : Met., 140-53
Southcott, Southcot, Southcote :

Hannah, 733 ; Sir John, 653 ;

Jos., 768 ; Tho., 228, 510 ; Will.,

733, 784

Southcott, Joanna (1750-1814):
Bibliography (Lane), 757 ; Life
{Lane), 732

South Molton : Biog., 379-80, 536 ;
Bot., 128-9 ; Hint., 368 ; Manuf.,
536, 569, 577, 579 ; Meeting, 10

South Tawton : Biog., 565 ; Dial.,
74 ; Manuf., 578-9

South Tawton Hundred in Early
Times {Reichel), 343

Sowle, Edm., 587

Sowy, Godfrev de, 482

Sparke : John, 673 ; Rich., 536

Speer, Will., 265

Speke, Sir Geo., 651

Spere, Tho., 587

Spicer: Chris., 270, 273, 536;
Edw., 88, 270, 273, 455, 459,
461-2, 464-5, 476, 509; John,
273, 573 ; Nich., 217, 269, 273 ;
Tho., 208, 218, 269, 273, 506,
536 ; Will., 270, 273, 536

Spoons, silver. 86-125, 444, 446-7,
450-2, 454-6, 479

Sprat tshayes (Littleham, near Ex-
mouth)," 70

Spriggs, Lydia, 170

Spurway : Jone, 653; Tho., 652-3,
655, 661 ; Will., 668 j

Spycer. See Spicer

Squabmoor, 684

Stabick, Marg., 107

Stafford, Edm. de (1344-1419),
bishop, 199, 239

Stained glass : Exeter Cathedral
{Drake), 231 ; 391

Stanbury, Edwin, 70

Standard, John, 583

Standing Orders of Association, 16

Stansley, Rich., 269

Stapeldon : Mabilla, 494 ; Sir
Rich., 371, 377-8, 381, 493,
497-8; Rob., 494; Tho. de,
492-3 ; Thomasia, 494, 497 ;
Walt, de (1261-1326), bishop,
237, 242, 372, 377, 494; Sir
WE, 377 ; Will., 494

Stapeldon (Cookbury), 377, 493

Staplehill, Steplehill : Aldred, 661 ;
Alex., 662; Gilb., 667; John,
667 ; Tho., 661 ; Walt., 223

Stapleton, Alex., 659

Starcross : Zool., 684

Start, Capt., 666

Stavorton : Biog., 668 ; Bot., 131-2

Stawell, Will-, 675

Stebbing, Rev. T. R. R., 9-10

Stephens, John, 229

Stere, Will., 587

Stevens: J., 9 ; Ja., 110, 478

Stevens, J., Paper by : Rotifera

of Devon, 681
Stevenstone (St. Giles - in - the -

Wood), 395
Sticklepath (Sampford Courtenay),

Stockhey, Sir Rob., 378, 381
Stockleigh Pomeroy : Biog., 380 ;

Church, 449 " v ,

Stokeclimsland, 444
Stoke Fleming : Hist., 664
Stoke Gabriel : Biog., 374 ; Geol.,

720

Stoke-in-teignhead : Biog., 376,

380, 548-9 ; Bot., 131-2
Stoke Marshes (Exeter), 684
Stokenham : Biog., 42 ; Bot., 130,

134-5; Zool., 607
Stoke Rivers : Bot., 126-7
Stone : F. E., 475 ; John, 472-5 ;

Tho., 475 ; T. H., 473-4
Stone implements: 709-10, 712-13
Stonehouse : Biog., 37
Stourton : Joan, 496 ; Sir John,

255

Stover Lake (Teigngrace), 684
Straining spoons, 86-125
Strang, Ja., 110, 466, 476
Streatham Hall (Exeter), 684
Stret, Sturt, Pet., 582
Strete Ralegh (Whimple), 374
Stringfellowe, Rich., 595

Digitized by

852

INDEX.

Strong : Edw., 477 ; Tho., 468

Strybbinge, Tho., 214

Stuart, W. G., obit., 42

Stubbs, Rt. Rev. C. W., 10, obit., 42

Stucky, John, 222

Studd, E. F., 31

Sturt. See Stret

Submerged forests. See Forests,

Submerged
Subsidies, Clerical, 199
Suger, John, 477-8
Summers, Rich., 387
Sutton, 496

Sutton or Plymouth. See Plymouth

Swan, Ralph, 574, 583

Sweet : Edw., 475-6, 478 ; Mary

553 ; Rev. Will., 556
Sweetland, Rich., 120

Swete : Rich., 269, 273 ; , 218

Sweting, Simon, 587

Swymbridge : Biog., 396 ; Bot., 127

Symonds : John, 540 ; Mrs., 736 ;

Rich., 232, 247
Symons : Pentecost, 477 ; R. B.,

467 ; Tho., 536 ; Will., 658

Tailler, John, 657
Tailors* Company, Exeter, 422-7,
438

Talaton : Biog., 554, 734

Talbot : John, 502-3, 511, 575, 581,

583 ; Margery, 511 ; Matilda,

511 ; Will., 511
Taleford (Ottery St. Mary), 733
Tamerton : Church, 444
Tancock, Rev. O. J., 37
Tarmer: Will., 536; Rev. ,

735

Tapelegh (Westleigh), 494

Tapleigho, Walt., 224

Tapp, Oliver, 536

Tapper, John, 536

Tarford. See Taleford

Tasker, Gerard, 583

Tattam, M. W., 140

Tattershall : Geo., 396-7, 400, 404 ;

J. A., 405
Tavistock: Biog., 35-7, 49, 529;

Hist., 368; Manuf., 577, 579;

Meetings, 10 ; Met., 140-53
Taw Marsh (Belstone), 128, 684
Tawstock : Biog., 497 ; Bot., 127
Taylor: John, 588; Rich., 212,

270 ; Walt., 549 ; Wilmet, 270 ;

Mrs. , 735-7

Taylour, Mary, 549
Tedbury, Valentine, 270
Teignbridge, 598-9, 601
Teign-ford, 600
Teigngrace: Zool., 684

Teign-Harvey, Tingharvey (Stoke-
in- teignhead), 376, 549

Teignmouth : Biog., 38-9 ; Meet-
ings, 10; Met., 140-53; Ship-
ping, 534, 541-6

Teignton : Various, 371

Temperature. See Meteorology

Temple, Rt. Rev. Fre., bishop, 10,
190, 558

Test, Walt., 412

Testoons. See Coins

Tewiss, Tho., 658

Thatcher Stone (Torquay), 720,

724, 727-8, 731
Thomas : F., 463 ; Geoffray, 269,

271; John, 501, 587, 734 ;

Rich., 572
Thomson, B. H., 10
Thorn, 496
Thorn, John, 583
Thornbi, Rich., 587
Thorne, Tho., 468
Thornton, Rev. W. H., 9
Thorverton : Biog., 451
Tiger's Marsh (Dartmoor), 684
Tiller, WE, 669
Tindal, Matth. (1653 ?-1733), 50
Tingcombe, John, 468
Tingharvey. See Teign-Harvey
Tithes : Commutation in Ex-
bourne in seventeenth century

{LethbHdge), 394
Tiverton : Biog., 67, 276, 447, 477,

536 ; Bot., 130 ; Hist., 262 ;

Manuf., 569, 587 ; Meetings, 10
Tiverton Castle, 257
Tokens, 453

Toker : John, 212, 228 ; Valentine,
227

Tolcher, , 477

Tollow, John, 583
Tombs, Will., 41

Tomkins : Rev. Chichester, 98 ;

Eliz., 98 ; Will., 97
Tomlyne, Alex., 222
Topsham : Biog., 53, 95, 477 ;

Hist., 124 ; Shipping, 217, 530-1,

534, 539-40, 541-6, 652; Various,

Torbay, The Making of {Jukes-
Browne), 718

Torbay : Shipping, 534, 543

Torcross Ley (Stokenham), 607

Torkington, Rich., 478

Torquay : Biog., 40-1, 161-5. 167,
557 ; Bot., 131, 133-4 ; Dial.,
71, 73, 75-6, 81 ; Geol, 718-31 ;
Meetings, 10 ; Met., 138, 140-53

Torquay Mechanics' Institute, 162,
168, 173

Digitized by

INDEX.

853

Torquay Natural History Society,

164-8, 191, 619, 631, 635, 643
Torre Abbey, 198, 497, 634
Torrington : Biog., 552-3 ; Dial.,

70, 72, 77, 80-1 ; Hist., 368 ;

Manuf., 577, 579 ; Meetings, 10 ;

Met., 140
Torrington Bridge, 495
Torrington Church History, temp.

Eliz. {Doe), 611
Tothill : Geffrey, 212, 226, 503 ;

Grace, 441 ; John, 509 ; Rich.,

503 ; Will., 441
Totnes : Biog., 35, 448, 476-9,

536 ; Bot., 134 ; Hist., 368, 651,

653, 657, 662-3; Manuf., 577,

587; Meetings, 10; Met., 140-

53 ; Shipping, 657 ; Topog.,

600; Various, 656
Totnes, Mayors of, 668
Totnes Monastery, 198
Totton, Parva, 497
Tou, Harry, 507
Touse : Even, 654 ; Marg., 654
Towker, John, 583, 587
Townsend : Geo., 448 ; Nich.,

655

Towsington (Exminster). 553
Tozer : J. C., 38 ; Rev. Will., 739,

745, 750, 774, 795
Trackways. See Roads and ways
Traies, Ja., 479
Treasurer's report, 20
Treby, Sir Geo. (1644 ?— 1700),

676 .
Trees. See Botany
Trefusis, C. H. R., 20th Baron

Clinton, 10
Tregasco, John, 426
Trelew, Agnes, 221
Trelosk, Sir And., 372-5, 381
Tremayne, Edm., 520, 522-3
Trickey, John, 658
Tripe : Rev. Anth., 454 ; Anth.,

88, 97, 453-5, 458-62, 464-7,

477-8; Dorothy, 454; Eliz.,

454; Rev. Nich., 463 ; Nich.,

451-4

Trosse : Eliz., 450 ; Hen., 452 ;

John, 269, 450
Troup, Mrs. F. Rose-, 9, 33-4,

611-2; Paper by: Kalenders

and Exeter Trade-Gilds before

the Reformation, 406
Trowbridge : Fra., 466, 469 ; Geo.,

465-6, 477
Troyte, Bern., 220
True Street (Berry Pomeroy), 600
Truro, Bishop of. See Stubbs
Trygges, John, 270 .

Tucker: J., 114, 119; Ja., 454

Rich., 454 ; R. C, 9, 20, 33

Tho., 401, 405; Walt., 658

Rev. , 737, 763

Tuckers' Company. See Weavers'

etc. Company
Tuckfield : Joan, 509 ; John, 509
Tudor, Rev. G. R. B., 115
Tuite, Will., 92
Tumuli. See Barrows
Turf (Exminster), 684
Turkish pirates. See Pirates
Turnbull, Rev. Jos., 798
Turner : Geo., 470-1 ; John, 440 ;

J. M. W. (1775-1851), 67; Rev.

Rich., obit., 43 : Rich., 228 ;

Will., 43
Twitchen (North Molton), 128
Twitchen, Twichen, Twvchen :

Hugh, 221 ; Johan, 221
Tylard, John, 265
Tyth, Jacob, 476

Uffculme : Biog., 497
Ugbrooke (Chudleigh), 597
Ulcott, John, 228
Umfraville, Sir John, 374, 381
Undey, Hen., 588
Upjohn : John, 471 ; Will., 469
Up Ottery : Biog., 376, 380
Uplowman : Manuf., 569
Upton, Ensign, 666
Upton Pyne : Biog., 552
Ussher, W. A. E. f 708

Valletort : Joan, 377 ; Ralph, 377

Varwell, H. B., 9

Vaughan, Cha., 432

Vaux, La nr., 613

Vavasour, Rich., 476

Venn Ottery : Church, 449

Venn Quarry (Landkey), 684

Venton, Barth., 553

Verbal provincialisms. See Dialect

Vere, Sir Rob., 262

Verges, 94, 98, 121

Veteri Terra, Rob. de, 371

Veysey or Voysey, John, alias

Harman (1465V-1554), bishop,

202

Vicary : Will., 397, 400 ; , 155

Vichering, Ensign, 666
Vincent, Sir Edgar, 10
Vincombe, John, 456
Vivian, Edw., 10, 162, 164, 166,
168

Vlieland, C. J., 9, 25-6, 28, 30-1
Vowell, John. See Hooker
Voysey : And., 655, 661 ; Walt,,
229 ; Will., 675-6

Digitized by

Google

854

INDEX.

Waddon Brakes (Chudleigh), 597
Wadeton family, 374
Wadham, Nich., 501
Wadland, Lieut.-Col., 666
Waggin, Ensign, 666
Wainwright, Tho., 33-4, 127, 139
Wakeham : And., 654 ; Mary, 661 ;

Rich., 661
Walcombe, Rich., 548
Waleraund, Rich., 481
Walker : B. H., 112 ; Ja., Ill, 441 ;

Tho., 442, 536 ; , 205

Walkhampton, Walkington : Biog.,

225

Walland, Isaac, 98

Walrond, , 427

Walter, Master, 233-5, 237, 239-40,
245

Waltham, Geoffry, 536
Wandry, Tho., 581-3
Ward, Rev. J. H., 9
Warde, Phil., 536

Warelwast : Rob., bishop, 242 ;

Will. {d. 1137), bishop, 242
Warne, Sam., 269
Warren, Will., 509
Warry, Mrs., 132
Waspe, Chris., 524
Watkin, H. R., 9, 34
Watkyns, John, 269, 446
Watterton, John, 524
Watton, Rob. de, 506
Watts: Bennett, 659; H. V. I.,

Wear Gifford : Biog., 495; Bot.,
127-8

Weather. See Meteorology

Weavers' and Tuckers' Company,
Exeter, 419-20, 438

Webb, Benedick, 536

Webbe: John, 212, 228; Rich.,
588 ; Will., 588

Webber : Gabriel, 536 ; John, 478,
583 ; Rich., 550 ; Will., 588

Weekce, Miss E. Lega-, 9, 70, 394 ;
Papers by : Hospitium de le
Egle, Exeter, some Chapels in
the Close, and Persons connected
therewith, 480 ; Wykes, Re-
corder of Exeter and Sheriff of
Devon, 561

Welch, , 467-8

Welter, Tho., 658

Wenford Hundred. See Wonford

Wenycote, John, 588

Were : Eliz., 496 ; W. T., 662

Wesley, Rev. John (1703-1791),
604

West: John, 270; Pet., 734 ;
Sarah T., 96

West Worlington : Biog., 43
Westcombe (Kingsbridge), 140
Westcote (Marwood), 48
Westdown : Biog., 498
Western Beacon (Dartmoor), 679
Westlake : John, 396, 400-1, 404 ;

Rebecca, 396 ; Simon, 396
Westleigh : Biog., 375, 380, 494
Weston : Eliz., 554 ; Rev. Jolin,

554 ; Mary, 554 ; Rhodes, 554 ;

Rev. S. R., 554-5
Wewlingworth, John, 440
Weye, John, 588
Weymouth, R. F.. 10
Whales, 371
Wheat, Sam., 112
Wheaton, Rich., 536
Wheel animalcules. See Rot if era
Wheeler: John, 658; Laur., 661,

667-8

Whimple : Biog., 374, 381
Whipham, Tho., 113, 117
Whipton (Heavitree), 102
Whitchurch : Biog., 171, 554 ;
Bot., 135

White : Isabella, 440 ; Tho., 440,
588

WhitehiU (Ilighweek), 599
Whitestone : Biog., 547-8, 560 ;

BoL, 129 ; Hist., 408
Whitford, Hen., 588
Whitley, H. M., 9, 512; Paper by :

Maritime Trade of Exeter, 530
Whitrow, John, 449, 672, 674
Whitteley, Baldwin, 574 ,
Wibbery, Gilb., 494
Widecombe-in-the-Moor : Bot., 131-2
Wigford Down (Meavy), 684
Wilcox, Jos., 454

Wilford : Alice, 583 ; Edm., 508 ;

Eliz., 488, 508-9, 511 ; Ja., 508 ;

John, 507-9, 583; Nich., 508;

Rob., 484, 487, 490, 500-1, 504-8,

511; Tho., 508; Will., 489,

605-9, 511, 583

Wilkie, , 449

Willcockes, Rich., 478
William III (1650-1702), 604
Williams: Ja., 473-4; Josiah,

474-5 ; Lieut., 666 ; R., 475 ;

Rob., 473; Tho., 212; Zacha-

riah, 477-8
Williams, Messrs. J. and J., 472-5
Willis, H. E., 114

Wills : Alderman, 37 ; Annie S. f
557; Sir E. C, 9, 30; Rev.

G. W. B., 557 ; Georgina S., 557 ;

H. M., 557 ; Rich., 270 ; Sam.,
658 ; , 734-5, 768

Willson, Rich., 476

Digitized by

INDEX.

855

Willyams, Sir John, 204

Wilmott, Sam., 478

Wiltshire, Earl of. See Butler, Ja.

Winard, W., 507

Winchester, Will., 658

Windeatt : Edw., 9, 34 ; Paper by :
Clifton - Dartmouth - Hardness
Borough and its Mayors and
Mayoralties, 649 ; G. E., 9, 34

Windmill Hill Cavern (Brixham),
175-8

Winget : Edw., 658 ; Walt., 659
Wippol and Co., 475
Wipple, Messrs., 490
Wise : Pet., 588 ; Thomazine, 454
Witchcraft : 221
Withicombe, Alex., 658
Withers, Rev. John, 120
Withycom, John, 270
Wodes, Roger, 441
Wodeton, Sir Rob., 373-4, 381
Wolborough : Bot., 132 ; Topog.,
599

Wolcott, Pet., 270

Wolston, Mary, 550

Wonard, Will., 495

Wonford Hundred : Domesday

{Reichel), 278 ; Early Descents of

Manors in (Reichel), 312
Wonford, South (Heavitree), 86,

103

Woodaford, Tho., 658

Woodbury : Biog., 553 ; Bot., 131 ;

Hist., 260, 406-8 ; Zool., 684
Woodd, Simon, 524
Woodhouse, H. B. S., 9, 33
Woodly, Capt., 666
Woodman, W., 475
Woodpecker, Great Spotted, 609
Woodward, Rich., 421
Woolacombe (Mortehoe), 140-53
Woolfardisworthy East : Bot., 129
Woolland, Mrs., 735-6
Woollcombe, G. D., 9, 34
Woollen manufacture : Aulnager

in Devon (Chope), 568 ; 537-8
Woolley, Wolley, Emanuel, 669-70
Woolmington, John, 536
Woosley, John, 107
Woredeford, Pet., 662
Worell, Nich., 122

Worth : And., 477-8 ; R. H., 9,
33-4, 644, 703, 718 ; R. N., 10,
716

Worth, R. H., Papers by : Barrows,
Report of Committee on, 83 ;
Climate, Report of Committee
on, 136 ; Petrography of Dart-
moor, 677

Worthe, Roger, 422

Worway als. Orway (Kentisbeare),
548-9

W T otton, Will., 452-5, 675
Wray: Roger de, 565-6 ; Walt. de ;
565

Wrayford, Silvanus, 455
Wreighford, Gilb., 657
Wren, John, 107
Wright, Cha., 113, 117
Writ, Rich., 524

Wydeslade : John, 496 ; Rich., 496
Wycke : Margary, 657 ; Nich., 657
Wyett, Hugh, 510
Wykes, Weeks, Wikes : John,

561-7, 585 ; Will., 561-7
Wykes, Recorder of Exeter and

Sheriff of Devon (Lega- Weekes),

561

Wylie, E. D., 140

Wyliet, John, 199

Wylles, Rich., 230

Wylsdonne, Wylsedonne, Wylsse-

donne, Hugh, 210-1
Wyncote, John, 588
Wynne, Tho., 101
Wyse, John, 566

Yarde : Sir John, 52 ; Phil., 269,

272 ; , 207

Yelland, J. C, 475

Yelverton (Buckland Monachorum),

684

Yeo, Yoo : Barth:, 395 ; Jaquet,

395 ; John, 395 ; Will., 573
Yeoman, Roger, 658
Yoo. See Yeo
Youlden, Will., 100
Young, Rev. Dav., 9

Zoology. See Birds ; Molluscs ;
Rotifera

Digitized by

ERRATA IN VOLUME XLIII.

Page 9, Vice-Presidents. For "J. Wilton" read "T. Wilton."
Page 39, line 28. For " 1859 " read " 1857."

Page 330, last lines but two and three. Prefix the figures "6" and '« 7 "
before " South Tawton " and " Ivybridge " respectively.
Page 342, line 1. For " Lejcune " read " Lejeune."

Page 352, line 8. For the words " a tempting one " read " very tempting."

Page 358, footnote. For " Dann " read " Dunn."

Page 364. After line 19 insert " WILLIAM IV."

Page 365, line 23. For " Stephy " read " Steven."

Page 378, footnote. For " 1855 " read " 1755."

Page 389, footnote. For " 1842 " read " 1852."

Page 392, line 41. For " 1774 " read " 1768."

Page 396, fotirth line from bottom. For " c. 1757 " read " 1757."

Page 435. Insert " Eristalia tenax, 256 " under the letter " E," and under
" Flies in Devon."

Page 435. " Hymenoptera" should be " Hymenoptera, 257, 258," in both
places, and not as printed ; and for " Miss F, C. Bridson " read " Miss M. F. C.
Bridson."

Page 401, line 10. > For " (w) " read " (r)."

PRINTED BY

WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LTQ,
PLYMOUTH

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